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1 

2 

3 

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4 

5 

6 

HISTORICAL    PAPERS 


BY 


CHARLES  WESLEY  TUTTLE. 


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Cait.  Francis  Chamfhrnovvnh. 

THE  DUTCH  CONQUEST  OF  ACAUIE. 


ana  mi)tt  JtMstortcal  papm. 


CHARLES  WESLEY  TUTTLE,  ESQ.,  Ph.D. 

EDITED    BY 

ALBERT   HARRISON    HOYT,  A.M., 
With  Historical  Notes. 

IV/T//    A    MEMOIR    OF    THE    AUTHOR, 
By  JOHN  WARD  DEAN,  A.M. 


BOSTON: 

PRINTED   BY  JOHN    WILSON  AND   SON, 
JHnibttBttg  ?3re«». 

MDCCCI.XXXIX. 


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THREE    HUNDRED  COMES. 


No. :;..!: 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS. 


Pace 

List  of  Illustrations i^^ 

P^^^^'^^ xi-xvi 

Memoir  of  Charles  Weslky  Tltti.k ,_e , 

Memoir  ok  Mrs.  Mary  Louisa  Tuttle j^.jg 

Captain  Francis  Champernowne 61-124 

I.   His  Ancestry  and  Kindred 61-100 

IL    His  Life  in  New  England 100-124 

Conquest  of  Acadie  by  the  Dutch 127-150 

The  Report  of  an  Indian  Massacre  at  Fo\  Point,  Newino 

TON,  New  Hampshire 163-17 1 

Establishment  of  the  Roval  Provincial  Government  of  New 

"'^"^shire ^y^_j^^ 

New  Hampshire  without  Provincial  Government   ....  197-214 

HoPE-HoOD      .      .      , 

217-221 

Christopher  Kilbv 225-238 

Hugh  Percy , 

241-267 

Court  of  Vice- Admiralty  over  America 271-274 

Edward  Randolph 277-:?26 

His  Will ,„     '^- 

-  280-281 

Notes  on  Edward  Randolph  and  his  Ancestry 282-321 

Letters  and  Papers  in  Print .     .     '  '321-^21; 

Letter  to  Gyles  Randolph .     .  ,2. 

Letter  to  John  Usher I 

' 320 


mm 


vi  Tad/e  of  Content,'^. 

APPENDIX. 

Page 
No.  I.  Combinations    for    Local    Government    in    New 

Hampshire 329-335 

On  the  Lower  Pascataqua 329 

At  Exeter 330 

In  the  Hilton  Patent 7,7^1 

No.  2.   Francis  Champernowne's  Will 335  338 

No.  3.  The  Cutt,  Elliot,  and  Elliott  Families  ....  338-340 
No.  4.  The  King's  Leiter  to  Massachusetts,  announcing 

War  with  the  United  Provinces,  3  April,  1672  .  341-343 
No.  5.   Action  of  the  Governor  and  Council  on  Receipt 
OF  the  King's  Letter  in  Regard  to  ihe  Dutch 

Fleet 343-345 

No.  6.   Letters  of  Count  Frontenac 345-349 

Count  Frontenac's  Report  to  M.  Colbert 345*347 

Count  Frontenac's  Letter  of  Safe-Conduct  to  M.  Norman- 

ville 347-348 

Count  Frontenac's  Letter  to  the  Magistrates  at  Boston   .  348-349 
No.  7.   John  Freake's  Complaint  of  Injuries  to  his  Ves- 
sel       349-350 

No.  8.   Order  of  the  Governor  and  Council  to  stop  all 

Vessels  going  to  the  eastward  from  Boston  .  350-352 
Captain  TTosley  ordered  with  a  Naval  Force  against  dep- 
redators on  Massachusetts  Shipping 351 

Instructions  for  Captain  Mosley 35^-352 

No.  9.   Deposition  of  George  Manning 352-355 

No.  10.   Examination  of  the  Prisoners  captured  by  Cap- 
tain Mosley 355-357 

No.  II.   Indictment  and  Sentence  in  the  Case  of  Peter 

RoDEiiiGO  and  of  John  Rhoade  ......  358-359 

No.  12.   Defence  of  the  Prisoners  charged  with  Piracy  360-376 
No.  13.  The   Commissions   from  the   Dutch  West  India 
Company  to  John  Rhoade  and  Cornelis  Steen- 
WYCK 376-381 


Table  of  Contents.  vii 

No.  14.   Lettet<  from  the  Dutch  Ambassador  to  the  Kino        ^^""^ 
OF  Great  Britain    respecting   the   Prisoners 

HELD  AT  Boston,  5  August,  1675 ^82 

No.  15.   Orders  in  Council  on  the  Dutch  Ambassador's 

Memorial,  ii  February,  1676 ,3, 

The  King's  Letter  to  the  Governor  and  Council  of 

Massachusetts,  18  February,  1676 38^ 

No.  16.  Answer  of  the  Governor  and  Council  of  Massa- 
chusetts TO  THE  Dutch  Ambassador's  Memo- 
rial, 5  October,  1676 385-388 

No.  T7.  Correspondence  between  the  States-General  and 
THE  English  Court  respecting  the  Arrest  and 
Trml  of  Rhoade  and  others  as  Pirates,  etc.     .  389-399 
The  Dutch  Ambassador's  Letter  to  the  States-General, 

IS  August,  1679 389-390 

Memorial  of  the  Dutch  Ambassador  to  the  King  of  Great 

Britain,  14  August,  1679 390-391 

Letter  trom  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  to  the  States- 
General,  .679 

Letter  from  the  Dutch  Ambassador  to  the  States-General, 
22  August,  1679,  enclosing  the  King's  Reply  to 
the  Memorial  of  the  Dutch  Ambassador,  8   -^u- 

g"^t'  ^679 

Letter  from  the  Dutch  Ambassador  to  the  States-General, 

3  October,  1679,  with  enclosures 394-308 

Letter  from  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  to  the  States- 
General  ....  o 

398-399 


J... 


LIST  OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Portrait  of  Charles  Wesley  Tutti.e    .....     to  face  Titlepage" 

Dartmouth,  Devon       .     .  /   r  , 

to  face      64 

Dartington  House,  Devon  (ancient  view) to  face      6g 

Dartington  House  (modern  view) f^f^^^ 

Portrait  of  Gawen  Champernowne       to  face 

Entrance  to  Fulford  House,  Devon to  face      78 

FuLFORD  House    ....  .    , 

to  face      79 

Site  of  Francis   Chami-ernowne's    House,    Greenland, 

New  Hampshire ,„  j- 

toface    104 

Mvp  of  Pascataqua      ...  /    /■ 

to  face     III 

Facsimile  of   Signatures  to  Francis  Champernowne's 

Will ,    . 

toface    121 

Francis  Champernowne's  Grave,  Champernowne's  Island, 

KiiTERv,  Maine ,„  .,^ 

toface    134 


PREFACE. 


(-^HAKuES  WESLEY  TUTTLE  was  my  intimate 
friend  and  companion,  and  his  death  is  a  source 
of  abiding  sorrow.  By  all  who  duly  appreciated  his  char- 
acter,  ability,  and  attainments,  his  decease  was  greatly 
mourned.  Speaking  after  the  manner  of  men,  he  seems 
to  have  been  cut  off  in  the  midst  of  his  years,  and  before 
he  had  accomplished  his  most  cherished  purposes. 

Mr.  Tuttle  contemplated  an  historical  work  of  larger 
scope  than  anything  he  gave  to  the  press,  or  anything  he 
left  in  manuscript.  His  studies  and  many  of  his  writings 
were^  but  preliminary  to  this  more  elaborate  undertaking. 
It  will  continue  to  be  a  matter  of  regret  that  this  intent 
was  not  realized. 

In  his  addresses  and  papers  read  before  historical  soci- 
eties,  in  his  contributions  to  the  public  press,  and  espe- 
cially in  his  Life  of  Captain  John  Mason,  the  founder  of 
New  Hampshire,  — a  work  completed  and  edited  since  the 


Kit 


Preface. 


author's  death  by  John  Ward  Dean,  A.M.,  with  acknowl- 
edged ability  and  learning,  —  Mr.  Tuttle  gave  ample  evi- 
dence that  he  possessed  in  a  large  measure  the  qualifications 
for  writing  authentic  and  authoritative  history. 

First  of  all,  he  was  indefatigable  and  thorough  in  re- 
search, even  to  the  minutest  details.  But,  what  is  of  the 
highest  importance,  he  estimated  facts  in  their  proper 
relation  and  due  proportion.  To  this  it  is  to  be  added 
that  he  was  singularly  free  from  the  bias  of  place,  of  party, 
and  of  early  education.  He  had  in  a  rare  degree  the 
judici:al  faculty  as  applied  to  historical  events  and  charac- 
ters. Having  reached  his  conclusions,  he  was  fearless  in 
expression,  —  fearing  nothing  save  the  danger  of  falling 
into  error. 

Born  and  bred  in  New  England,  and  a  life-long  stu- 
dent of  her  history,  he  was  proud  of  the  stock  from  which 
he  grew,  —  a  stock  having  its  root  in  the  civilization  of  Old 
England,  —  the  men  and  the  women  who  colonized  this 
northern  wilderness,  and,  under  extraordinary  hazards  and 
difficulties,  laid  the  foundations  for  prosperous  common- 
wealths of  self-governing  peoples.  A  history  of  New 
England  colonization  and  of  New  England  affairs  in  the 
seventeenth  century  was  suited  to.  his  trained  faculties  and 
large  information.  Had  he  accomplished  this,  as  he  de- 
signed, the  result  could  not  have  failed  to  be  valuable. 

Mr.  Tuttle  left  a  considerable  number  of  papers  on  his- 
torical subjects  which,  it  is  evident,  he  intended  to  enlarge 


Preface. 


XllI 


and  complete  for  publication  in  a  durable  form.  These 
papers  were  carefully  arranged  and  preserved  by  his  widow 
and  her  father,  the  late  Honorable  John  C.  Park.  Pursu- 
ant to  the  testamentary  direction  of  Mrs.  Tuttle,  —  as 
more  fully  appears  on  the  fifty  eighth  page  of  this  volume, 
in  the  graceful  sketch  of  her  life  by  Mrs.  Harriet  Prescott 
Spofford,  her  intimate  friend,  —  a  selection  from  these 
papers  has  been  made  for  the  press.  They  constitute  the 
chief  portion  of  this  collection  of  Historical  Papers. 

Having  been  asked  to  edit  these  Papers,  I  have  en- 
deavored  to  discharge  the  duty  committed  to  me  in  such 
a  manner  as  not  to  detract  from  the  author's  justly  earned 
reputation.  An  effort  has  been  made  to  verify  every  ma- 
terial statement  by  a  careful  reference  to  the  authorities 
cited  by  the  author  and  to  other  original  sources  of  infor- 
mation. This  has  required  much  time  and  labor.  Only 
such  additions  have  been  made  as  were  necessary  to  com- 
plete the  narrative  of  events,  and  only  such  corrections 
as  were  required  in  the  light  of  facts  discovered  since  the 
author's  death.  In  no  instance  has  any  alteration  been 
made  which  would  in  the  slightest  degree  change  his 
expressed  opinions,  judgments,  or  criticisms.  These  rep- 
resent his  deliberate  conclusions,  for  which  he  was  willing 
to  be  responsible. 

Notes  and  other  historical  illustrations  have  been  added 
by  the  editor  where  it  seemed  necessary  or  desirable.  The 
most  extended  of  these  notes  relate  to  Edward    Randolph, 


XIV 


Preface. 


iff 


and  are  intended  to  be  illustrative  of  \Ax.  Tuttle's  paper 
which  precedes  them.  These  notes  contain  much  new 
matter  pertaining  to  one  of  the  most  remarkable  characters 
in  the  early  history  of  New  England.  x 

The  volume  is  enriched  with  portraits,  views  of  his- 
torical scenes  and  places,  and  other  illustrations.  For  the 
views  of  houses  and  scenes  in  Devonshire,  the  editor  is 
indebted  to  the  Reverend  Richard  Champernowne,  M.A., 
the  venerable  Rector  of  Dartington,  England,  and  to  his 
nephew,  the  late  Arthur  Champernowne,  Esquire,  of  Dart- 
ington Hall.  To  the  Reverend  Mr.  Champernowne  I  am 
indebted  also  for  the  portrait  of  one  of  his  most  distin- 
guished ancestors.  He  informs  me  that  it  is  the  portrait 
of  Gawen  Champernowne,  grandfather  of  Captain  Francis 
Champerno  ne.  It  is  still  preserved  at  the  Hall,  and 
bears  the  date  of  1590.  In  the  upper  right-hand  corner 
is  the  following  inscription  :  "  II  donne  tout  qui  donne  soi- 
meme."  This  may  properly  be  understood  as  referring 
to  the  valiant  service  in  arms  rendered  by  Gawen  Cham- 
pernowne to  the  Huguenots  of  France  under  one  of 
their  most  eminent  leaders,  the  Count  Montgomery,  whose 
daughter  Gawen  Champernowne  married,  as  is  related  by 
Mr.  Tuttle  in  the  following  pages. 

The  Appendix  includes  a  considerable  number  of  in- 
teresting papers  and  documents,  obtained  in  part  from 
foreign  archives,  and  now  for  the  first  time  printed.  In 
the  Paper  (No.  i)  entitled  "Combinations  for  Local   Gov- 


I 


Preface. 


XV 


ernment  in  New  Hampshire,"  the  editor  has  stated  all 
tliat  is  known,  as  he  believes,  of  the  history  and  ciiaracter 
of  those  early  attempts  at  self-govern incnt. 

Since  Mr.  Tuttle's  death  several  of  his  most  valued 
foreign  correspondents  have  passed  away.  Among  his 
English  correspondents  were  le  late  Reverend  Frederick 
Brown,  M.A.  ;  Arthur  Champernowne,  Esquire,  already 
named  ;  and  Colonel  Joseph  L.  Chester,  D.C.L.  Their 
warm  interest  in  the  author's  researches  entitles  their 
names  to  this  mention.  Among  the  living,  to  whom  the 
editor  is  much  indebted,  is  Edmund  Randolph,  Esquire,  of 
the  Isle  of  Wight. 

From  John  Ward  Dean,  A.M.,  the  learned  editor  of 
the  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  I 
have  received  valuable  aid.  The  multitude  of  persons  who 
for  the  space  of  tvvoscore  years  have  profited  by  his  re- 
markable  knowledge  of  New  England  history  will  appreciate 
how  serviceable  that  aid  has  been. 

My  acknowledgments  are  likewise  due  to  John  S.  H. 
Fogg,  M.D.,  of  Boston,  whose  rich  collection  of  original 
papers  was  always  open  to  Mr.  Tuttle,  as  it  ha5.  been  to 
the  editor.  1  am  also  indebted  to  the  Honorable  Andrew 
M.  Haines,  of  Galena,  Illinois,  not  only  for  the  use  of  his 
correspondence  with  Mr.  Tuttle  respecting  the  early  his- 
tory  of  Greenland,  New  Hampshire,  but  also  for  infor- 
mation on  the  same  subject  kindly  communicated  to 
me.     Mention  should  also  be    made   of  assistance   in    my 


XVI 


Preface. 


researches  from  the  Honorable  Charles  Levi  Woodbury, 
of  Boston;  from  Mr.  Edward  F.  Safiford  and  Mrs.  H.  S. 
Hinman,  both  of  Kittery,  Maine  ;  from  J.  Hamilton 
Shapley,  Esquire,  of  Exeter,  New  Hampshire ;  from  Mr. 
J.  Clement  Weeks  and  Charles  W.  Pickering,  A.M., 
both  of  Greenland ;  and  from  Mr.  Nathaniel  J.  Herrick, 
of  Portland,  Maine.  My  thanks  are  also  due  to  Abner  C. 
Goodell,  Jr.,  Esquire,  of  Salem,  for  the  generous  loan  of  his 
copies  of  certain  papers  in  the  archives  of  the  State.  I 
should  be  remiss  did  I  not  acknowledge  my  obligations 
to  the  Honorable  John  J.  Currier,  of  Newburyport,  the 
executor  of  Mrs.  Tuttle's  Will,  for  his  lively  interest  in  the 
preparation  of  this  volume,  and  for  his  wise  counsel. 

I  gladly  avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  to  return  my 
thanks  to  Messrs.  John  Wilson  &  Son,  University  Press, 
Cambridge,  and  to  their  very  excellent  proof-readers  and 
printers,  who  have  so  faithfully  and  successfully  co-operated 
in  the  work  of  giving  a  fitting  typographical  dress  to  this 
volume.  All  here  named  have  thus  helped  in  various  ways 
to  carry  into  execution  in  a  worthy  manner  the  last  Will 
and  Testament  of  Mrs.  Tuttle,  in  this  final  expression  of 
her  respect  for  the  memory  of  her  lamented  husband. 


A.  H.  H. 


Boston,  i6  Marlborough  Street, 
20  September,  1889. 


MEMOIR   OF  THE   AUTHOR. 


BY  JOHN  WARD  DEAN. 


MEMOIR. 


C"^^  -!?  WESLEY  TUTTLE  was  born  in  New- 
field,  Mame.  Nov.  .,  ,829.      His  father,  Mr.  Moses 

I  u  e,  was  a  descendant  in  the  sixth  generation  from  John 
Tu  tie,  who  settled  at  Dover,  N.  H.,  previous  to  ,640.  His 
mother,  Marj-,  daughter  of  Lieut.  Joseph  Merrovv,  was  the 
fifth  m  descent  from  Dr.  Samuel  Merrow.  or  Merry,  who 

rthk"M  ■'""'  u  ^°'"  "^  ^^^'y  ^^  ■  7^°-  The  subject 
of  h.s  Memo,r  numbered  among  his  ancestors  many  of  the 
early  settlers  of  New  Hampshire,  and  was  allied  by  blood 
If  thaTst2  ■'  """^  *'""Suished  personages  in  the  history 

..^'X  ''°^'5°°'^  "^  F^^^^  "'"^  '"^  P^--^"'^  =>'  Newfield, 
and  the  rud,ments  of  his  education  were  obtained  in  the 

of  the  works  of  Nature,  and,  having  a  keen  eye  and  an 
obserymg  spmt,  he  soon  became  familiar  with  every  flower 
tree,  b,rd,  and  animal  in  his  neighborhood.     He  deJighteS 

.™?L"i,7y"S:^KX'  eIS    i-S;"?-    ''?:■*>■    »"<'.heHo„. 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


in  studying  their  peculiarities  and  habits.  But  his  chief 
attraction  was  found  in  the  sky  above  him.  Night  after 
night  he  watched  with  wonder  and  awe  the  myriad  stars  in 
the  heavens,  studying  their  motions  when  he  had  no  help 
except  that  furnished  him  by  a  common  almanac. 

He  availed  himself  of  every  source  of  information  bearing 
upon  his  favorite  study.  When  from  twelve  to  fourteen 
years  old,  while  attending  the  district  school  at  Newfield, 
then  taught  by  Mr.  Eben  Hurd,  afterwards  a  physician, 
one  of  the  scholars,  Hannah  Cranch  Bond,  some  three  or 
four  years  older  than  himself,  had  a  copy  of  Elijah  H. 
Burritt's  book,  The  Geography  of  the  Heavens,  which 
she  was  studying.  A  schoolmate,  Mrs.  Hannah  Drew 
Hutchings,  now  residing  at  Kittery  Depot,  Maine,  who 
furnishes  this  information,  writes  to  me  that  she  remembers 
when  Miss  Bond,  Charles,  and  herself  were  returning  from 
spelling-schools  in  the  evening.  Miss  Bond  would  often  talk 
about  astronomy,  and  point  out  the  different  stars  and  con- 
stellations ;  and  she  recollects  that  her  schoolmate,  at  sub- 
sequent meetings,  frequently  expressed  surprise  at  the  judg- 
ment shown  by  Charles  in  his  observations.  Miss  Bond 
was  a  niece  of  William  Cranch  Bond  the  astronomer,  and 
a  second  cousin  to  Charles. 

His  mother  died  Aug.  23,  1845.  Charles  was  the  eldest 
child  of  the  family  which  she  left.  Besides  him  there  were 
four  sons  and  one  daughter,^  all  of  whom  are  now  dead, 
with  the  exception  of  three  sons,  —  Freeman,  residing  at 
Cambridge,  Mass.;   Horace  Parnell,  attached  to  the  Naval 


Ai 


^  See   Wentworth   Genealogy,  1878,  vol.  ii.  pp.  284-286,  for  their  names  and 
the  events  in  their  lives. 


Memoir  of  the  Author.  5 

Observatory  at  Washington,  a  distinguished  astronomer, 
the  discoverer  of  Tuttle's  Comet,  and  of  two  planets,  Maia 
and  Clytia;  and  Lieutenant  Francis,  of  Oakland,  Cal,  an 
officer  of  the  United  States  Revenue  Marine.  Charles,  who 
at  the  death  of  his  mother  was  nearly  sixteen  years  old,  was 
placed  in  the  family  of  his  uncle,  Mr.  John  W.  Tuttle,  of 
Dover,  N.  H.  Mr.  Tuttle's  wife  was  a  sister,  and  he  was 
a  cousin,  of  Charles's  father.  In  religion  they  were  Meth- 
odists, as  were  also  —  as  might  be  inferred  from  the  Chris- 
tian names  they  gave  to  him,  their  eldest  son  —  Charles's 
parents.  Under  the  influences  of  this  denomination  Charles 
was  brought  up.  Later  in  life  his  views  inclined  to  Unita- 
rianism,  to  which  denomination  his  wife  and  her  family 
belonged.  His  father  and  uncle  were  Democrats  in  politics, 
and  Charles  acted  with  this  party  during  his  life. 

At  Dover,  Charles  attended  the  town  schools,  and  made 
good  progress  in  his  studies.  An  intimate  friend  of  la  er 
years,  the  Rev.  Alonzo  H.  Quint,  D.D.,  who  had  charg- 
temporarily  of  a  school  which  he  attended,  has  describea 
him  to  «ne  as  a  bright  and  studious  scholar,  and  very  quick 
of  apprehension.  When  the  time  arrived  for  him  to  se- 
lect an  occupation  for  life,  he  chose  that  of  a  printer,  and 
pleaded  hard  that  he  might  be  apprenticed  to  it;  but  his 
uncle  would  not  comply  with  his  wishes,  thinking  it  better 
that  he  should  be  taught  his  own  trade,  that  of  a  carpenter. 
As  an  apprentice  he  was  industrious  and  skilful,  faithfully 
discharging  all  his  duties.  The  time  not  required  for  work, 
however,  was  devoted  to  study,  and  this  was  often  protracted 
to  the  hour  of  midnight.  His  passion  for  astronomy  and 
mathematics  continued,  and  books  that  taught  him  these 


•Msnai 


m» 


•■Ml 


■«i*w«a 


mm 


6  Memoir  of  the  Author. 

subjects  had  a  preference,  though  his  reading  made  him  fa- 
mihar  with  belles-lettres,  history,  and  general  literature.  He 
would  sit  with  the  household  about  him,  with  callers  com- 
ing and  going,  and  would  know  nothing  of  what  occurred, 
so  intent  was  he  on  the  book  before  him.  The  neigh- 
bors made  inquiries,  too,  as  to  who  was  at  the  Tuttles',  for 
there  was  a  light  from  on';  window  all  night  long.  His 
aunt,  a  sister  of  his  father,  sympathized  with  the  lad,  and  to 
her  he  confided  his  plans  of  life.  He  said  to  her,  "  I  mean 
to  do  something  worth  living  for."  This,  it  has  been  well 
said,  was  "  the  key-note  of  his  single-minded  and  faithful 
spirit."  His  fondness  for  astronomy  has  been  mentioned. 
"  The  sublime  phenomena  of  the  starry  heavens  made  a 
deep  impression  on  his  youthful  mind  long  before  he  could 
understand  the  science.  The  impressive  phenomenon  of  an 
eclipse  of  the  sun  in  1836,"  when  he  was  six  years  old,  "for- 
ever fixed  his  interest  in  astronomy.  The  great  comet  of 
1843,  so  grand  and  mysterious,  also  made  a  deep  and  lasting 
impression  on  him.  While  still  a  boy  he  constructed  with 
his  own  hands  the  first  telescope  he  ever  saw,  and  was  de- 
lighted to  see  in  it  all  the  wonderful  celestial  phenomena 
discovered  by  Galileo."  ^ 

This  telescope  is  still  preserved,  and  those  who  have  seen 
it  are  surprised  that  so  perfect  a  piece  of  mechanism  should 
have  been  constructed,  considering  the  disadvantages  under 
which  he  labored.  The  telescope  is  now  the  property  of 
Mr.  James  G.  Shute,  of  Jamaica  Plain,  Mass.,  who  was  an 
apprentice   in   the   same   shop  that   Charles's   uncle   occu- 


Unpublished  Memoir  of  Mr.  Tuttle,  author  unknown. 


4 
i 


Memoir  of  the  Author.  , 

pied  when  the  telescope  was  constructed.  Mr  Shute  in 
forms  me  that  Charles  could  not  wait  to  make  a  tipod 
on  wh.ch  to  mount  it  before  he  tried  it,  but  the  two  f rTds 
fastened  .t  to  a  stake  in  a  fence  against  a  snow-drift  and 
took  a  look  through  it  at  the  stafs.  It  was  on  a  ve^v 
cold  n,ght  and  Mr.  Shute  thinks  it  was  in  De  ember  Z 
neither  of  them  had  looked  through  a  telescope  bdo"  thev 
were  both  of  course  very  much  excited;  but  Mr  Shute  does 

The  S.  had""^', 't^''   *'°"^-  *^  'eiescopefirst 
ine  trends  had  similar  tastes,  and  Mr.  Shute,  who  had  a 

small  hbrary,  loaned  a  number  of  books  to  his  fr  end^among 

them    Shakspeare's  works,   and   a  set  of  the  writ  „gs  o1 

Thomas   D.ck    LL.D.,  whose   books  on    astronomy^we^e 

Dkk  t?r''"''''-    i'  ""  "^<=  f"^^^"-'  Astronomy'f  d" 
t?w  "JT'"^  '°  "^^  y™"^   'h^  construction  of  a 

telescope,  and  furnished  directions  for  making  it 

At  one  time  Charles  heard  that  Dr.  Dick  was  comine  to 
thiscountiy,  and  inquired  about  it  of  Dr.  Robert  ThomX 
of  Dover,  a  gentleman  of  literary  and  scientific  tastes      Dr' 
Thonapson  was  a  native  of  Scotland  and  a  graduate  of  the 

Doler     t1'''  °*  ^'"?^°"^'  ^"''  ""^  ^^-""y  -'tied  at 
Dover.     The  conversation  which  followed,  and  the  thirst 

for  knowledge  shown  by  the  boy,  caused  the  doctor,  who 

tree  to  you       It  is  needless  to  state  that  the  privilege  was 
appreciated   and  gladly  accepted.      Young   Tutl  foind 
co^ir'f'^t  rr""«^^^-"  -  ot'er-      c/°\ 
where  hel:'d1   '//T'^   <'^™"-'^-    A-*"  P'- 

Deacon  Edtt  T,         ^'l  ""'""^  ™^  "«=  bookstore  of 
Deacon  Edmund  J.  Lane,  who  was  often  surprised  by  his 


9**p<i!nspvi 


8 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


inquiries  for  books  that  the  veteran  bookseller  had  never 
seen,  and  sometimes  had  never  heard  of. 

He  had  heard  of  the  Observatory,  then  recently  estab- 
lished at  Cambridge,  and  had  an  ardent  desire  to  visit  it. 
Availing  himself  of  a  holiday,  he  repaired  to  Cambridge. 
Without  any  introduction  he  presented  himself  at  the 
Observatory  and  asked  permission  of  Prof.  William  Cranch 
Bond,  the  Director,  to  examine  the  telescope.  He  was  at 
first  refused ;  but  a  remark  which  he  made,  as  he  was  going 
away,  struck  Professor  Bond  with  surprise,  and  he  granted 
him  permission.  This  was  the  first  telescope,  except  the 
small  one  he  had  himself  constructed,  that  he  had  ever 
seen. 

In  1849  his  father,  who  had  the  previous  year  married 
again,  removed  to  Cambridge,  Mass.,  and  Charles  went  with 
him.  It  is  said  that  Charles  had  some  influence  with  his 
step-mother  and  his  father  in  selecting  Cambridge  as  their 
residence.  Not  long  after  their  removal  to  that  city  Charles 
made  the  acquaintance  of  Truman  Henry  Safford,  a  youth 
of  thirteen  years,  whose  wonderful  achievements  in  mathe- 
matics and  astronomy  were  then  astonishing  the  learned 
world.  Young  Safford,  who  was  preparing  to  enter  Har- 
vard College,  and  was  a  frequent  visitor  at  the  Observa- 
tory, obtained  the  consent  of  Professor  Bond  to  invite  Mr. 
Tuttle  to  accompany  him  in  his  visits,  —  a  privilege  which 
was  much  guarded.  The  professor  was  struck  with  Mr. 
Tuttle's  interest  in  and  knowledge  of  astronomy.  The  re- 
sult was  that  the  latter  was  invited  to  accept  a  position 
there.  Mr.  Tuttle  gladly  availed  himself  of  the  oppor- 
tunity.    In  July,  1850,  three  years  after  the  Observatory 


Memoir  of  the  Author.  q 

had  been  established,  he  entered  it  as  a  student  with  a  small 
stipend.  Here  he  spent  a  few  months  in  studying  practical 
astronomy,  and  the  use  of  astronomical  instruments.  Ihe 
acquaintance  with  astronomy  which  he  showed,  — an  ac- 
quaintance vhich  he  had  derived  solely  from  the  study  of 
books,  and  from  sweeping  the  heavens  nightly  with  his 
small  telescope,  —  surprised  Professor  Bond. 

Mr.  Tuttle  made  such  rapid  progress  in  his  astronomical 
studies,  that  in  the  following  October  he  was  elected  by 
the  College  Corporation  as  Second  Assistant  Observer 
and  this  election  was  unanimously  confirmed  bv  the  Over- 
seers, Feb.  7,  185 1.  He  now  had  a  larger  salary,  and  en- 
tered with  zeal  upon  his  chosen  profession,  which  he  ar- 
dently  hoped,  and  had  good  reason  to  believe,  would  be 
his  hfe  labor.  His  pursuit  of  astronomy,  and  particu- 
larly  of  practical  astronomy,  was  rewarded  with  gratifvincr 
success.  ■'    ^ 

Less  than  six  months  after  he  entered  the  Observatory 
as  a  student,  and  the  month  after  his  appointment  as  an 
observer,  he  was  able  to  make  an  important  addition  to 
scientific  knowledge.  A  scries  of  observations  on  the 
planet  Saturn  and  its  rings  had,  since  1847,  been  made  at 
the  Observatory.^  In  one  of  these  observations  Professor 
Bond  discovered  new  and  interesting  phenomena  in  connec 

ITJm  T\li"P  f  ^"'"'"-  ^"  '^'^  ^5th  of  November. 
1850,  Mr.  Tuttle  s  observations  led  him  to  furnish  a  satis- 
factory scientific  explanation  of  these  phenomena  by  show- 

spring  of  1857.    An  account  of  them  is    vol.  ii.  pt.  i.,  1857,  pp   1-136  ^  ' 


10 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


1 


ing  the  existence  of  a  new  interior  ring,  now  known  as  the 
Dusky  Ring  of  Saturn.  Mr.  Tuttle's  record  of  his  obser- 
vations on  that  night  is  as  follows:  — 

Saturn  looks  remarkably  distinct,  its  belts  are  easily  seen,  and 
the  division  of  the  ring  is  quite  conspicuous.  I  notice  that  dark 
penumbral  light,  on  the  inside  of  the  interior  ring  at  its  greatest 
apparent  elongation  from  the  ball,  which  I  have  seen  several  times 
before  on  good  nights.  It  resembles  very  much  the  unilluminated 
part  of  the  disc  of  the  moon  just  before  and  after  conjunction  with 
the  sun.  It  is  similar  on  either  side  of  the  planet.  Its  estimated 
width  is  about  the  same  as  that  of  the  outer  ring,  or  a  little  less. 
The  greatest  width  of  this  dark  ring  is  at  a  point  on  each  side  of  the 
planet,  in  a  line  with  the  axis  major  of  the  other  rings.  From  this 
point  it  diminishes  as  it  passes  behind  and  in  front  of  the  planet, 
where  it  appears  as  a  dark  line  on  the  disc.  Close  to  the  inner 
edge  of  the  interior  ring,  the  inside  of  this  dark  ring  is  very  sharply 
defined,  but  I  cannot  see  that  it  is  detached  from  it.  A  dark  band 
of  considerable  width,  the  shadow  of  the  ring  on  the  disc  of  the 
planet,  is  seen  below.^ 

Prof.  William  C.  Bond  appends  the  following  note  to  the 
record  as  printed :  — 

On  the  evening  of  the  15th  the  idea  was  first  suggested  by  Mr, 
Tuttle  of  explaining  the  penumbral  light  bordering  the  interior  edge 
of  the  bright  ring  outside  of  the  ball,  as  well  as  the  dusky  line  cross- 
ing the  disc  on  the  side  of  the  ring  opposite  to  that  where  its  shadow 
was  projected  on  the  ball,  by  referring  both  phenomena  to  the  ex- 
istence of  an  interior  dusky  ring,  now  first  recognized  as  forming 
part  of  the  system  of  Saturn,  This  explanation  needed  only  to  be 
proposed,  to  insure  its  immediate  acceptance  as  the  true  and  only 
satisfactory  solution  of  the  singular  appearances  which  the  view  of 

^  Annals  of  the  Astronomical  Observatory,  vol,  ii.  p,  48. 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


II 


Saturn  had  presented  during  the  past  season,  and  which  we  had 
previously  been  unable  to  account  for.^ 

In  1852  Mr.  Tuttle,  being  worn  out  with  long  and  un- 
interrupted application  to  his  duties  at  the  Harvard  College 
Observatory,  was  advised  to  go  into  New  Hampshire  and 
there  rest.  "  Upon  this,"  he  writes,  "  I  resolved  to  visit  the 
White  Mountains,  and  satisfy  a  youthful  longing  and  am- 
bition. Taking  a  few  scientific  instruments  for  my  amuse- 
ment while  absent,  I  set  out  for  Dover,  where  I  remained 
several  weeks.  While  there  I  made  an  excursion  to  the 
Isles  of  Shoals,  and  stayed  a  few  days  at  the  Appledore 
House.''  On  my  return  to  Dover  I  was  so  far  recovered  as 
to  undertake  my  journey  to  the  Mountains."  He  left  Dover, 
July  13,  and  in  two  days  reached  Gibbs's  hotel,  and  on  the 
next  morning,  July  15,  on  horseback,  began  t!ie  ascent  of 
Mt.  Washington,  reaching  the  summit  at  half-past  twelve, 
after  a  ride  from  the  hotel  of  three  hours  and  forty  minutes. 
His  "chief  purpose,  a  long  cherished  one,  was  to  compare 
the  lustre  of  the  stars  and  planets,  seen  from  that  great 
height,  with  their  lustre  at  the  sea-level,  and  also  to  witness 
the  sublime  phenomena  of  a  sunset  and  sunrise." 

He  found  at  the  summit  men  engaged  in  building  the 
first  house  erected  on  the  top  of  that  mountain.  "  It  was 
a  structure,"  he  says,  "whose  walls  were  of  rough  stone, — 
quarried  on  the  site,  as  I  was  informed,  —  one  story  high 
and  of  considerable  length,  with  a  wooden  roof  kept  down 
to  the  walls  by  strong  cables  of  rope  thrown  over  the  ridge 

*  Annals  of  the  Astronomical  Obser-     1852,  from  Appledore  House,  Isles  of 
vatory,  vol.  ii.  p.  48.  Shoals,  was  i^rinted  in  the  Dover  Ga- 

^  A  letter  from  him,  dated  July  7,    zette  about  that  time. 


PiMllt^. 


I     0t'i^     'I '  WW  I 


■nil  MB  ■  :..it*jMi 


r    - 1 

1;     I: 


i'    I 


12 


Memoir  of  the  AutJior. 


and  fastened  to  rocks.  Workmen  were  j':st  finishing  the 
southern  gable,  while  others  were  employed  inside."  A 
straggling  party  of  tourists  followed  him,  but  they  returned 
about  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  Mr.  Tuttle  asked  per- 
mission to  pass  the  night  in  the  building,  but  was  told  that 
it  was  not  ready.  On  explaining  the  object  of  his  visit,  he 
was  told  that  he  could  stay  if  he  would  put  up  with  their 
fare.  Before  sunset  the  summit  of  the  mountain  became 
enveloped  in  a  thick  cloud,  shutting  out  the  view  of  the 
heavens  and  the  landscape  on  all  sides.  "  A  nightcap  had 
been  set,"  he  writes,  "  on  the  head  of  Mt.  Washington,  and 
there  remained  till  break  of  day,  when  it  was  silently  and 
quieily  withdrawn,  to  give  me,  what  I  much  longed  for,  a 
sunrise,  the  most  magnificent  spectacle  that  I  ever  expect 
to  witness.  My  disappointment  in  not  seeing  the  stars  and 
planets  was  much  lessened  on  seeing  the  sun  rise  over  so 
vast  a  region  of  territory.  I  did  not  cease  to  deplore  my 
failure  to  see  the  midnight  heavens.  The  workmen  ex- 
pressed their  sympathy  for  me,  but  seemed  to  agree  that 
I  ought  to  be  satisfied  with  having  seen  a  sunrise,  and 
with  being  the  first  traveller  to  sleep  in  a  house  on  Mt. 
Washington."^ 

In  the  following  autumn  he  took  a  voyage  to  Philadel- 
phia, leaving  Boston  on  the  25th  of  September,  and  arriving 


1  Three  accounts  of  Mr.  Tuttle's  first 
ascent  of  Mt.  Washington,  in  July,  1852, 
written  by  himself,  have  been  printed. 
The  first,  a  letter  from  Gibbs's  Hotel, 
White  Mountains,  dated  July  16,  1852, 
the  day  of  his  return  from  the  summit, 
appeared  soon  after  in  the  Dover  Ga- 
zette.   The  second,  a  letter  from  Boston, 


dated  Oct.  15,  1879,  appeared  in  The 
State  Press,  Dover,  N.  H.,  on  the  24th 
of  that  month.  The  third  account,  date 
unknown,  was  printed  one  year  after  his 
death,  in  Burt's  Among  the  Clouds, — 
a  newspaper  ^  inted  on  the  summit  of 
Mt.  Washington, — July  14,  i88a. 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


13 


at  Philadelphia  on  the  morning  of  the  27th.  A  diary  of 
this  voyage  is  preserved  among  Mr.  Tuttle's  papers.  He 
visited  various  places  of  interest  in  that  historic  city,  and 
wrote  two  descriptive  letteis  to  tlie  editor  of  the  Dover 
Gazette,  who  printed  them  in  his  newspaper.' 

On  the  evening  of  Thursday,  March  8,  1853,  at  about 
nine  o'clock,  Mr.  Tuttle  discovered  a  telescopic  comet  in 
the  constellation  Eridanus,  about  five  degrees  south,  pre- 
ceding the  bright  star  Rigel,  and  computed  the  elements 
of  its  orbit  and  an  ephemeris  of  its  course.  This  comet 
revolves  around  the  sun  in  not  less  than  sixteen  hundred 
years.  In  a  newspaper  article  by  Mr.  Tuttle,  published  in 
1858,  relating  to  fourteen  comets  which  had  then  been  dis- 
covered at  the  Harvard  College  Observatory,  —  nine  by  Mr. 
George  P.  Bond,  one  by  himself,  and  four  by  his  brother,  Mr. 
Horace  P.  Tuttle,  —  the  difficulties  attending  the  discovery 
of  telescopic  comets  are  thus  described:  — 

Few  persons  are  aware  of  the  patience  and  labor  cercised  by 
the  astronomer  in  making  discoveries  of  this  kind.  It  requires 
several  years'  study  and  practice,  to  qualify  one  to  discover  a 
telescopic  comet.  It  is  undoubtedly  very  easy  to  look  at  a  comet, 
already  visible  to  the  naked  eye  in  the  heavens  ;  but  when  it  is 
required  to  discover  an  unknown  one,  wandering  in  its  "  long  travel 
of  a  thousand  years  "  in  the  profound  abyss  of  space,  the  labor  then 
becomes  truly  prodigious.  The  amount  of  physical  suffering,  occa- 
sioned by  exposure  to  all  kinds  of  temperature,  the  bending  and 
twisting  of  the  body  when  examining  near  the  zenith,  and  the  con- 
stant strain  of  the  eye,  cannot  be  fully  understood  and  appreciated 
by  one  unacquainted  with  an  astronomer's  life. 

*  These  letters  bear  date  Sept.  29,  and  Oct.  i,  1852. 


Ijl^ 


H 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


i    i'l 


ii     !■ 


The  astronomer  with  his  telescope  begins  at  the  going  down  of 
the  sun,  and  examines,  in  zones,  with  the  utmost  care  and  vigilance, 
the  starry  vault,  and  continues  till  the  "  circling  hours  "  bring  the 
sun  to  the  eastern  horizon,  when  star  and  comet  fade  from  his  view. 
It  requires  several  nights  to  complete  a  thorough  survey  of  the 
heavens ;  and  often  these  nights  do  not  follow  in  succession,  being 
interrupted  by  the  full  moon,  by  cloud  and  auroras,  and  by  various 
other  meteorological  phenomena.  He  is  frequently  vexed  by  pass- 
ing clouds  fleeting  through  the  midnight  sky,  and  strong  and  chilly 
breezes  of  the  night.  His  labors  are  continued  throughout  the  year ; 
and  his  unwearied  exertions  do  not  slacken  during  the  long  wintry 
nights,  when  the  frozen  particles  of  snow  and  ice,  driven  before  the 
northern  blast,  cause  the  stars  to  sparkle  with  unusual  lustre,  and 
his  breath  to  congeal  on  the  eye-piece  of  his  telescope.  It  frequently 
happens  that  his  labors  are  not  crowned  with  a  discovery  until  after 
several  years'  search. 

It  was  with  great  satisfaction  that  Mr.  Tuttle  was  able  to 
announce  to  the  scientific  world,  so  early  in  his  astronomi- 
cal career,  the  discovery  of  a  telescopic  comet.  Afterwards 
it  was  learned  that  the  comet  "had  been  seen  two  days 
earlier  at  Rome  by  Professor  Secchi,"  ^  but  this  discovery  of 
course  was  unknown  in  this  country. 

It  was  not  long  before  Mr.  Tuttle  became  known  among 
astronomers  as  a  skilful  observer  and  expert  calculator. 
The  archives  of  the  Observatory  show  how  diligently  and 
extensively  he  explored  the  heavens  while  his  health  per- 
mitted him  to  do  so.  He  and  Prof.  George  P.  Bond  jointly 
made  the  observations  of  the  fixed  stars  which  form  the  first 
series  of  Zone  Observations  printed  in  the  Annals  of  the 
Observatory.^ 

^  Annals  of  the  Astronomical  Observatory,  vol.  i.  p.  clxxii. 
"  Annals,  vol.  i.  pt.  ii. 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


IS 


On  Friday,  the  26th  of  May,  1(854,  there  was  an  annular 
eclipse  of  the  sun ;  and  preparations  were  made  by  Pro- 
fessor Bond  to  have  it  observed  in  New  Hampshire  from 
the  top  of  Mt.  Washington,  and  in  its  v'cinity,  points  near 
the  northern  limit  of  the  annular  phase  of  the  erlipse.  In 
accordance  with  previous  arrangements  with  Dr.  Alexan- 
der Dallas  Bache,  the  superintendent  of  the  United  States 
Coast  Survey,  three  of  Professor  Bond's  assistants,  Mr. 
George  P.  Bond,  Mr.  Tuttle,  and  Mr.  Richard  F.  Bond, 
were  furnished  with  telescopes  and  time-keepers  for  this 
duty.^  On  the  17th  of  May  they  left  Cambridge  for  the 
White  Mountains.  A  diary  of  this  expedition  by  Mr.  Tuttle 
is  preserved  among  his  papers.  After  arriving  at  the  White 
Mountains,  Mr.  Richard  F.  Bond  proceeded  to  the  Station 
House  to  take  observations  there,  and  Mr.  George  P.  Bond 
and  Mr.  Tuttle,  attended  by  guides,  started  for  the  summit 
of  Mt.  Washington,  which  they  reached  amid  a  drenching 
storm  of  rain  and  hail,  on  the  afternoon  of  Thursday  the 
25th.  "  The  storm  raged  fearfully,  and  the  wind  rushed 
around  the  summit  with  great  velocity."''  The  rain  con- 
tinued on  Friday,  and  as  there  was  no  appearance  of  its 
abating,  at  a  quarter  before  3  p.m.  the  party  returned. 
After  reaching  the  Glen  House,  there  being  indications 
that  the  clouds  would  clear  away,  the  telescopes  were 
adjusted  for  observations,  but  they  were  again  doomed  to 
disappointment. 

The  same  month  (May,  1851)  Mr.  Tuttle  was  obliged  to 
resign  his  position  at  the  Observatory,  which  he  did  with 

•  Annals  of  the  Astronomical  Observatory,  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  p.  clxxviii. 
«  Mr.  Tultles  D.ary. 


•m  ;t 


ll|l! 


i6 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


great  reluctance'  "  Too  constant  application  to  astronomi- 
cal work  brought  on  a  serious  difficulty  with  his  eyesight, 
occasioned  in  part  by  the  action  of  the  intense  light  of 
celestial  objects  seen  through  the  great  refractor,  and  by 
reading  the  divisions  on  finely  graduated  instruments  at 
night.  A  system  of  treatment  failed  to  relieve  him,  and 
he  was  obliged  to  suspend  observing  altogether.  After 
some  delay,  finding  no  relief  for  his  eyes,  he  reluctantly 
resigned  the  position  of  Assistant  Observer,  a  position 
which  it  had  been  the  aim  of  his  life  to  attain."^  Professor 
Bond,  in  his  annual  report  in  1854,  thus  refers  to  this 
event : — 

During  the  year  some  changes  have  taken  place  in  regard  to 
the  assistants  at  the  Observatory.  Mr.  C.  W.  Tuttle  found  himself 
under  the  necessity  of  resigning  his  connection  with  the  Observa- 
tory, in  consequence  of  the  failure  of  his  eyesight,  a  circumstance 
much  to  be  regretted,  as  he  participated  faithfully  and  ardently  in 
our  pursuits,  and  had  proved  an  eminently  capable  assistant  during 
the  four  years  of  his  engagement.    A  journey  to  the  West,  afford- 


*  From  an  anonymous  article  pub- 
lished in  the  Evenmg  Courier,  Hoston, 
June  7,  1865,  I  make  tliese  extracts  :  — 

"  The  personnel  of  the  Observatory  has 
never  been  large ;  and,  in  the  order  of 
events,  those  who  first  turned  those  mag- 
nificent instruments  to  the  heavens  are  now 
no  more.  The  lamented  William  Cranch 
Bond  superintended  the  construction  of  the 
Observatory,  and  was  its  first  Director 
His  son,  the  late  George  Phillips  Bond,  was 
appointed  first  assistant  observer,  and  on 
the  death  of  his  father  in  1859,  bcame 
Director.  Charles  Wesley  Tuttle  was  ap- 
pointed an  assistant  observer  in  1850,  but 
his  eyes  proving  unequal  to  the  severe  de- 
mancls  of  astronomy,  compelled  him  to  re- 
sign after  a  few  years'  service.    Truman 


Henry  Safford,  the  eminent  mathematician, 
who  has  won  independent  titles  to  distinc- 
tion by  important  researches  in  theoretical 
astronomy,  w.as  then  appointed  assistant 
observer.  These  four  embrace  all  who 
have  had  any  official  connection  with  the 
Observatory  from  its  establishment  in  1847, 
"  There  are,  however,  three  well-known 
..i>mtific  gentlemen  who  have  been  acting 
.  ,--■  stants  at  various  times  within  the  last 
'.'.1  years,  —  M.ijorSidney  Coolidge,  U.S.A., 
.ho  fell  in  the  great  battle  of  Chickamauga, 
while  gallantly  leading  his  regiment  to  a 
charge ;  Horace  Parnell  Tuttle,  now  in 
Kurope,  and  .ittached  to  the  United  States 
Navy;  and  Prof.  Asaph  Hall,  now  of  the 
National  Observatory  at  Washington." 

'  Anonymous  Memoir  before  quoted. 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


17 


ing  relaxation  from  an  undue  exertion  of  his  eyes,  has  so  far  arrested 
the  progress  of  the  malady,  as  to  enable  him  partially  to  resume  his 
duties  as  an  assistant,  while  at  the  same  time  he  has  entered  himself 
as  a  law  student  at  Dane  Hall.  In  July,  Mr.  T.  H.  Safibrd,  of  the 
graduating  class  of  this  year,  was  engaged  as  an  observer  and 
computer.  More  recently  Mr.  Sidney  Coolidge  has  joined  the* 
Observatory.^ 

Mr.  Tuttle  still  kept  up  his  interest  in  astronomy.  "  He 
not  only  made  occasional  telescopic  observations,  but  he 
computed  the  parabolic  elements  of  the  comet  of  1857,  of 
the  three  that  appeired  in  1858,  and  in  i860  observed  the 
occultation  of  Venus;  and  his  several  reports  were  published 
in  the  Astronomical  Journal,  printed  in  Boston,  and  edited 
by  Dr.  Benjamin  Apthorp  Gould."  ^  He  lectured  on  astro- 
nomical subjects,  and  contributed  to  the  magazines  and 
newspapers  many  articles  on  these  subjects. 

On  leaving  the  Observatory  he  was  undecided  what  pro- 
fession to  adopt.  After,  much  consideration  he  chose  that 
of  the  law.  On  the  ist  of  September,  1854,  he  entered  the 
Harvard  Law  School,  where  he  remained  till  the  8th  of 
August  of  the  next  year,  attending  the  lectures,  which  gave 
him  an  opportunity  to  rest  his  eyes. 

After  the  close  of  the  academical  year  at  the  Law  School, 
he  went  to  England  with  one  of  the  Chronometric  Expedi- 
tions of  the  United  States  Coast  Survey,  for  determining 
the  difference  of  longnude  between  Liverpool,  England, 
and    Cambridge,    Mass.      Of   this   expedition    Mr.   Tuttle 


^  Annals  of  the  Astronomical  Obser-    by  the  Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slafter,  A.M., 
vatcry,  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  p.  clxxix.  in   Proceeding.s  of  the   Massachusetts 

»  Memoir  of  C.  W.   Tuttle,  Ph.D.,    Historical  Society,  vol.  xxi.  p.  409. 


■PNapKi 


ttumm 


i8 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


had  joint  charge  with  his  friend  Mr.  Sidney  Coolidge.  "  In 
this  important  undertaking  about  fifty  chronometers  were 
transported  across  the  Atlantic,  a  strict  surveillance  being 
maintained  over  every  circumstance  which  could  affect  their 
performance.  It  was  a  work  demanding  constant  care,  and 
a  great  amount  of  labor  and  skill  in  conducting  the  astro- 
non  jal  observations,  and  in  the  treatment  of  the  valuable 
collection  of  instruments  employed.  To  the  fidelity  and 
scrupulous  care  in  the  discharge  of  this  responsible  service 
must  in  a  great  measure  be  attributed  the  complete  success 
of  the  enterprise.  The  results  of  these  expeditions  forn.  the 
most  important  contribution  which  has  yet  been,  made  to  the 
determination  of  the  zero  of  longitude  for  the  western  con- 
tinent." Messrs.  Coolidge  and  Tuttle  left  Boston  in  the 
steamer  Asia  at  noon  on  Wednesday,  Aug.  15,  1855,  and 
arrived  at  Liverpool,  Saturday,  August  26.  They  returned 
in  the  Africa,  which  left  Liverpool  at  noon,  Saturday,  Sep- 
tember I,  and  reached  her  dock  in  Boston,  Wednesday,  the 
1 2th  of  that  month. 

Mr.  Tuttle  kept  a  diary  on  his  voyages  to  and  from 
England,  and  during  his  brief  stay  there.  Hio  keen  powers 
of  observation  are  shown  by  his  graphic  entries,  which 
have  fr'^quently  a  touch  of  humor.  The  peculiarities  of 
his  fellow-passengers,  of  whom,  when  he  went  on  board,  he 
did  not  know  a  single  person,  with  the  exception  of  Mr. 
Coolidge,  are  well  described.  His  chief  attraction,  however, 
seems  to  have  been  the  wonders  of  Nature.  A  few  of  his 
descriptions  are  here  extracted :  — 

The  wind  is  apparently  blowing  from  the  southeast.      It  looks 
nnely   now.      A    cumuli    stratus    is    dissolving   into  fine  cumuli, 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


19 


le 


making  that  '  beautiful  semblance  of  a  flock  at  rest,'  of  Bloomfield. 
They  do  not  appear  so  round  as  those  seen  on  land,  but  only  jagged 
and  torn.  The  sun  is  approaching  the  horizon,  and  the  ocean 
beneath  it  looks  like  liquid  gold.  .  .  . 

A  golden  sunset.  The  sun  went  down  amidst  a  gorgeous  array 
of  clouds.  The  sky  was  covered  mostly  with  broken  clouds,  ex- 
cept near  the  horizon,  where  they  were  solid  and  unbroket..  The 
sun  seemed  to  break  up  the  uniformity  except  where  it  went  down 
and  made  a  passage-way  glorious  to  behold.  The  soft  rose-color 
of  the  under  side  of  the  clouds  fading  away  into  gold  and  purple 
seemed  to  exceed  anything  I  had  ever  seen.  There  is  a  landscape 
painting  in  the  Athenaeum  representing  the  setting  of  the  sun,  and 
a  flock  of  sheep  lying  down  and  standing  up,  on  a  little  knoll, 
which  1  have  frequently  looked  upon  with  much  satisfaction,  more 
especially  perhaps  on  account  of  the  peculiar  softness  of  the  colors 
of  the  clouds.  The  clouds  at  sunset  to-night  were  scattered  and 
tinted  like  those  in  that  picture,  which  I  well  remember,  having 
seen  it  this  morning.  .  .  . 

Fog !  Fog !  Fog !  Sometimes  we  see  the  sun  glimmering 
through  the  mist,  and  then  we  hope  for  a  speedy  clearing  up.  But 
all  of  a  sudden  it  disappears,  and  the  fog  gathers  up  close  to  the 
ship,  so  that  we  can  see  but  little  beyond  the  sides  of  it.  I  am 
tempted  to  think  that  we  are  in  the  land  of  Ossiai.,  and  I  sometimes 
look  for  the  ghosts  through  whose  shadowy  forms  the  stars  are  said 
to  have  "  dim  twinkled."  .  .  . 

It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  beautiful  appearance  of  the 
several  groups  of  gulls,  with  their  snowy  breasts  rising  and  sinking 
in  the  blue  waves.  We  passed  a  great  many,  and  they  made  no 
efibrt  to  get  far  from  us.  Now  and  then  a  solitary  one  looked  ex- 
ceedingly beautiful.  How  contented  they  seem  here  in  the  solitude 
of  the  Atlantic.     The  storm  and  the  winds  give  them  no  concern. 


|:i 


ii  I*. 


I 

ill 


20 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


I  cannot  help  leaning  over  the  railing  at  the  stern,  gazing  upon 
the  path  which  the  ship  makes.  We  have  heard  of  the  trackless 
ocean ;  but  for  a  mile  the  waters  show  the  terrible  track  of  the 
monster  ship.  When  it  is  cloudy,  or  when  the  sun  is  east  of  the 
meridian,  there  may  be  seen  splendid  emerald  tints  over  which  liquid 
silver  is  gliding  in  a  thousand  different  forms.  .  .  . 

I  am  not  surprised  at  the  murmurs  of  the  sailors  of  Columbus's 
little  expedition,  when  they  had  been  many  days  at  sea,  at  the  im- 
probability of  return,  and  the  dark  uncertainty  before  them.  I  can- 
not look  at  the  distant  horizon,  although  I  am  well  aware  of  what 
is  beyond,  without  feelings  bordering  on  the  melancholy.  There  is 
something  wonderfully  sublime  in  looking  at  a  horizon  which  has 
no  bounds,  and  seems  to  terminate  with  the  blue  arch  of  heaven ; 
the  dark-blue  waters  foaming  in  the  tempest,  and  the  lonely  gull 
gliding  over  the  burnished  summits  of  the  billows,  and  skimming 
without  effort  the  vales  between  them.  .  .  . 

This  afternoon  the  clouds  gathered  as  for  a  storm,  and  the 
ship  rolled  more  than  it  has  before  on  the  voyage.  At  about  four 
o'clock  it  commenced  raining,  and  the  ship  began  to  roll  more  vio- 
lently. The  clouds  were  somewhat  broken  up  in  the  west,  and  the 
sun  went  down  giving  them  a  crimson  hue  of  indescribable  beauty. 
Later  it  began  to  rain  hard,  and  the  clouds  became  thicker  and 
blacker  as  the  darkness  of  the  night  came  on.  At  nine  o'clock, 
ship's  time,  on  deck,  it  was  truly  sublime.  It  rained  very  fast,  a-d 
there  was  great  darkness  on  every  side.  The  sails  were  of  inky 
blackness,  and  as  the  wind  did  not  blow  in  a  right  direction  to  fill 
them,  they  flapped  occasionally  with  a  great  noise,  partly  owing,  I 
suspect,  to  their  being  wet.  The  officer  of  the  deck,  who  had  always 
heretofore  had  a  numerous  company  of  passengers  about  him,  was 
now  deserted.  He  was  silent,  walking  or  leaning  over  the  railing 
of  the  ship,  and  I  could  see  as  he  passed,  by  the  light  of  the  binna- 
cle, his  long  oil-cloth  coat  glistening  with  rain-water.    The  wake  of 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


»'i 


w  Ai! 


21 

the  ship  for  a  great  distance  was  a  brilliant  ^akw  ^nnrti- 
meteoric  stars.     Indeed,  it  resembles  one  very  mth  and     "^  ""f" 
reflection  of  that  "high  and  ample  road 'wUe-dusts  .'old        1 
pavement  stars."  ...  "^^  '^  Sold,  and 

The  waves  are  often  compared  to  mountains-   and  thnno-i.  ...• 

SP.ffice"'"''''  °'  ''"■'"'  '''°"'  ■''^  fellow-passengers  must 
paL"f  3  "at  "t,  °'"'™",^  ""''  ^  '""y  =<='  "f  f<="°«  'he  French 

kees  generally  as^embir  e  e  ;  tafk  rmo/r""'^  ■'''^  ^^"- 
gives  them  a  heart  content  £o  a  wh  le  r^T''''^  ""'"''  "'"'='' 
nation  under  the  sun  I  bel  L       ,         T  ""  """"''^  °^  "very 

accent.  ...  '         '  "''  ""'«""S  fr°"  ">cir  appearance  and 

anl'lZ  't°S  "  """''■  ^°''  ^'°''''  °"  "^^-  voyage, 

nb  e-t  pn  „.     Tl,.        '  ^  """r^''  =°""=  experiments  in 
tabie.tipp.ng.    The  vessel  passed  a  number  of  steamers  and 

sa.  mg.vessels  the  incidents  in  connection  with  w"ich  are 

duly  recorded.     He  had  expected  to  find  much  time  for 


22 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


V- 


\ 


1 
I'  ' 

%  > 


I  ; 


reading,  but  other  things  engrossed  so  much  of  his  atten- 
tion that  he  read  but  little.  He  spent  a  good  part  of  one 
day  in  reading  a  recently-published  book  by  a  Northern 
man  in  defence  of  slavery.  This  he  pronounced  "  a  detest- 
able book."  "  The  Southerners,"  he  adds,  "  cannot  but  be 
disgusted  with  it.  It  is  the  weakest  apology  for  slavery  I 
ever  read." 

Mr.  Tuttle  spent  only  a  week  in  England.  All  the  time 
not  required  on  the  chronometers,  which  were  placed  at 
the  Liverpool  Observatory,  was  devoted  to  visiting  historic 
places  with  which  liis  reading  had  made  him  familiar.  His 
diary  shows  that  he  saw  and  understood,  in  the  few  days 
he  was  able  to  devote  to  sight-seeing,  niore  than  many  a 
traveller  has  done  in  a  month.  This  was  owing  to  the  fact 
that  what  he  had  g'lthered  from  books  was  so  carefully 
treasured  in  his  mind  that  he  had  it  always  at  his  command. 
London  and  Stratford-on-Avon  were  the  only  places  at 
which  he  allowed  himself  to  spend  much  time. 

He  made  an  early  visit  to  Westminster  Abbey,  and 
looked  with  reverence  on  the  graves  and  monuments  of 
the  illustrious  dead  of  England.  He  was  particularly  at- 
tracted to  Poets'  Corner.  He  also  heard  in  the  chapel  an 
impressive  service.  He  visited  the  Tower  of  London,  and 
saw  the  room  in  which  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  was  confined ; 
the  Bloody  Tower,  where  the  young  princes  were  mur- 
dered ;  the  ancient  armor  and  weapons  of  war,  the  crown 
jewels,  and  the  other  curiosities  of  the  place.  Somerset 
House,  which  then  contained  the  rooms  of  the  Royal  So- 
ciety and  of  the  Royal  Astronomical  Society,  was  visited, 
and  he  saw  there  some  of  Newton's  hair,  and  the  reflecting 


\  - 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


23 


telescope  constructed  by  that  illustrious  man.  In  St.  Paul's 
he  viewed  the  monuments,  and  went  up  to  the  Whisperino- 
Gallery,  and  also  to  the  Golden  Gallery,  from  which  he 
looked  out  "  over  the  length  and  breadth  of  London  "  on 
the  people  in  the  various  streets  who  "  appeared  like  mice,'' 
and  it  made  his  "  brain  turn  to  look  at  them."  He  records 
also  his  visit  to  the  British  Museum,  with  its  Gallery  of 
Sculpture  from  Greece,  Egypt,  and  Nineveh,  —  "  the  disin- 
terred remains  of  three  and  four  thousand  years ;  "  the  Gal- 
lery of  Animals;  and  the  innumerable  things  besides  these, 
all  curious  and  instructive.  His  visits  to  the  National 
Gallery,  to  St.  James  Park,  and  the  Suspension  Bridge, 
are  all  noted  in  his  diary.  The  Parliament  House  and 
Westminster  Hall  were  closed,  and  he  could  only  see  the 
exterior. 

The  localities  which  had  been  hallowed  by  the  presence 
of  those  master  minds,  Shakspeare  and  Milton,  seem  to  have 
had  peculiar  attractions  for  him.  Bread  Street,  where  the 
latter  was  born,  was  visited,  as  was  also  St.  Giles's  Church, 
Cripplegate,  where  he  and  his  father  are  buried.  I  quote 
from  Mr.  Tuttle's  diary  this  entry:  — 


When  Paradise  Lost  and  Comus  enraptured  me  in  America,  I 
would  gladly  have  gone  any  distance  to  pay  my  devoirs  to  so  great 
a  mind.  Here  I  was  in  the  very  church  in  which  perhaps  when  he 
was  in  the  flesh  he  may  have  bowed  to  Him  whose 

"  Light  discerns  abstrusest  thoughts." 

John  Fox  the  martyrologist  is  buried  here,  and  some  other  persons  of 
more  or  less  note ;  but  all  are  obscure  beside  the  "  sun-brightness  " 
of  Milton  ;  Milton  ever  glorious,  Milton  whose  Paradise  Lost,  "  itself 


VV'^-v 


wmm 


mam 


f    ♦ 


nr 


24 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


instinct  with  spirit,"  has  been  the  source  of  so  many  happy  hours  to 
me,  —  hours  whose  values  are  inexpressible 

"By  numbers  that  have  name." 

All  hail.  Great  Milton  !     The  cweetness  of  thy  voice  never  will  cease 
to  delight  my  ears.     No  ! 

"  With  thee  conversing  I  forget  all  time, 
^.  il  seasons  and  their  change  :  all  please  alike." 

While  at  London,  Mr.  Tuttle  went  to  the  Princess' 
Theatre,  Oxford  Street,  where  he  saw  Charles  Kean  and 
his  wife,  Mrs.  Ellen  Tree  Kean,  in  Shakspeare's  tragedy 
of  Henry  VIII.  Mr.  Kean  took  the  part  of  Cardinal 
Wolsey,  and  Mrs.  Kean  that  of  Queen  Katharine.  He 
liked  them  both,  but  especially  Mrs.  Kean,  who  "  acted 
nobly."  The  trial  scene  and  the  dream  he  pronounced 
"  exquisite." 

Mr.  Tuttle  also  witnessed  a  parade  of  the  Horse  Guards, 
which  he  thought  "  grand,"  but  not  worth  the  delay  it  had 
caused  him. 

He  left  London  Wednesday  afternoon  for  Stratford-on- 
Avon,  and  arrived  at  midnight  at  the  Shakspeare  Hotel  in 
that  town.  The  next  day  was  a  perfect  autumn  day,  and 
Mr.  Tuttle  was  delighted  with  the  beautiful  scenery  and 
pure  atmosphere.  He  spent  it  in  visiting  the  places  con- 
nected with  the  memory  of  the  bard  of  Avon.  Early  in  the 
morning  he  went  to  the  r^^lds  to  hear  the  wonderful  song 
of  the  skylarks,  but  was  disappointed,  being  told  that  it  was 
the  season  for  them  to  moult,  when  it  is  rare  to  hear  them 
sing.  The  scenery  interested  him  much.  He  then  visited 
the  house  where  Shakspeare  was  born,  and  saw  the  various 


% 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


25 


apartments  in  it.  His  feelings  when  the  guide  on  entering 
a  room  said,  "  This  is  the  room  in  which  Shakspeare  was 
born,"  are  thus  described  in  his  diary :  — 

I  stood  for  a  moment  in  silence,  reflecting  upon  the  great  event 
which  had  transpired  in  this  room,  —  an  event  which  gave  to  the 
world  a  poet  unrivalled  in  every  grace  of  language,  and  the  master 
of  every  passion  that  moves  the  human  breast. 

After  having  thoroughly  examined  the  house  in  which 
Shakspeare  was  born,  he  went  to  the  church  in  which  he 
was  buried.  After  entering  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Trinity, 
he  found  himself  among  the  sculptured  memorials  of  celeb- 
rities of  more  or  less  note ;  but  these  did  not  detain  him 
long.  The  guide  advanced  towards  the  railing  before  the 
altar,  and  said,  "  This  is  the  great  object  which  visitors  come 
to  see."  At  the  same  time  he  pointed  with  his  hand  to  the 
north  wall.  "  I  raised  my  eyes,"  he  writes,  "  and  beheld  the 
renowned  monument  of  Shakspeare.  The  celebrated  bust 
which  preserves  for  us  the  lineaments  of  the  great  bard 
looked  down  upon  me  from  its  niche  in  awful  majesty." 
The  guide  then  rolled  up  a  straw  carpet  which  covered  the 
floor  directly  in  front  of  Shakspeare's  monument,  and  Mr. 
Tuttle's  eye  rested  on  the  famous  inscription  beginning, 
"  Good  friend,  for  Jesus'  sake  forbear,"  which  covers  his  dust. 
"Awful  lines,"  Mr.  Tuttle  calls  them,  "such  as  never  before 
guarded  the  resting-place  of  mortal.  It  is  useless,"  he  adds, 
"  to  attempt  to  describe  my  feelings  while  I  gazed  upon  the 
inscription.  No  one  has  dared  to  violate  the  dreadful  in- 
junction by  opening  his  grave."  The  brass  tablet  bear- 
ing the  epitaph  of  Shakspeare's  wife,  and  the  memorials 

4 


iii^^ 


u 


26 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


\ 


of  other  members  of  Shakspeare's  family,  and  of  other  per- 
sons connected  with  his  history,  were  reverently  examined, 
as  the  diary  shows. 

Mr.  Tuttle  passed  the  site  of  New  Place,  where  Shak- 
speare  lived  after  his  return  from  London,  and  where  also 
he  died.  The  building,  which  was  ruthlessly  demolished 
more  than  a  hundred  years  ago,  is  called  in  early  convey- 
ances the  "  Great  House,"  and  Mr.  Tuttle  remarks :  "  It  can- 
not but  give  the  highest  satisfaction  to  the  admirers  of 
'  the  myriad-minded  poet,'  that  his  last  days  were  passed  in 
the  best  house  that  his  native  town  afforded."  The  site  is 
now  a  garden  enclosed  by  high  walls.  He  visited  the  Town 
Hall,  "  every  part  of  which  showed  its  antiquity,"  and  saw, 
among  other  things,  the  pictures  of  Shakspeare,  Garrick,  and 
others.  He  then  went  to  a  house  in  Bridge  Street,  where 
various  relics  of  Shakspeare  were  collected,  —  a  family  that 
formerly  occupied  the  house  in  Henley  Street,  where  Shak- 
speare was  born,  having  removed  them  to  this  place.  An 
"  arm-chair  without  arms,"  in  which  it  is  claimed  the  bard 
used  to  sit;  a  table  much  cut  away,  said  to  have  been  his; 
a  veritable  piece  of  the  mulberry-tree  said  to  have  been 
planted  by  Shakspeare  himself;  and  other  relics  of  more 
or  less  authenticity,  are  noted  in  the  diary.  Here  he  found 
the  registers  of  visitors  to  Shakspeare's  birthplace  in  Henley 
Street,  from  181 2  to  1820,  and  noted  many  American  names. 
Mr.  Tuttle  also  made  a  pilgrimage  to  Shottery,  to  see  the 
building  claimed  to  be  "  Anne  Hathaway 's  cottage." 

He  left  the  town  that  afternoon  to  return  to  Liverpool, 
taking  the  stage-coach  for  Leamington  from  Stratford  at 
the  Red  Horse  tavern.     While  waiting  here  for  the  coach 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


27 


he  entered  into  conversation  with  an  Englishman  who  had 
dined  with  him  at  the  Shakspeare  Hotel.  Perceiving  by  the 
address  on  Mr.  Tuttle's  trunks  that  he  was  an  American,  he 
asked  him  if  he  had  been  to  the  Crystal  Palace  at  Syden- 
ham. On  his  replying  in  the  negative,  he  exclaimed,  "  Why! 
I  should  rather  have  gone  there  than  come  here  to  Strat- 
ford to  see  '  Shakspeare 's  house.'  "  Mr.  Tuttle  said  nothing  ; 
but  when  the  Englishman  asked  him  why  so  many  Ameri- 
cans came  here  to  "  see  Shakspeare,"  he  briefly  told  him  of 
the  high  estimation  in  which  Shakspeare's  writings  were 
held  by  every  intelligent  American. 

After  his  return  to  America  Mr.  Tuttle  published  in  the 
Dover  Gazette  a  series  of  articles  on  the  historic  places  he 
had  visited.  One  article  is  entitled,  A  Few  Hours  in  West- 
minster Abbey;  the  title  of  another  is,  A  Visit  to  the  Tower 
of  London ;  while  four  articles  are  devoted  to  A  Glimpse 
at  Stratford-upon-Avon.  They  show  a  familiar  knowledge 
of  history,  acute  observations,  and  just  reflections. 

The  sea-voyage  and  a  long  period  of  comparative  rest 
improved  his  eyes,  so  that  after  his  return  from  England 
he  was  able,  in  November,  1855,  to  enter  the  law  office  of 
the  Hon.  Harvey  Jewell,  of  Boston,  and  complete  his  law 
studies.  In  1856,  at  the  March  term  of  the  Massachusetts 
Superior  Court,  held  at  Boston,  he  was  admitted  a  member 
of  the  Suffolk  bar,  and  authorized  to  practise  in  the  courts 
of  this  State.  He  began  practice  that  year  at  20  Court 
Street,  Boston,  but  removed  to  Newburyport  in  the  spring 
of  1857,  where  he  continued  to  practise  his  profession. 
Two  years  later  he  returned  to  Boston,  where  he  practised 
till  his  death.     His  fi*-st  office  was  at  46  Washington  Street. 


II 


•H 


-'^ 


28 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


Here  he  remained  till  Jan.  i,  i860,  when  he  formed  a  law 
partnership  with  the  Hon.  Richard  S.  Spofford,  Jr.,  and 
removed  to  No.  81  in  that  street.  They  had  also  an  office 
at  31  State  Street,  Newburyport.  In  November,  i860,  they 
removed  their  Boston  office  from  Washington  Street,  and 
took  one  at  27  Tremont  Row,  where  they  were  joined  by  the 
Hon.  Caleb  Gushing.  In  July,  1864,  Mr.  Tuttle  removed  to 
47  Court  Street,  where  he  remained  nearly  five  years.  In 
1869  he  took  an  office  at  32  Pemberton  Square,  from  which 
place  he  removed,  about  1870,  to  25  Bromfield  Street.  In 
the  spring  of  1872  he  returned  to  27  Tremont  Row,  which 
was  his  law  office  till  his  death. 

On  the  15th  of  October,  1858,  he  was  admitted  to  prac- 
tise in  the  United  States  Circuit  Court,  and  on  motion  of 
Mr.  Cushing,  March  i,  1861,  to  practise  in  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States.  In  October,  i860,  he  was 
appointed  a  United  States  Commissioner,  in  place  of  Mr. 
Sidney  Webster,  who  had  resigned  the  office.  On  the  i8th 
of  November,  1874,  the  United  States  Court  of  Alabama 
Claims  appointed  him  a  commissioner  to  take  testimony  to 
be  used  before  that  court. 

In  1865  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  New  England 
Historic  Genealogical  Society,  and  from  that  time  took  an 
active  part  in  its  proceedings.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
board  of  directors  from  January,  1867,  till  his  death,  and 
was  for  a  time  its  secretary.  He  was  also  a  member  of  the 
publishing  committee,  served  on  various  special  committees, 
and  read  papers  at  meetings  of  the  Society.  In  1873  ^^ 
was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society.     Here  he  was  a  member  of  the  Council,  acted  on 


t  i 


-':ss| 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


29 


special  committees,  read  papers  at  its  meetings,  and  other- 
wise contributed  to  the  work  of  the  Society.  He  was  also 
an  honorary  member  of  the  New  Hampshire  Historical 
Society,  and  a  corresponding  member  of  the  State  His- 
torical Societies  of  Maine  and  Wisconsin,  besides  being  a 
member  of  various  other  associations.^  On  the  8th  of  Sep- 
tember, 1859,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Ancient  and 
Honorable  Artillery  Company.  In  1872  he  became  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Prince  Society,  in  which  he  successively  held  the 
offices  of  treasurer  and  corresponding  secretary ;  was  active 
in  procuring  its  act  of  incorporation  in  1874,  and  his  name 
appears  in  the  act.  In  1854,  while  connected  with  the  Ob- 
servatory, he  received  from  Harvard  College  the  degree  of 
Master  of  Arts.  He  is  said  to  have  been  "  the  youngest 
person  that  had  ever  received  an  honorary  degree  from  that 
College."  In  1880,  Dartmouth  College  conferred  upon  him 
the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy. 

He  early  became  interested  in  the  history  of  his  ancestors. 
In  the  Dover  Enquirer,  Nov.  25,  1854,  appeared  an  article 


^  The  following  is  a  list  of  the  his- 
torical societies  of  which  he  is  known 
to  have  been  a  member:  i.  Essex  In- 
stitute, Salem,  Mass.,  elected  Dec.  9, 
1863,  corresponding  member;  2.  New 
England  Historic  Genealogical  Society, 
Boston,  Mass.,  April  5,  1865,  resident 
member;  3.  State  Historical  Society  of 
Wisconsin,  Madison,  March  20,  1868, 
corresponding  member;  4.  Pemaquid 
Historical  Monument  Association,  Bris- 
tol, Maine,  April  3,  1872,  honorary;  5. 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  Bos- 
ton, Feb.  17,  1873,  resident;  6.  New 
Hampshire  Historical  Society,  Concord, 
Jan.  17, 1874,  corresponding;  7.  Maine 
Historical   Society,   Portland,  July  22, 


1874,  corresponding;  8.  Maine  Genea- 
logical and  Biographical  Society,  Au- 
gusta, Feb.  7,  1876,  correspondmg;  9. 
Newport  Historical  Society,  Newport, 
R.  I.,  Oct,  23,  1877,  corresponding;  10. 
Antiquarian  and  Historical  Society  of 
Old  Newbury,  Newburyport,  Mass., 
Feb.  20,  1878,  corresponding;  11.  New 
Hampshire  Historical  Society,  Concord, 
July  i6,  1880,  honorary.  He  may  have 
belonged  to  other  historical  societies. 

He  was  also  elected  a  member  of  the 
two  following  associations:  i.  Boston 
Society  of  Natural  History,  Boston,  Jan. 
20,  1859,  member;  2.  Appalachian 
Mountain  Club,  Boston,  June  15,  1876, 
active  member. 


Ii 


I' I 


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) 


il'  it;; 


II'  1  i* 


i 


i^  II 


30 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Quint,  on  John  Tuttlc,  his  emigrant  an- 
cestor, one  of  the  founders  of  Dover,  N.  H.*  Mr.  Tuttle  was 
able,  with  the  aid  of  public  and  private  records,  and  the 
memory  of  his  relatives,  to  connect  himself  with  this  John 
Tuttle,  and  began  collecting  everything  he  could  find  relat- 
ing to  the  history  of  the  family.  On  the  2d  of  C^ctober, 
1865,  he  issued  a  circular,  "  To  the  Living  Descendants  of 
John  Tuttle,"  stating  that  he  had  collected  details  relative 
to  upwards  of  five  hundred  descendants,  extending  to  the 
ninth  generation.  He  solicited  further  genealogical  records 
to  complete  the  work,  and  also  subscriptions  to  a  book  he 
intended  to  prepare,  the  cost  of  which  would  be  not  far 
from  a  dollar  and  a  half.     He  adds:  — 

Through  the  medium  of  wills  and  deeds  I  have  ascertained  ? 
site  and  homestead  of  our  emigrant  ancestor  on  Dover  Neck. 
a  charming  spot,  forming  a  part  of  a  wonderfully  beautiful  and  pic- 
turesque landscape.  I  suggest  that  a  granite  monument,  with  ap- 
propriate inscriptions,  be  erected  there  to  mark  permanently  a  site 
forever  memorable  in  the  annals  of  our  family,  and  to  commemorate 
the  name  and  memory  of  one  in  whom  we  all  have  an  equally  affec- 
tionate interest.  A  small  contribution  from  every  descendant  would 
procure  a  column  commensurate  in  size  to  the  end  proposed.  The 
completion  of  such  a  monument  might  be  made  the  occasion  of  a 
family  reunion  at  that  place,  so  much  desired  by  many  members 
of  the  family. 

Mr.  Tuttle  published  an  article  on  The  Tuttle  Family 
of  New  Hampshire,  in  the  New  England  Historical  and 
Genealogical   Register,  for  April,   1867;   but  the  intended 

1  This   was   Mu.    146  of    Historical     menced  in  that  paper  by  the  Rev.  Alonzo 
Memoranda,  a  series  of  articles  com-     H.  Quint,  D.D.,  July  31,  1850. 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


31 


volume  was  never  completed.  In  his  genealogical  re- 
searches he  found  that  he  was  a  descendant  of  Ambrose 
Gibbins,  the  trusted  agent,  at  the  settlement  on  the  Pascuta- 
qua,  of  Capt.  John  Mason,  the  founder  of  New  Hampshire. 
This  fact  awakened  in  him  a  deep  interest  in  Mason  him- 
self, of  whom  the  accounts  were  very  meagre,  and  he  began 
to  collect  matter  relating  to  him.  In  April,  187 1,  he  an- 
nounced, in  the  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical 
Register,  his  intention  of  writing  a  memoir  of  Captain 
Mason,  and  on  Wednesday  evening,  the  14th  day  of  the 
following  June,  he  read  before  the  New  Hampshire  His- 
torical Society  at  Concord  a  paper  on  Mason,  embracing 
much  new  matter  which  1  e  had  collected  from  English 
and  American  sources.  '1  lie  paper  was  repeated  before  the 
New  England  Historic  Genealogical  Society,  April  3,  1872, 
additional  matter  obtained  by  subsequent  researches  being 
introduced. 

Mr.  Tuttle  also  prepared  a  paper  on  Capt.  Francis  Cham- 
pernowne,  which  was  read  for  him  by  Gen.  John  Marshall 
Brown,  before  the  Maine  Historical  Society  at  Bath,  Feb. 
19,  1873.  The  next  year  he  began  writing  a  scries  of 
articles  on  Champernowne,  three  of  which  appeared  in  the 
Historical  and  Genealogical  Register  for  April,  July,  and 
October,  1874.  Anotlicr  paper  on  which  he  bestowed 
much  laborious  research  is  entitled  The  Conquest  of 
Acadia  by  the  Dutch.  It  was  read  before  the  Maine  His- 
torical Society  at  Portland,  March  22,  1877,  and  repeated 
before  the  Newport  Historical  Society,  Oct.  24,  1877,  the 
New  England  Historic  Genealogical  Society,  June  4,  1879, 
and  before  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  Nov.  4,  1879. 


^M 


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!     \l: 


32 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


Mr.  Tuttle  continued  to  collect  materials  for  his  Life  of 
Capt.  John  Mason,  with  the  intention  of  issuing  a  volume 
on  the  Founders  of  New  Hampshire.  In  1873,  while  he 
had  the  matter  under  consideration,  he  was  invited  by  the 
Prince  Society,  of  which  he  was  an  officer,  to  prepare  for 
the  Publications  of  that  Society  a  volume  on  Mason,  in 
which  should  be  embodied  a  reprint  of  Mason's  tract  on 
Newfoundland,  first  published  in  1620,  his  only  known 
publication;  the  several  American  charters  in  which  he 
was  a  grantee;  and  other  papers  illustrating  the  history 
of  Mason  and  his  colonization  enterprises.  This  invita- 
tion Mr.  Tuttle  accepted,  and  continued  his  researches  as 
he  had  opportunity.  He  delayed,  however,  to  prepare  the 
work  for  the  press,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  more  materials. 
His  principal  hope  was  that  the  English  Commission  on 
Historical  Manuscripts,  which  liad  brought  to  light  many 
important  documents  found  in  private  hands,  would  dis- 
cover valuable  manuscripts  illustrating  the  life  and  services 
of  Capt.  John  Mason,  and  that  possibly  the  papers  of 
Mason  himself,  as  well  as  those  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges, 
would  be  found.  These  would  throw  much  light  not  only 
on  the  events  of  Mason's  life,  but  upon  the  early  history 
of  New  England.^  After  Mr.  Tuttlc's  death  his  unfinished 
work  on  Mason  was  placed  m  my  hands  to  be  prepared  for 
the  press.  This  task  I  performed  to  the  best  of  my  ability, 
and  in  the  autumn  of  1887  the  work  was  given  to  the  public 
by  the  Prince  Society,  as  one  of  its  Publications.     It  is  evi- 

*  The  many  difficulties  encountered  Hampshire  Historical  Society,  at  its 
by  Mr.  Tuttle  in  these  researches  are  annual  meeting  in  1880,  printed  in  the 
narrated  in  his  remarks  before  the  New    Boston  Evening  Traveller,  Oct.  9,  1880. 


i  \ 


f. ; 


!^«  ^  !     » 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


ZZ 


I 


dent,  from  the  materials  which  he  left,  that  he  intended  to 
make  it  a  more  elaborate  work  than  it  was  deemed  advisable 
to  attempt.  No  one  regrets  more  than  his  editor  that  Mr. 
Tuttle  did  not  live  to  complete  the  book  and  carry  it  through 
the  press. 

Some  of  the  more  important  articles  by  him  in  the 
Historical  and  Genealogical  Register  are  the  following: 
The  Tuttle  Family  in  New  Hampshire,  1S67;  The  Isles 
of  Shoals,  1869;  Col.  Nathaniel  Meserve,  a  Memoir,  1869; 
Christopher  Kilby,  a  Memoir,  1872;  John  Alfred  Poor,  a 
Memoir,  1872;  Sketches  ot  Capt.  Francis  Champernowne, 
1874.  Among  the  articles  in  the  Proceedings  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society  may  be  named  Edward 
Randolph,  1874;  Belknap's  House  at  Dover,  N.  H.,  1875; 
William  Blaxton,  1875;  Historic  Mansions  in  Devonshire, 
1876;  The  Spelling  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh's  Surname,  1877  ; 
Hon.  Benjamin  F.  Thomas,  1878;  The  Indian  Name,  Pas- 
cataqua,  1878;  Hon.  Caleb  Cushing,  1879;  Hon.  George 
S.  Hillard,  1879;  Report  of  the  Committee  on  a  Circilar 
Letter  from  the  Superintendent  of  the  United  States  Coast 
Survey,  on  Restoring  and  Preserving  the  Ancient  Names 
of  Places,  1879;  Indian  Massacre  at  Fox  Point,  1879;  The 
Establishment  of  a  Court  of  Vice  Admiralty  over  America, 
1879.  One  of  the  articles  printed  in  the  New  England 
Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  and  <^hree  that  ap- 
peared in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  were  reprinted  as  separate  works.  Among  Mr. 
Tuttle's  manuscripts  are  lists  of  his  contributions  to  the 
Historical  and  Genealogical  Register;  the  Proceedings  of 
the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society;   Notes  and  Queries, 

5 


1 


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34 


Memoir  of  the  Author, 


I ' 


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ill 


published  In  London ;  the  Historical  Magazine ;  the  Amer- 
ican Historical  Record;  the  Magazine  of  American  His- 
tory ;  and  the  Maine  Genealogist  and  Biographer.  I  intend 
to  deposit  with  the  New  England  Historic  Genealogical 
Society,  and  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  manu- 
script copies  of  these  lists. 

He  frequently  lectured  before  lyceums.  These  lectures 
were  delivered  at  Boston,  Newburyport,  and  other  places. 
In  the  spring  of  1861  he  delivered  in  Boston  a  course  of 
public  lectures  on  the  Astronomy  of  Comets.  On  the  19th 
of  April,  1880,  the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Lexington, 
he  delivered  an  address  at  the  Hawthorne  Rooms,  Boston, 
on  Hugh  Percy,  Lieutenant  General  in  the  British  Army. 
In  the  following  December  he  delivered  the  Bi-Centennial 
Address  before  the  New  Hampshire  Historical  Society, 
commemorating  the  establishment,  in  1680,  of  the  first 
civil  government  over  that  province. 

He  contributed  articles  to  Dr.  Gould's  Astronomical 
Journal,  to  Dr.  Brunnow's  Astronomical  Notices,  and  to 
various  antiquarian  and  historical  m.agazincs.  He  was  a 
frequent  contributor  to  the  newspapers  of  elaborate  arti- 
cles on  astronomical  and  historical  subjects.  He  wrote 
for  Johnson's  Cyclopoedia  valuable  historical  articles.  He 
contributed  also  many  articles  illustrating  the  history  and 
genealogy  of  New  Hampshire,  and  particularly  of  Dover, 
to  the  series  which  the  Rev.  Dr.  Alonzo  H.  Quint  had 
begun  in  the  Dover  Enquirer,  under  the  head  of  Historical 
Memoranda.^ 

1  The  articles  by  Mr.  Tuttle  in  the  265  to  267,  292.  They  appeared  in  the 
Historical  Memoranda,  seventeen  in  Dover  Enquirer  between  July  19,  1866, 
number,  are  Nos.  246,  248  to  258,  262,    and  Jan.  18,  1877. 


!    'if 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


ZS 


A  year  before  Mr.  Tuttle's  death  he  prepared  a  list  of 
the  works  upon  which  he  was  engaged,  which  was  printed 
in  the  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register 
for  July,  i8So.  Since  his  death  one  of  these  works  has 
been  prepared  for  the  press,  and  printed;  namely,  Capt. 
John  Mason,  published  by  the  Prince  Society,  as  before 
stated.  His  Life  of  Champernowne,  his  account  of  the  Con- 
quest of  Acadie  by  the  Dutch,  and  other  papers,  have  been 
edited  by  Mr.  Tuttle's  friend,  Albert  H.  Hoyt,  A.M.,  and  will 
be  printed  with  historical  documents  in  the  present  volume. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  Mr.  TuttJ'i's  publications  in 
separate  form:  — 

I.  Christopher  Kilby.  A  Memoir.  Boston,  1872.  8vo,  pp.  15. 
Reprinted  from  the  New  England  Historical  and  Genea- 
logical Register,  January,  1872. 
Caleb  Cushing.  8vo,  pp.  6.  Reprinted  from  the  Proceed- 
ings of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  January, 
1879. 

Indian  Massacre  at  Fox  Point  in  Newington.  8vo,  pp.  6. 
Reprinted  from  the  Pro  cedings  of  the  Historical  Society, 
June,  1879. 

IV,  New  Hampshire  without  a  Provincial  Government.  1689- 
1690.  An  Historical  Sketch.  Cambridge,  1880.  8vo,  pp. 
13.  Reprinted  from  the  Proceedings  of  the  Historical 
Society,  October,  1879. 

V.  Capt.  John  Mason,  the  Founder  of  New  Hampshire :  includ- 
ing his  Tract  on  Newfoundland,  1620;  the  American  Char- 
ters in  which  he  was  a  grantee;  with  Letters  and  other 
Historical  Documents,  and  a  Memoir.  By  Charles  Wesley 
Tuttle,   Ph.D.     Edited,   with    Historical   Illustrations,  by 


II. 


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V, 


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36 


VI. 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 

Boston  :  Prince  Society.     1887. 

[The 


John  Ward  Dean,  A.M. 
Fop.  4to,  pp.  xiv-|-  492. 
Historical  Papers.     Edited  by  Albert  H.  Hoyt,  A.M 
present  volume.] 


Mr.  Tuttle's  contributions  to  historical  literature  are  of 
great  value.  Their  trustworthiness  is  a  marked  character- 
istic. He  was  always  ready  to  follow  truth,  though  it  led 
him  to  give  up  preconceived  opinions.  His  researches  were 
thorough  and  unremitting.  His  temperament  prevented 
him  from  leaving  a  subject  before  he  had  exhausted  it  as 
far  as  there  was  a  possibility  of  doing  this ;  before  he  had 
gathered  all  the  facts  concerning  it  within  his  reach ;  in 
fact,  before  he  had  seen  it  on  all  its  sides.  Another  char- 
acteristic was  a  breadth  of  thought  which  enabled  him  to 
comprehend  all  the  bearings  of  the  subject  on  which  he 
was  engaged.  He  was  critical  in  the  use  of  language,  and 
bestowed  much  labor  on  the  construction  of  his  sentences, 
and  in  correcting  and  polishing  them.  The  result  was  that 
he  expressed  his  ideas  with  clearness  and  perspicuity,  and 
yet  with  beauty  and  grace. 

The  Rev.  Andrew  P.  Peabody,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  of  Cam- 
bridge, has  furnished  me  with  the  following  reminiscences 
of  Mr.  Tuttle:  — 

I  first  knew  Mr.  Tuttle  as  a  young  lawyer  in  Newburyport, 
where  he  was  held  in  very  high  regard  by  the  best  people.  After 
I  became  a  resident  of  Cambridge  I  saw  him  often,  and  he  soon  be- 
came, and  continued  through  the  residue  of  his  life,  a  not  infrequent 
visitor  at  my  house.  I  became  greatly  interested  in  him  as  a  man 
of  superior  scientific  attainments,  literary  taste,  and  general  culture, 
and  as  thoroughly  conscientious,  upright,  high-minded,  and  true- 


188/. 
[The 


Metnoir  of  the  Author. 


37 

hearted.     At  an  early  stage  of  my  intimacy  with  him  he  delivered 
a  course  of  lectures  on  astronomy,  in  Boston,  to  a  small  but  intel- 
ligent audience.     I  commenced  attending  the  course  for  his  sake  • 
I  contmued  attendance  for  my  own.     The  lectures  showed  a  stronc^ 
grasp  and  clear  comprehension  of  the  science,  and  a  rare  capacity 
of  statement  and  exposition.     With  the  advantages  of  voice  and 
manner,  which  he  lacked,  he  might  have  commanded  and  delighted 
large  audiences.     I  had  from  time  to  time  conferences  with  him  on 
historical  subjects,  especially  on  matters  appertaining  to  the  early 
history  of  New  Hampshire,  in  which  we  had  a  common  interest. 
His   honesty  would  not  suffer  him   to  perform   any  work  in   that 
department  otherwise  than  faithfully  to  the  utmost  of  his  ability  • 
and  he  had  a  love  for  such  work  that  enabled  him  to  perform  it 
with  no  reference  to  any  possible  revenue  of  reputation  or  of  gain, 
but  solely  as  a  labor  of  love.     I  of  course  knew  nothing  in  detail 
of  his  professional  standing,  but  I  have  been  told,  by  those  who 
knew,  that  he  was  a  well-read  lawyer,  and  capable,  prompt,  and 
trustworthy  in  the  discharge  of  business.     In  my  estimate  of  his 
character,  he  seems  to  me  to  have  possessed  a  large  endowment 
in  talents  of   pure  gold,  while  his  chief  deficiency  was  in  brass 
which,  if  not  the  most  precious  of  metals,  is  often  needed  to  keep 
gold  in  currency. 

The  Hon.  Charles  Levi  Woodbury,  of  Boston,  well 
known  as  an  able  lawyer,  who  shared  Mr.  Tuttle's  his- 
torical tastes,  thus  wrote  concernincr  him- 

Mr.  Justice  Clifford,  who  had  in  his  youth  practised  law  at 
Newfield.  Maine,  where  Charles  had  lived,  feeling  a  sympathy  for 
his  already  distinguished  and  peculiar  career,  very  kindly  gave 
him  the  appointment  of  a  Commissioner  of  the  Circuit  Court  of 
the  United  States.  The  duties  of  this  position  were  those  of  a 
committing  magistrate  under  the  United  States  penal  laws  and 
the  taking  of  depositions,  etc.,  in  civil  matters, -a  kind  of  Master 


38 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


i  J 


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■!   ' 

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in  Chancery  work.  Mr.  Tuttle  very  readily  acquired  a  familiarity 
with  these  duties,  and  obtained  good  success  in  attending  to  them. 
Particularly  useful  to  him  was  the  employment  of  taking  down  and 
presiding  over  the  long  examinations  of  the  numerous  witnesses  and 
experts  in  some  of  the  contested  patent  cases.  I  have  myself 
sought  his  service  in  such  cases,  and  indeed  perhaps  I  was  one 
of  the  first  to  do  so.  This  was  many  years  ago.  I  know  that 
afterwards  he  had  some  patent  cases  himself,  which  he  attended 
to  with  model  assiduity. 

Mr.  Tuttle  had  considerable  and  varied  business  in  the  State 
Courts,  and  also  in  the  Federal  Courts,  both  here  and  at  Wash- 
ington. This  he  performed  vv^ith  scrupulous  care,  and  with  a  skill 
that  indicated  a  knowledge  of  the  principles  and  practice  of  the 
profession.  As  his  historical  studies  grew  upon  him,  he  formed  a 
resolution  to  banish  them  entirely  from  the  usual  business  hours 
of  the  day ;  and  he  kept  this  resolution  with  an  admirable  self- 
control.  The  consequence  was  not  so  well  for  him.  Before  and 
after  office  hours  a  second  day's  work  would  go  on,  earnestly  and 
without  self-restraint,  until  tired  nature  drove  him  to  his  bed  ex- 
hausted, to  rise  the  next  day  and  renew  the  routine.  The  bow 
was  ever  strung,  and  the  tough  hickory  failed  at  last. 

Though  Mr.  Tuttle  could  not  be  called  an  orator,  he  argued 
a  point  very  well.  Occasionally,  many  years  ago,  he  indulged  in 
political  oratory  on  the  stump  with  decided  success.  This  was 
due  more  to  his  straightforward  honesty  and  blunt  sincerity  than 
to  the  conventional  rules  which  Quintilian  and  David  Paul  Brown 
have  laid  down  for  the  forensic  art.  Though  always  attractive  and 
amiable,  he  would  not  sacrifice  his  opinions  to  please  others.  He 
enjoyed  the  respect  of  the  Courts  where  he  practised,  and  the 
esteem  of  his  comrades  at  the  bar.  He  was  a  good  talker ;  and 
whenever  he  concentrated  his  attention  on  a  subject,  he  showed 
natural  powers  of  mind  that  made  him  the  peer  of  any  other  laborer 
in  the  particular  field. 

He  had  a  strong  affection  for  New  England.     I  recall  that  when 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


39 


the  executors  of  General  Gushing  wished  to  employ  him  to  go  to 
Minnesota,  and  look  after  the  titles,  etc.,  of  the  large  landed 
property  of  the  estate  there,  he  declined,  remarking,  with  decided 
emphasis,  that  he  did  not  wish  to  cross  the  Hudson  River  ever 
again  in  his  life ! 

The  Hon.  Richard  S.  Spofford,  of  Newburyport,  who 
for  some  years  was  a  law-partner  of  Mr.  Tuttle,  furnishes 
the  following  reminiscences :  — 

My  acquaintance  with  Gharles  Wesley  Tuttle  began  in  1858, 
when,  being  several  years  my  senior,  he  was  practising  law  at 
Newburyport,  Absent  from  the  city  during  his  earlier  residence 
there,  I  had  nevertheless  heard  much  of  Mr.  Tuttle's  character  and 
acquirements  before  I  had  seen  him,  and  also  of  the  warm  friend- 
ship between  himself  and  my  own  family,  growing  out  of  his  inti- 
macy with  my  honored  father,  and  arising  from  studies  congenial 
to  both,  especially  that  of  astronomy.  I  was  thus  prepared,  on  my 
first  introduction  to  Mr.  Tuttle,  to  greet  him  with  cordiality,  and 
begin  the  experience  of  that  heart-warm  regard  which  subsisted 
between  us  until  his  death.  Having  continued  for  some  months 
subsequently  to  the  period  of  which  I  have  spoken,  in  the  success- 
ful practice  of  the  law  at  Newburyport,  Mr.  Tuttle  afterward 
changed  his  residence  to  Boston,  leaving  behind  him  a  host  of 
admiring  friends.  Here  soon  after  he  formed  a  partnership  with 
myself.  We  began  business  in  what  is  now  the  Rogers  Building, 
where  we  remained  about  a  year,  removing  then  to  27  Tremont  Row. 
During  our  occupancy  of  the  latter  offices,  in  common  with  Hon. 
Galeb  Gushing  and  Mr.  Nicholas  St.  John  Green,  then  in  the  pride 
of  his  success  as  a  lecturer  in  the  Law  Schools  of  Boston  and  of 
Gambridge,  our  neighbors  on  the  same  floor  were  a  group  of  remark- 
able men  with  whom  there  was  daily  a  delightful  intercourse ; 
among  them,  Theodore  H.  Sweetser,  that  Dantonesque  legal  advo- 
cate and   leader  of  the  bar ;   Governor   Andrew,   fresh   from   his 


'^ 


■III  I" 


40 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


\\ 


^ii 


wonderful  civic  career;  and  William  S.  Gardner,  that  upright  judge 
and  urbane  gentleman,  whose  recent  death  numbers  all  except  my- 
self with  the  great  majority.  With  but  brief  interruption  we  con- 
tinued in  these  offices,  although  not  in  the  relation  of  partners,  to 
the  hour  of  Mr.  Tuttle's  death. 

In  the  earlier  years  we  were  not  c  .ly  in  the  constant  association 
of  office  life,  but  we  occupied  common  quarters  for  our  place  of 
residence  ;  and  I  can  therefore  speak,  as  one  having  full  knowledge, 
of  his  private  character,  his  public  relations,  and  his  abilities  and 
attainments ;  the  ?.  was  that  about  him,  at  the  time,  w'.iich  made 
him  an  object  of  peculiar  interest  to  all  who  knew  hiiTi.  Having 
already  achieved  high  eminence  as  an  astronomer,  ne  had  been 
obliged  through  the  failure  of  his  eyes  to  abandon  his  lofty  pursuit, 
and  to  look  to  the  profession  of  law  as  the  means  of  obtaining  a 
livelihood,  and  of  gratifying  his  ambition.  He  was  thus,  as  it  were, 
an  involuntary  exile  from  the  region  of  his  pride  and  aspiration ; 
and  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  in  his  new  surroundings  he 
could  wholly  divest  himself  of  his  early  predilection  for  scientific 
studies,  in  which  he  always  continued  to  feel  a  profound  and  active 
interest,  —  a  predilection,  indeed,  constantly  kept  alive,  and  in  a 
measure  gratified,  by  the  success  attending  the  career  of  his  emi- 
nent brother,  Horace  Parnell  Tuttle.  One  of  my  most  pleasur- 
able remembrances  is  that  of  the  meetings  of  the  two  brothers, 
and  their  mutual  enthusiasms,  when  some  new  astronomical  dis- 
covery brought  them  together.  Almost  totally  uninformed  on  the 
subject  which  at  such  times  they  discussed,  and  even  of  the  terms 
employed,  I  had  my  share  of  the  enthusiasm  in  my  appreciation 
of  theirs,  to  say  nothing  of  the  offhand  names  with  which  we  would 
christen,  to  suit  our  fancies,  some  newly-discovered  asteroid,  or  a 
comet  that  had  been  waiting  for  I  know  not  how  many  thousands 
of  years  to  be  discovered  by  one  of  the  Tuttles.  But  while  thus 
cherishing  his  astronomical  tastes,  he  was  never  neglectful  of  his 
professional  obligations. 

Much  of  our  business  was  in  connection  with  important  cases. 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


41 


in  which  Mr.  Gushing  —  then  but  recently  having  closed  his  term 
of  office  as  Attorney-General  of  the  United  States  —was  engaged, 
and  than  whom  no  one  more  highly  appreciated  Mr.  Tuttlc,  whether 
in  his  professional  or  other  relations.  During  our  partnership  we 
were  employed  in  many  suits  in  which  Mr.  Gushing  was  principal 
counsel,  of  which  the  most  notable  were  the  Federal  Street  Ghurch 
case;  certain  amicable  suits  to  obtain  a  judicial  construction  of  the 
will  of  John  Quincy  Adams  ;  the  Portland  Gity  case,  involving  the 
title  to  Portland  Gity,  Oregon;  the  Myra  Glarkc  Gaines  case;  and 
others  of  no  inconsiderable  magnitude.  Always  a  patient  and  con- 
scientious worker,  Mr.  Tuttle's  zeal  in  his  profession  was  not  less 
earnest  than  that  exhibited  while  engaged  in  his  astronomical 
labors.  He  neglected  no  interest  intrusted  to  his  oversight,  and 
shrunk  from  no  labor  which  any  professional  exigency  demanded. 

I  need  not  speak  further  of  Mr.  Tuttle  in  his  professional  rela- 
tions. But  how  can  I  sufBciently  portray  his  qualities  of  a  social 
and  friendly  character }  The  sweet  simplicity  of  his  nature,  the  in- 
tegrity of  his  life  and  convictions,  his  earnestness  and  enthusiasm, 
his  apprehensive  mind  and  sound  judgment,  the  originality  of  his 
intellectual  perception,  illustrated  by  an  enlarged  erudition,  and 
interpreted  with  a  splendid  diction  modelled  on  that  of  his  favorite 
authors,  Milton  and  Burke,  —  all  of  these  high  qualities  combined 
to  make  him,  to  the  recof^nition  of  those  who  came  within  the 
range  of  his  companiunaoip,  and  especially  of  his  friendship,  "  the 
continent  of  what  part  a  gentleman  would  see." 

It  was  not  until  the  later  years  of  his  life  that  his  historical 
studies  began  to  exert  that  emphatic  influence  which  induced  him 
to  bestow  so  much  time  on  them,  and  to  dedicate  himself  with  such 
self-forgetting  earnestness  to  the  special  objects  of  this  character 
which  had  enlisted  his  thought.  But  if  ever  such  pursuits  were  to 
their  devotee  an  exceeding  great  reward,  these  were  such  to  Mr. 
Tuttle ;  and  it  is  a  melancholy  reflection  that,  aside  from  this  re- 
ward, he  had  little  other  for  labors  as  valuable,  as  original,  and  as 
instructive  as  any  which  have  claimed  the  attention  of  the  histo- 

5 


J     I 


i. 


L^'"'  ' 


42 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


rian  and  genealogist.  He  was  as  a  youth  among  the  elders  of  the 
leading  historical  societies  of  Massachusetts  and  of  other  States; 
but  there  was  no  immaturity  in  his  intuitions,  endeavors,  or  accom- 
plishment. His  unexpected  death  in  the  midst  of  his  labors  was 
the  more  deplorable  as  it  left  in  an  incomplete  condition  work  to 
which  he  had  given  years  of  effort,  and  which  made  his  loss  yet  more 
deeply  felt  than  did  his  remarkable  personal  qualities. 

For  myself,  I  can  only  add  that,  thus  endeared  by  so  many  ties 
of  personal  intercourse  and  relationship,  and  so  many  years  of  un- 
marrcd  friendship,  his  loss  was  an  irreparable  one,  and  my  sense 
of  it  as  keen  as  that  of  the  Latin  poet  when  he  declared  that  the 
departure  of  his  friend  took  away  "  A.nima3  dimidium  meaj," — the 
half  of  my  soul ! 

Mrs.  Harriet  Prescott  Spofford,  the  well-known  author, 
wife  of  the  writer  of  the  preceding  recollections,  thus  wrote 
to  Mrs.  Tuttle  concerning  her  husband,  —  the  subject  of 
this  memoir;  — 

When  I  first  saw  Charles,  the  impression  that  he  made  upon 
me  had  a  strange  romance  about  it.  He  had  come  to  the  place 
where  I  lived,  a  comparative  stranger,  but  we  all  knew  that  he 
had  been  compelled  to  abandon  the  aim  of  his  life  and  the  dream 
of  his  heart,  owing  to  threatened  blindness,  and  to  open  a  new 
path  for  himself ;  and  that  fact  gave  him  a  sort  of  heroic  cast  in 
our  thoughts.  I  never  divested  him  of  a  certain  poetry  that  hung 
about  him  then  ;  he  seemed  to  belong  to  the  region  of  great  un- 
known equations,  to  be  a  part  of  the  world  of  stars,  out  of  which 
he  had  come  into  our  more  common  and  prosaic  life.  He  had 
lived  among  those  stars  ever  since  he  was  a  child,  fashioning  with 
his  own  hand,  when  a  boy,  the  tubes  for  a  telescope,  to  buy  the 
lenses  of  which  he  had  saved  all  his  pennies  ;  but  when  he  took 
it  out,  finished  for  its  trial,  his  excitement  was  so  great  that  he 
could  not  look  through  it,  and   another,  who  had  been  nearly  as 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


43 


much  interested  in  it  as  he  himself  was,  had  to  take  the  first  view 
of  the  sateUites  of  Jupiter  and  the  phases  of  Venus. 

He  was  just  as  eagerly  intent  on  everything  he  undertook  all 
his  life  long.  On  the  Observatory  roofs  he  used  the  astronomical 
instruments  till  his  eyes  were  nearly  destroyed  by  the  star  and 
lunar  rays ;  and  later  in  life  he  made  his  historical  studies  and 
research  with  the  same  rapt  ardor,  pursuing  a  theory  or  hunting 
down  a  fact  to  the  absolute  forgetfulness,  for  the  time  being,  of 
almost  everything  else  in  life,  with  small  idea  of  the  passage  of 
time  or  the  value  of  money.  Perhaps  his  leading  characteristic 
was  this  eminent  singlc-mindedness  ;  and  the  power  of  concen- 
trating thought  belonging  to  it  gave  him  a  singular  force.  The 
mathematical  habit  of  his  mind  produced  in  him  a  rare  discern- 
ment and  discrimination  almost  like  another  sense, — the  sense  of 
truth  ;  and  when  he  stated  a  thing  positively,  you  would  be  sure 
that  it  was  as  fixed  and  demonstrable  as  one  of  the  immutable 
facts  of  the  universe.  With  this,  moreover,  there  was  the  trans- 
parency and  the  guilelcssness  of  a  child,  although  far  from  him 
were  all  childish  things ;  for  the  nature  of  his  own  pursuits  made 
everything  less  noble  appear  frivolous  to  him,  and  it  seemed  in- 
deed as  if  he  never  saw  such  things,  but  that  his  extended  vision 
looked  over  them  and  beyond  them.  His  mind  was  a  treasure- 
house  of  great  ideas  and  realities  ;  and,  earnest,  passionate,  and 
natural  to  the  last  degree,  he  never  could  fit  the  words  to  them 
fast  enough,  as  they  poured  forth  in  any  moment  of  enthusiasm. 
His  affections  partook  of  this  general  earnestness  of  his  nature; 
where  he  had  once  bestowed  them,  the  fibres  of  his  being  went 
with  them ;  and  unlike  most  of  the  promoters  of  science,  he  was 
singularly  tender-hearted.  He  loved  a  child,  a  singing  bird,  a 
flower,  as  he  loved  a  star ;  but  it  was  the  star  that  led  him  away 
into  regions  where  he  saw  the  beckoning  hand  of  God  ;  for  he 
had  his  times  and  seasons  of  that  devoutness  which  the  poet 
Young  thought  must  seize  every  student  of  the  nightly  heavens 
who  is  not  mad. 


.  -^^ 


•ti 


44 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


m 


;  I 


fc  .' 


■  I,  1 
H  : 
in 


if  i 

;?  i 

if  ' 


I  never  shall  forget  a  night  that  I  spent  with  him,  in  the 
company  of  my  husband,  —  who  was  long  in  close  professional 
and  family  relationship  with  him,  a  most  tender  attachment  being 
cherished  between  them,  —  in  the  Cambridge  Observatory,  looking 
through  the  immense  telescope  there.  It  would  have  been  no 
different  had  wc  gone  into  the  realm  of  unreal  things,  and  among 
the  arcana  of  magic,  while  that  great  engine  tipped  at  the  touch 
of  the  finger,  while  the  swift  sliding  stars  shot  like  meteors  over 
the  field  before  the  clockwork  was  attached,  while  the  iron  dome 
turned  and  crackled  as  if  the  heavens  rolled  together  like  a  scroll, 
while  wc  had  the  freedom  of  the  vast  outer  universe  where 
double  stars  resolved  their  separate  splendor,  and  nebulae  shed 
their  shining  vapors  and  hung  revealed  a  moment.  In  his  knowl- 
edge, his  enthusiasm,  his  gentleness,  his  genius,  I  thought  of 
him  that  night  as  a  greater  wonder  himself  than  the  wonders 
he  showed  us ;  he  seemed  like  the  lord  of  the  domain,  into 
which  one  night  years  afterward  he  was  so  swiftly  and  fortunately 
translated  ;  and  I  think  of  him  now  only  with  those  of  whom  the  old 
Rosicrucian  legend  speaks,  "  Astra  castra,  Numen  lumen." 

Mr.  Frank  W.  Hackett,  of  Portsmouth,  N.  H,,  writes  me 
as  follows:  — 

You  have  asked  me  to  give  you  my  impressions  of  the  charac- 
ter of  our  late  friend,  Charles  W.  Tuttle.  I  take  pleasure  in  so 
doing. 

In  my  boyhood  at  Portsmouth  I  used  to  see  Mr.  Tuttle  occa- 
sionally, and  I  looked  up  to  him  with  a  boy's  admiration.  My 
recollection  is  (though  I  may  be  wrong)  that  he  was  then  connected 
with  the  Observatory  at  Cambridge.  I  distinctly  remember  that 
from  the  first  he  used  to  speak  warmly,  I  may  say  enthusiastically, 
of  Portsmouth  and  its  neighborhood,  so  that  somehow  I  got  from 
him  an  idea  that  it  was  highly  creditable  in  me  to  have  been  born 
there.     Of  course,  I  later  saw  plainly  enough  that  it  was  the  rich 


Memoir  of  the  Author, 


45 


historic  material,  and  the  associations  of  the  early  period,  that  most 
attracted  him. 

When  I  had  begun  the  practice  of  the  law  at  Ibston,  a  little 
more  than  twenty  years  ago,  I  had  frequent  opportunity  of  meet- 
ing Mr.  Tuttlc,  I  shall  not  forget  how  cordial  and  encouraging 
were  his  greetings,  and  how  kind  were  his  inquiries  for  my  pro- 
fessional success.  Leaving  Boston  in  1 871,  it  was  my  fortune  to 
be  there  three  or  four  times  every  year,  and  I  often  availed  myself 
of  the  occasion  to  call  at  his  office  for  a  friendly  chat.  He  was,  as 
you  well  know,  genial  and  simple  in  manner,  and  very  fond  of  his 
friends.  The  conversation  was  more  likely  to  turn  upon  Cham- 
pernowne  and  Capt.  John  Mason  than  what  was  going  on  in  the 
courts.  He  loved  to  talk  about  Strawberry  liank,  speaking  with 
animation  and  respect  of  our  antiquary,  Mr.  John  Elwyn,  of  John 
Scribner  Jcnness,  and  others.  You  know  that  it  was  owing  to  the 
advice  and  encouragement  of  Mr.  Elwyn  that  he  undertook  to  in- 
vestigate the  history  of  Francis  Champernovvne.  lie  once  said  of 
Elwyn:  "I  have  walked  with  him  again  and  again  over  all  the 
venerable  acres  of  old  Strawberry  IJank,  and  far  beyond,  and  heard 
him  discourse,  as  no  one  else  could,  of  the  olden  time."  I  could 
not  thus  meet  with  Mr.  Tuttle,  and  listen  to  what  he  said,  without 
feeling  that  he  was  imparting  to  me  somewhat  of  his  ardor  for  a 
study  of  our  early  annals. 

Our  friend,  I  should  say,  had  a  warm,  sympathetic  nature  that 
laid  hold  of  an  acquaintance  and  soon  made  of  him  a  friend.  He 
was  quick  to  detect  in  another  a  taste  for  his  favorite  pursuit,  and 
he  inspired  one  with  a  confidence  that  he  sought  accuracy  above 
all  things,  sparing  no  pains  to  be  accurate,  even  in  matters  of 
apparently  trifling  moment.  A  lover  of  truth,  no  man  surpassed 
him  in  the  relish  with  which  he  set  about  its  discovery. 

I  think  I  do  not  err  when  I  characterize  him  as  having  been 
remarkably  unselfish  in  his  method  of  exhuming  and  using  historical 
facts.  By  this  I  mean  that  he  cared  nothing  for  gaining  the  credit 
of  finding  a  paper  or  a  book,  as  a  first  discoverer,  —  thought  little 


■^1 


mmi 


46 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


in 


ij'! 


■il 


of  enlarging  his  repute  as  an  antiquary  ;  he  was  intent  only  that 
the  fact  should  be  brought  to  light  for  what  it  might  be  worth,  not 
to  liim,  but  to  the  world.  Indeed,  he  displayed  a  generosity  in  this 
field  that  was  most  admirable.  Mr.  Tuttle  was  tolerant.  He  may 
have  been  impatient  of  the  blunders  of  others,  but  so  far  as  I  ob- 
served, nothing  in  word  or  tone  escaped  him  that  savored  of  harsli 
criticism.  His  thoughts  and  energies  seemed  to  be  concentraied 
on  the  men  of  the  early  time  and  their  doings,  rather  than  on  what 
was  going  on  around  him  ;  and  he  welcomed  every  worker  in  the 
field  of  historic  research  who  sought  his  aid  or  advice. 

Of  his  affectionate  nature  others  can  better  speak  than  I  ;  but 
even  one  who  but  slightly  knew  him,  felt  its  ever-present  charm. 
His  untimely  death  is  sincerely  mourned,  and  the  memory  of  him 
is  precious  As  the  years  go  by,  and  the  early  history  of  the 
Pascataq".T.  oecomes  more  clearly  outlined,  the  value  of  Mr.  Tut- 
tlc's  labors  will  be  all  tl.e  more  appreciated.  His  personal  traits, 
however,  leni.  s:\  indescribable  deiigiit  to  what  he  has  written ; 
and  it  is  but  simple  justice  to  his  memo'"  that  his  warm-hearted, 
lovable  nature  should  be  known  of  by  those  who  in  future  years 
will  recur  to  the  treasures  he  freely  gathered  for  lovers  of  history. 
I  feel  that  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  say  too  much  in  his  praise. 

The  Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slafter  wrote  a  Memoir  of  Mr. 
Tuttle  for  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  which 
has  before  been  quoted.     I  make  the  following  extract: 

In  hio  social  relations  Mr.  Tuttle  wa  ■•  gentle,  modest,  and  un- 
assuming. He  was  warm-hearted,  and  always  overflowing  with  the 
spirit  of  kindliness.  He  was  moderately  reticent,  and  had  little 
ambitio  :  for  seeming  to  impart  to  others  information  which  he 
did  not  possess  ;  but  on  themes  that  lay  within  the  sphete  of  his 
personal  observation,  particularly  those  to  which  he  had  given  a 
scrutinizing  investigation,  he  was  warmly  responsive,  and  ready 
freely  to  unfold  aiJ  the  rich  treasures  of  his  arxumulated  knowledge. 


!!^1'* 


Ik 


Memoir  of  the  AtUhor. 


47 


He  was  simple  and  dignified  in  his  bearing,  faithful  in  his  friend- 
ships, a  genial  and  instructive  companion  ;  and  his  death,  in  what 
seemed  to  be  the  prime  of  his  career  of  usefulness,  will  long  be 
deplored  by  a  large  circle  of  scholars  who  knew  him  well  and 
appreciated  his  excellent  and  rare  qualities.^ 

Prof.  TrumaPx  H.  Safford,  of  Williams  College,  Williams- 
town,  Mass.,  writes  of  him:  — 

I  first  met  Mr,  Tuttle  at  Cambridge  in  1849,  when  I  was 
thirteen  years  old.  At  that  time  I  was  much  at  the  Observatory. 
Mr.  Tuttle  was  then  at  his  carpenter's  trade,  near  my  parents' 
hom.e  at  Mt.  Auburn,  in  the  edge  of  Watertown,  and  visited  me 
there,  showing  me  a  telescope  which  he  had  himself  constructed. 
In  a  few  days  I  went  with  him  to  the  Observatory,  and  introduced 
him  to  the  Bonds.  They  were  pleased  with  him,  and  shortly  after 
asked  me  if  he  would  not  be  a  good  man  to  come  to  the  Observa- 
tory on  a  small  stipend,  —  I  think  five  hundred  dollars  yearly, — 
and  be  generally  useful  in  the  work  of  the  Observatory  ;  receiving 
the  stipend,  at  first  on  the  order  of  the  Director,  and  afterwards 
as  a  permanent  thing,  in  the  regular  way,  on  the  College  pay- 
roll. He  was  in  fact  invited  to  accept  the  position  —  I  suppose 
provisionally  —  before  he  went  "as  a  student"  and  received  the 
appointment  from  the  Corporation,  when  it  was  found  that  he 
was  practically  ready  for  a  fixed  position.  His  first  position  was 
in  fact  that  of  an  "  Eleve,"  as  it  is  called  in  some  places  abroad,  — 
a  highly  promising  learner  under  pay. 

In  his  position  at  the  Observatory  he  made  great  progress 
outside  of  his  specified  duties.  He  discovered  one  comet  in  1853, 
independently  of  Father  Secchi,  at  Rome,  who  preceded  him  by 
two  days  ;  and  his  calculations  of  the  orbits  of  these  bodies  are 
still  kept  upon  record  in  the  catalogues  of  such  works,  published 


>  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  xxi.  411,  412. 


mj^T'^v-..-  -.V- 


48 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


in  Germany.  He  went  once  to  Europe  in  charge  of  the  chro- 
nometers which  were  sent  backward  and  forward  in  the  interest 
of  the  longitude-work  of  the  Coast  Survey.  This  was  a  mission 
that  required  a  very  good  observer,  as  whoever  went  was  obHged 
to  take  observations  at  Liverpool,  in  company  with  Mr.  Ilartnup, 
the  astronomer  there.  Mr.  Tuttle  had  also  great  mechanical  skill, 
which  was  called  into  play  in  various  ways  on  this  mission,  as  well 
as  at  the  Observatory.  For  myself,  Mr.  Tattle's  leaving  the  Ob- 
servatory was  a  personal  loss,  as  I  was  much  there  during  his  term 
of  office,  and  his  companionship  was  very  pleasant. 

Prof.  Sylvester  Waterhouse,  LL.D.,  of  Washington  Uni- 
versity, St.  Louis,  Mo.,  wrote  of  him :  — 

My  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Tuttle  began  in  1853.  Towards 
the  close  of  my  last  year  in  Harvard  University  our  class  was 
invited  to  visit  the  Observatory.  It  was  on  the  occasion  of  this 
visit  that  I  first  met  Mr.  Tuttle.  He  was  then  an  assistant  of 
Professor  Bond.  An  accidental  conversation  led  to  a  friendship 
which  lasted  through  life.  His  sterling  virtues  endeared  him  to 
me.  The  modesty  of  his  nature,  the  loyalty  of  his  friendship,  the 
strength  of  his  intellect,  and  the  accuracy  of  his  scholarship  were 
traits  that  could  not  fail  to  win  regard.  Apart  from  my  sense  of 
personal  loss,  it  is  a  profound  regret  that  a  man  so  capable  of 
public  visefulness  was  removed  in  the  prime  of  his  powers.  The 
constant  expansion  of  his  mind  was  fitting  him  for  broader  work. 
Had  his  life  been  spared,  doubtless  his  later  labors  would  still 
more  conspicuously  have  illustrated  the  clearness  and  breadth  of 
his  intelligence. 

Mr.  Tuttle  was  married,  Jan.  31,  1872,  to  Mary  Louisa 
Park,  only  daughter  of  the  Hon.  John  C.  Park.  Her  in- 
terest in  his  literary  labors,  and  in  his  reputation  as  an 
author,  is  shown  in  the  careful  preservation  of  his  manu- 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


49 


scripts  after  his  death,  the  collection  of  facts  illustrating 
his  life,  and  the  provision  in  her  will  for  editing  and 
printing  his  unpublished  manuscripts. 

His  health  had  been  failing  for  a  year  or  more  before 
his  death,  and  in  the  spring  of  iSSi  he  made  a  brief  trip 
to  the  island  of  Bermuda,  partly  for  his  health,  and  partly 
to  search  the  records  for  facts  which  his  friend,  the  Hon. 
John  VVentworth,  LL.D.,  was  desirous  of  obtaining.  He 
did  not  long  survive  his  return,  dying  at  Boston  on  Sun- 
day morning,  July  17,  1881,  aged  51.  Services  were  held 
in  King's  Chapel,  the  Rev.  Edward  H.  Hall  officiating. 
His  funeral  was  attended  by  many  relatives  and  friends, 
among  whom  were  members  of  various  societies  with  which 
he  was  connected.  His  remains  were  deposited  in  Forest 
Hills  Cemetery, 

The  death  of  Mr.  Tuttlc  was  announced  to  the  New 
England  Historic  Genealogical  Society,  at  the  first  meet- 
ing after  his  decease,  Sept.  7,  1 881,  by  the  President,  Hon. 
Marshall  P.  Wilder,  LL.D.  Feeling  tributes  were  paid 
to  his  memory  by  Hon.  Charles  Levi  Woodbury  and 
Mr.  Frank  W.  Hackett,  and  a  committee  vvas  appointed 
to  prepare  resolutions  for  future  action.  At  the  .lext  meet- 
ing, on  the  5th  of  October,  Mr.  Jeremiah  Colburn  reported 
resolutions,  which,  al.  r  remarks  by  President  Wilder,  the 
Rev.  Dc'us  Clarke,  D.D.,  and  the  Rev.  Edmund  F.  Slaftcr, 
were  unai  nously  adopted.  The  speakers  expressed  a  high 
opinion  of  Mr.  Tuttle  as  a  man  of  ability  and  integrity,  and 
as  an  histor  al  writer,  with  a  deep  regret  that  he  had  been 
cut  off  in  the  midst  of  his  usefulness.  The  resolutions  are 
as  follows :  — 

7 


^MKINJ.i  «   f..9>^ 


■'■4AS^' 


SO 


Memoir  of  the  Authoy. 


Resolved,  That  the  death  of  our  associate  member,  Charles 
Wesley  Tuttle,  A.M.,  Ph.D.,  is  a  great  loss  to  the  historical  litera- 
ture of  New  England.  He  took  a  deep  interest  in  the  early  colo- 
nial history  of  this  country,  particularly  in  that  of  the  colonies  of 
New  Hampshire  and  Maine,  and  devoted  the  energies  of  a  mind 
singularly  clear  and  free  from  prejudice  to  its  investigation,  lie 
was  never  wearied  in  the  pursuit  of  the  truths  of  history,  and  was 
only  satisfied  when  he  had  exhausted  all  possible  sources  of  in- 
formation upon  the  points  he  was  investigating.  His  Life  of  Capt. 
John  Mason,  the  Founder  of  New  Hampshire  ;  his  Conquest  of 
Acadia  by  the  Dutch;  his  Life  of  Francis  Champernowne,  and 
other  works  which  he  had  undertaken,  and  on  some  of  which  he 
had  bestowed  years  of  patient  toil,  would  have  added  much  to  the 
reputation  he  had  already  gained  as  a  truthful  historian,  had  he 
lived  to  complete  them. 

Resolved,  That  this  Society  loses  in  him  a  valued  member,  who 
took  a  deep  interest  in  its  objects,  and  who  was  always  ready  to 
perform  his  share  of  its  labors,  and  unselfishly  to  aid  his  brother 
members  and  others  in  their  researches. 

Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  be  sent  to  the  family 
of  Mr.  Tuttle. 

At  the  first  meeting  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  So- 
ciety after  the  summer  recess,  Sept.  8,  1881,  the  President, 
the  Hon.  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  LL.D.,  announced  the  death 
of  several  members  since  the  last  meeting  of  the  Society, 
and  accompanied  the  announcement  with  brief  tributes  to 
their  memory.     That  to  Mr.  Tuttle  was  as  follows :  — 

Mr.  Charles  Wesley  Tuttle,  who  was  born  in  Maine,  Nov.  i, 
1829,  died,  most  unexpectedly  to  us  all,  on  the  17th  of  July  last, 
at  his  residence  in  this  city.  There  are  others  of  our  number,  who 
knew  him  more  intimately  than  I  did,  who  will  bear  testimony  to 
his  character  and  accomplishments.     But  I  cannot  forbear  express- 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


51 


ing  briefly  my  own  sense  of  his  devotion  to  the  work  in  which  we 
are  engaged.  I  knew  him  first  while  I  was— as,  I  believe,  I  still 
am  —  one  of  the  Visiting  Committee  of  the  Astronomical  Observa- 
tory at  Cambridge.  He  was  there  as  one  of  the  corps  of  observers, 
and  distinguished  himself  by  the  discovery  of  a  telescopic  comet,  in 
1853.  In  the  following  year  he  was  attached  to  the  United  States 
expedition  for  determining  the  difference  of  longitude  between 
Cambridge,  in  New  England,  and  Greenwich,  in  Old  England. 
In  this  relation  he  made  several  contributions  to  the  Astro- 
nomical Journal,  and  to  the  Annals  of  the  Harvard  Observatory. 
Finding,  however,  that  he  had  taxed  his  eyes  too  severely,  he  was 
compelled  to  abandon  his  scientific  pursuits,  and  after  a  year  or 
more  at  the  Dane  Law  School,  he  was  admitted  to  the  Suffolk 
Bar  in  1856,  and  entered  at  once  on  the  successful  practice  of  his 
profession.  He  soon  began  to  evince  an  eager  interest  in  New 
England  history,  and  contributed  many  historical  articles  to  the 
Register  of  the  New  England  Historic  Genealogical  Society,  of 
which  he  was  long  an  active  member.  Our  own  Proceedings  bear 
abundant  evidence  of  the  earnestness  with  which  he  entered  into 
our  labors  after  he  became  a  member  of  this  Society  in  1873. 
He  was  rarely  absent  from  our  monilily  meetings,  and  was  a 
frequent  contributor  of  interesting  and  valuable  matter  to  our 
volumes.  At  the  time  of  his  death  he  was  engaged  in  prepar- 
ing a  Memoir  of  his  friend  the  late  Hon.  Caleb  Gushing,  and 
other  biographical  works,  which  it  may  be  hoped  will  not  be  lost. 
He  was  a  man  of  great  intelligence  and  energy,  valued  by  us  all 
as  an  associate  and  friend ;  and  his  death,  at  only  fifty-one  years 
of  age,  is  a  serious  loss  to  the  working  corps  of  our  Society. 


Mr.  Winthrop,  with  the  authority  of  the  Council,  offered 
resolutions  of  respect  to  the  memory  of  the  resident  mem- 
bers, which  were  unanimously  adopted.  Tiiat  on  Mr.  Tuttle 
was  as  follows :  — 


Sf— ^ 


fSSSgHf^S 


.:;i«A.ri 


-i!-J^"."'il 


52 


Memoir  of  the  AtitJior. 


Resolved,  That  we  have  heard  with  deep  regret  the  announce- 
ment of  the  death  of  our  valued  associate  and  earnest  fellow-worker, 
Charles  W.  Tuttle,  Esq.,  and  that  the  President  appoint  one  of  our 
number  to  prepare  a  Memoir  of  him,  for  our  Proceedings. 

On  this  occasion  Mr.  Winslow  Warren  paid  the  following 
tribute  to  Mr.  Tuttle:  — 

Mr.  President,  —  I  labor  under  the  same  difficulty  that  many 
of  us  experience,  in  attempting  to  add  anything  to  your  own  ad- 
mirable remarks  ;  but  my  friendship  for  our  deceased  associate, 
Charles  W.  Tuttle,  leads  me  to  a  few  simple  words  of  recognition 
and  respect.  It  is  a  great  regret  to  me  that  our  friendship  had 
not  begun  at  an  earlier  period,  that  I  could  have  done  more  ample 
justice  to  his  early  fame  as  an  astronomer  and  scientific  man  ;  but 
of  that  portion  of  his  life,  so  full  of  promise,  and  of  performance 
also,  I  have  little  knowledge  other  than  as  gathered  from  the  regrets 
of  his  many  friends  and  co-workers,  that  he  should  have  been 
compelled  to  forsake  a  career  opening  so  brilliantly,  to  tread  the 
more  prosaic  paths  of  the  law.  Mr.  Tuttle  was  admitted  to  the  bar 
of  Suffolk  County  in  1856,  and  upon  my  own  admission,  a  very  few 
years  later,  I  became  acquainted  with  him  through  a  similar  prac- 
tice in  the  courts.  The  intimacy  thus  formed,  continued  without 
interruption  to  the  time  of  his  most  unexpected  decease,  and  gave 
me  full  opportunity  to  sec  and  appreciate  the  strength  and  purity 
of  his  character.  Very  early  in  my  interviews  with  him  at  his  office 
or  elsewhere,  I  became  impressed  with  his  earnest  devotion  to  the 
interests  of  his  clients,  and  with  the  persistent  energy  in  which 
he  delved  at  the  very  foundations  of  principles  of  law  involved 
in  the  cases  with  which  he  was  connected.  He  gave  to  his  cli- 
ents the  utmost  of  his  abilities,  and  those  of  no  mean  order, 
and  he  left  untried  no  honest  method  for  success.  Wherever  the 
study  of  the  law  led,  as  it  often  does,  along  the  paths  of  history, 
his  ardor  was  so  enkindled  anew,  and  all   the  enthusiasm  of  his 


Memoir  of  the  Author.  53 

nature  so  fully  aroused,  that  in  his  earliest  practice  one  wondered 
whether  the  lawyer  would  absorb  the  astronomer,  or  the  historian 
the  lawyer. 

He  was  a  man  of  great  simplicity  of  character,  and  with  an  un- 
obtrusive modesty  that  gave  charm  to  social  intercourse,  though 
in  some  degree  perhaps  obscuring  marked  abilities,  and  proving  a 
hmdrance  to  professional  success.  His  true  field  was  that  of  the 
historian  and  scholar,  rather  than  of  the  busy  man  of  affairs.  He 
possessed  a  remarkable  fund  of  historical  knowledge,  more  particu- 
larly of  matters  connected  with  the  early  settlement  of  Maine  and 
New  Hampshire,  was  critical  and  accurate,  and  indefatigable  in 
investigation  of  nice  and  doubtful  points. 

For  some  years  before  his  admission  to  this  Society,  in   1873 
he  had  been  a  member  of  the  New  England  Historic  Genealogical 
Society,  and  of  several  State  Historical  Societies  ;  and  their  records 
attest  the  value  and  constancy  of  his  work.     To  this  Society  I  feel 
that  his  loss  is  a  very  great  one.     Probably  not  many  here  present 
knew  h.m  well;  but  those  that  did  know  him.  appreciated  the  ex- 
tent of  his  attainments,  the  power  for  work  there  was  in  him,  and 
the  promise  of  important  historical  contributions  to  our  collections. 
Of  the  younger  members  there  are  but  few  whose  attendance  has 
been  more  constant,  whose  interest  more  active,  and  whose  contri- 
butions more  valuable;  and  if  in  the  full  maturity  of  his  powers  he 
had  been  enabled  to  devote  himself  more  completely  to  those  his- 
torical researches  so  congenial  to  his  tastes,  his  rank  would  have 
been  among  the  highest  of  our  laborers  in  the  field  of  history.     At 
the  time  of  his  death  he  was  engaged  upon  a  life  of  Capt.  John 
Mason,  and  had  made  a  very  extensive  collection  of  material      It  is 
to  be  hoped  that  this  may  not  be  lost  to  the  world,  and  that  his 
work  was  so  far  advanced  as  to  make  its  completion  by  others 
possible. 

Our  friend  has  been  taken  almost  in  the  prime  of  his  strength, 
but  he  has  left  a  worthy  example  of  an  earnest,  painstaking,  labo- 
rious life,  and  furnished  z.  rare  instance  of  a  man  combining  the 


m^ 


JiLi. 


54 


Memoir  of  the  Author. 


astronomer,  the  lawyer,  and  the  historian,  and  achieving  a  good 
degree  of  success  in  each  profession. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Council  of  the  Prince  Society,  held 
at  Boston,  March  13,  1882,  the  Hon.  Charles  H.  Bell, 
LL.D.,  of  Exeter,  N.  H.,  a  vice-president  of  the  Society, 
offered  the  following  resolutions,  which  were  unanimously 
adopted :  — 

Resolved,  That  the  Council  of  the  Prince  Society  desire  to  place 
upon  record  their  deep  sorrow  at  the  death  of  one  of  their  asso- 
ciates, the  late  Charles  Wesley  Tuttle,  Ph.D.,  which  occurred  on 
Sunday,  the  17th  of  July,  1881.  Mr.  Tuttle  became  a  member  of 
this  Society  in  1872.  He  was  its  treasurer  from  1873  to  1874, 
and  its  corresponding  secretary  from  1874  to  the  time  of  his  death. 
He  had  prepared  a  monograph  on  Capt.  John  Mason,  the  patentee 
of  New  Hampshire,  to  be  printed  by  the  Society.  An  enthusiastic 
student  of  history,  a  profound  and  painstaking  explorer  of  ancient 
record.s,  a  conscientious  and  accurate  writer,  his  loss  will  long  be 
^elt,  not  only  by  this  Board,  but  by  numerous  historical  associations, 
and  by  all  who  appreciate  the  value  and  importance  of  historical 
studies. 

Mrs.  Mary  Park  Tuttle  survived  her  husband  nearly  six 
years.  She  died  at  Brookline,  April  25,  1887,  and  her  re- 
mains were  laid  by  his  side.  Over  the  place  where  Mr. 
Tattle's  body  reposes,  on  Clematis  Path,  Forest  Hills,  is 
an  unhewn  block  of  granite,  placed  there  by  his  widow.  It 
bears,  on  a  bronze  tablet,  this  inscription :  — 


CHAF.LES   WESLEY  TUTTLE 
1829  *   1881 

ASTRA   CASTRA,   NUMEN   LUMEN 


BIOGRAPHICAL    SKETCH 


OP 


MARY  LOUISA  PARK  TUTTLE. 


By 


HARRIET    PRESCOTT    SPOFFORD. 


r=F 


■wwii"iwiiiiM  »m  t 


{:» 


MARY  LOUISA  PARK  TUTTLE. 


TV/TARY  LOUISA  PARK,  of  whose  devotion  to  the 
memory  of  her  husband,  Charles  W.  Tuttle,  this 
book  is  a  witness,  was  the  daughter  of  the  Hon.  John  C. 
Park,  a  distinguished  member  of  the  legal  profession,  and 
was  born  in  Boston,  on  the  5th  of  May,  1840.  On  her 
mother's  side  she  was  a  lineal  descendant  of  Christopher 
Kilby,  of  colonial  fame;  and  the  very  romantic  and  pic- 
turesque  story  of  her  own  immediate  ancestry  —  as  Mr. 
Tuttlc's  Memoir  of  Christopher  Kilby  exhibits  it  — led  her 
to  take  a  warm  interest  in  genealogical  studies,  such  as 
those  which  her  husband  pursued.  She  was  married  to 
Mr.  Tuttle  in  the  Arlington  Street  Church,  by  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Peabody,  on  the  31st  of  January,  1872,  and  her  com- 
panionship  and  love  and  care  were  of  inestimable  value 
to  him,  surrounding  him  always  with  those  tender  obser- 
vances without  which  it  would  have  been  impossible  for 
him  to  continue  his  researches  and  work  as  he  did.  In 
her  youth  possessed  of  much  beauty,  ]Mrs.  Tuttle  was  still, 
at  the  time  of  her  death,  of  elegant  and  attractive  per- 
sonality, with"  peculiar  grace   and  dignity.     But  her  chief 

8 


T'lwiii  III  m.'Tri  III  jiD  1(1,1  in  I  mil  ruiiiiiiiTi'i  t 


58 


Mary  Loidsa  Park  Ttittle. 


charm  lay  in  an  apprehensive  intelligence,  a  perfectly 
equable  disposition,  a  quick  wit,  and  a  lively  sense  of 
humor  that  made  a  dull  hour  in  her  society  impossible. 
Unselfish  to  a  marked  degree,  her  great  patience  and 
strength  of  character  were  shown  throughout  the  linger- 
ing illness — an  affection  of  the  heart  —  of  which  she  died 
on  the  25th  of  April,  1887,  and  whose  acute  sufferings  she 
bore  with  an  almost  saintly  sweetness.  Through  the  gen- 
erous love  of  her  friend,  Mrs.  Carrie  E.  Evans,  a  very  com- 
fortable income  was  for  many  years  assured  to  her ;  and,  as 
the  following  paragraph  of  her  will  shows,  a  portion  of  the 
principal  was  set  aside  by  her  for  the  purpose  of  publishing 
the  works  of  her  husband,  to  be  found  in  this  volume. 

/A7«  Tltird.  In  memory  of  my  beloved  husband  Charles  W. 
Tiittle,  that  some  of  his  historic  works  should  be  published,  I 
hereby  direct  that  my  said  executor  shall  cause  to  be  published 
"Francis  Champernowne"  and  other  works,  if  he  and  my  hus- 
band's friend,  John  Ward  Dean,  think  advisable ;  and  I  hereby 
request  that  the  said  John  Ward  Dean  select  such  other  work 
or  works  as  he  in  his  judgment  deems  best  to  be  published,  and 
that  he  either  edit  the  same,  or  cause  some  competent  person 
under  his  supervision  to  do  the  same,  and  to  see  that  such  work 
or  works  be  properly  published.  I  further  direct  that  as  to  the 
manner  and  form  of  their  publication  the  said  Dean  shall  consult 
with  my  husband's  friend  Thomas  Weston,  Jr.  I  hereby  direct  my 
said  executor  to  pay  out  of  my  estate  all  proper  expenses  attending 
such  editing  and  publishing  the  said  "  Francis  Champernowne," 
and  such  other  of  said  historical  works  of  my  beloved  husband  as 
the  said  Dean  shall  direct  to  be  so  published. 

It  was  a  large-souled  and  large-minded  woman  who  in 
exemplifying  her  appreciation  of  her  husband,  and  in  her 


Mary  Louisa  Park  'Jut tie.  59 

desire  to  gratify  iiis  friends  by  giving  them  works  of  his 
which  otherwise  might  never  see  the  light,  dictated  this 
provision.  She  was  indeed  one  who,  if  devoted  and  fault- 
less as  a  wife,  was  not  less  so  as  a  daughter,  sister,  friend. 
She  made  the  world  brighter  while  she  lived  in  it,  and 
sadder  when  she  left  it. 


r 


H 


If  ?  H: 


'  I' 


ri 


■  51  1  ■!  I  vi^ifmK^^mm 


a 


.11 


I 


CAPTAIN  FRANCIS  CIIAMPERNOWNE, 

HIS  ANCESTRY  AND    KINDRED. 
WITH    A    SKETCH    OF    IIIS    LIFE. 


BY  CHARLES  W.  TUTTLE. 


a^ 


CAPTAIN  FRANCIS  CHAMPERNOWNE. 


I. 


HIS    ANCESTRY   AND    KINDRED. 


npHE  spectacle  of  families  living  with  a  broken  hearth- 
-*•  stone,  one  fragment  resting  in  the  Old  World  and  the 
other  in  the  New,  the  affections  and  sympathies  of  kindred 
remaining  unsevered,  is  one  of  the  most  impressive  in  the 
domestic  lives  of  our  ancestors.  It  is  a  scene  that  cannot 
be  contemplated  without  emotion  and  concern.  The  his- 
tory of  those  who  left  their  fatherland  in  the  period  of 
early  colonization  to  find  homes  and  graves  in  the  Ameri- 
can wilderness,  is  invested  with  a  melancholy  and  fascinat- 
ing interest.  Life  under  such  circumstances  is  surrounded 
with  new  perils  and  strange  incidents,  and  subjected  to 
new  vicissitudes.  The  career  of  the  immigrant,  fresh  from 
the  influence  of  venerable  trnditions,  customs,  and  feudal 
limitations,  is  dramatic  and  interesting  in  proportion  as  it 
mingles  with  historical  movements  and  events  which  come 
within   the   range  of   our  sympatnies    and    solicitude.     An 


1 1 


mpsMi 


64 


Captain  Francis  Champcrnowne. 


interest  verging  on  the  romantic  gathers  around  him  if 
he  happens  to  be  a  scion  of  an  ancient  or  noble  family, 
or  to  bear  a  name  made  illustrious  by  his  European 
ancestors. 

More  than  two  centuries  ago,  in  the  reign  of  Charles  I., 
the  people  of  the  ancient,  picturesque,  and  almost  sea-girt 
counties  of  Devon  and  Cornwall  in  England  were  closely 
allied  with  the  dwellers  in  New  England,  especially  those 
living  between  the  Merrimack  and  the  Penobscot  rivers. 
One  was  the  offspring  of  the  other ;  similar  relations  sub- 
sisted between  them,  although  separated  by  a  wide  waste 
of  waters,  as  now  subsist  between  the  people  of  the  same 
stock  in  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific  States.  So  frequent 
and  continuous  was  the  communication  between  these  peo- 
ple, that  the  domestic  circle  was  scarcely  broken.  Vessels 
s?>iled  periodically  between  Dartmouth,  Plymouth,  Fal- 
mouth, and  harbors  bordering  on  the  Bristol  Channel, 
and  from  the  Pascataqua,  the  Isles  of  Shoals,  and  harbors 
to  th(;  eastward,  laden  with  merchandise,  and  passengers, 
and  bearing  tokens  of  affection  and  remembrance.  Na- 
ture seems  to  have  designed  these  ancient  counties  to 
form  some  intimate  relations  with  the  New  World,  by 
thrusting  them  far  westward  into  the  Atlantic  ocean. 
Their  territory  lies  nearer  to  America  than  that  of  any 
other  shire  of  England. 

In  the  fore  part  of  the  reign  of  Charles  I.,  when  the  tide 
of  English  emigration  set  strongly  towards  New  England, 
more  persons  originating  in  Devon  and  Cornwall,  and 
perhaps  Somerset,  were  living  on  the  sea-coast  of  Maine 
and    New    Hampshire,  and  on   the  adjacent  islands,   than 


i'il 
it 


> 

3 


< 

5 


an 


.u- 


[  -if 


^H 


mmmmm 


His  Ancestyy  and  Kindred. 


65 


from  all  other  counties  in  Englraid.  Looking  over  the 
family  names  in  our  early  records,  one  would  imagine 
he  was  between  Land's  End  and  Bristol  in  England,  so 
numerous  are  the  coincidences  in  this  respect.  These 
immigrants  transferred  to  their  new  homes  local  names 
dear  to  them,  and  for  ages  to  their  ancestors,  as  memorials 
of  their  birthplaces.  Before  the  time  of  King  Philip's 
War,  which  happened  more  than  two  centuries  ago,  the 
names  of  Devonshire,  of  Somersetshire,  and  of  Cornwall 
had  been  formally  affixed  to  maritime  districts  lying  in 
Maine,  divided  by  great  rivers,  and  having  the  functions 
and  organization  of  English  counties.  The  names  of 
many  towns  and  cities  within  those  ancient  shires  had 
also  been  transferred  to  places  in  these  new  counties.  In- 
deed the  entire  social,  commercial,  and  political  aspects  of 
these  new  settlements  were  strikingly  similar  to  those  of 
the  southwest  of  England.  Perhaps  the  similitude  in  ex- 
tent was  not  then  to  be  found  in  the  other  English  settle- 
ments in  America.' 

To  Devon,  more  than  to  the  other  two  counties,  these 
immigrants  to  the  shores  of  the  gulf  of  Maine  owed  their 
origin,  their  knowledge  of  commerce  and  of  the  arts  of  life. 
This  shire  was  then  distinguished  abovo  all  others  of  Eng- 
land for  navigation  and  agriculture,  mining  and  manufac- 
tures, —  employments  which  admirably  fitted  the  people 
for  new  settlements  in  America.  Its  inhabitants  were  ac- 
counted "  bold,  martial,  haughty  of  heart,  prodigal  of  life, 
constant  in  affections,  courteous  to  strangers,  yet  greedy 
of   glory    and    honor."     I-'uller,  comparing    them   with    the 

'  Compare  Williamson's  Maine,  and  Folsom's  Saco  and  liiddcford. 


IM 


w 


Will 


66 


Captain  Francis  Champeynowne. 


inhabitants  of  other  shires  of  England,  declares  that  they 
were  distinguished  for  having  universal  genius;  and  Queen 
Elizabeth  used  to  say  of  the  Devon  gentry,  "  They  were 
all  born  courtiers  with  a  beconvng  confidence."^ 

The  nobility  and  the  gentry  of  Devon  had  no  superior 
in  England  as  regards  ancient  lineage  and  historic  renown. 
The  Hollands  and  the  Seymours,  the  Carews  and  the 
Courtenays,  and  others,  dukes  and  earls,  fill  a  considerable 
space  in  the  history  of  this  shire.  Its  gentry  shine  with 
steady  lustre  through  all  periods  of  English  history.^  The 
memorable  deeds  of  Ralegh^  and  of  Gilbert,  of  Drake  and 
of  Hawkins,  —  and  to  these  may  be  added  the  ever  honored 
name  of  Gorges,  —  are  suflficient  to  prove  the  quality  of  the 
people  of  this  shire  in  the  age  of  Elizabeth  and  of  James. 

In  antiquity  and  splendoi  of  descent  the  family  of 
Champernowne*  is  surpassed  by  few,  if  any,  in  the  west 
of  England.''  It  is  of  Norman  origin,  and  takes  its  name 
from  the  parish  of  Cambcrnun  in  Normandy,  where  it 
long  flourished.  Antiquarian  and  historical  writers  of  the 
age  of  Elizabeth,  and  later,  take  notice  of  the  several 
lustrous   branches    then   flourishing  in    Devon,  and  of  its 


*  Fuller's  Worthies  of  England,  Dev- 
onshire ;  VVestcote's  View  of  Devon- 
shire, 42,  55. 

'■^  Among  these  were  the  Cliamper- 
nowne,  Fulford,  Bampfykle,  Ralegh, 
Grenville,  Gilbert,  Drake,  Hawkins, 
Gary,  and  (Gorges  families. 

*  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  must  be  allowed 
to  he  the  best  authority  for  tlie  mode  of 
writing  his  own  surname  :   I  follow  him. 

^  The  last  syllable  of  this  name  is 
variously  spelled.  I  have  adopted  the 
spelling  of  Captain  Champernowne  liini- 
self  in  the  only  undoubted  autograph 


signatures  I  have  seen.  In  the  old 
jirovincial  records,  contemporary  with 
ium,  in  New  Hamjishire  and  Maine,  the 
recording  officer  has  quite  uniformly 
spelled  the  name  as  in  the  text.  In 
Carew's  History  of  Cornwall,  printed  in 
1602,  in  the  English  State  papers  of 
this  period,  and  in  Ikirke's  Landed  Gen- 
try, tiie  name  is  usually  in  this  form. 
The  family  now  in  possession  of  the 
ancestral  manor  of  Dartington  write  it 
this  wise. 

*  Burke's  Lanc'ed  Gentry,  Champer- 
nowne. 


I 


I   I 


His  Aiicestry  and  Kindred. 


67 


I 


alliances  with  distinguished  families.  The  learned  Camden 
styles  it  a  "famous  and  ancient  family,"  having  the  inheri- 
tance and  possession  of  the  town  of  Modbury  in  his  time. 
Westcote,  a  Devon  antiquary  of  great  authority,  writing 
in  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  Charles  I.,  speaks  of  the 
"  clarous  and  knightly  family  of  Champernowne,"  of  Devon- 
shire ;  and  Prince,  the  author  of  the  Worthies  of  Devon,  in 
a  later  reign,  speaks  of  the  "  eminent  persons  of  this  name 
and  fiimily,  the  history  of  whose  actions  and  exj  oits,  for  the 
greatest  part,  is  devoured  by  time."^  While  the  mists  of 
antiquity  conceal  the  remote  generations  of  this  family, 
from  the  long  and  memorable  reign  of  Henry  II.  the 
stream  of  descent  in  Devon  is  clear  to  this  day,  through- 
out a  period  of  more  than  seven  hundred  years.^  Dynasty 
after  dynasty  has  come  and  gone,  and  yet  this  family  has 
survived.  During  this  long  time  the  name  of  Champer- 
nowne winds  like  a  silver  cord  through  the  naval  annals 
of  England. 

Before  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  the  family  of  Champer- 
nowne, having  the  lineage  of  many  illustrious  houses,  even 
that  of  the  royal  house  of  the  Plantagcnets,  had  united  by 
marriage  v/ith  the  ancient  families  of  the  Gilberts  and  the 
Raleghs,  and  thence  sprang  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  and 
Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  the  two  foremost  names  in  Anglo- 
American  history.^     Near  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth, 


ii 


1  VVestcote's  View  of  Devonshire, 
392,  406,  408  et  seq.;  Prince.  Worthies 
of  Devon,  192,  194;  Lower's  Family 
Names  ;  Camden's  Britannia. 

*  Tuckett's  Devonshire  rcdi<i;rces, 
Cliampernowne  ;  Burke,  ubi  supra. 

•  Tuckett,    ubi    supra;     Edwards's 


Life  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  vol.  i.,  chap- 
ters i.  and  ii.,  and  the  authorities  tiicre 
cited  Tiie  descent  of  the  Cliamper- 
nowncs  from  Kinjj  John,  througli  Kicli- 
ard,  Kinij  of  the  Romans,  is  undisputed. 
(See  Westcoie,  4^9,  589,  and  Tuckett, 
ubi  supra.)    Curiously  enough,  a  corre- 


il. ; 


68 


Captain  Francis  Champcrnowne. 


an  alliance  with  the  old  and  knightly  family  of  Fulford 
issued  in  a  son,  Francis  Champernovvne,  whose  destiny  it 
was  to  share  in  the  perils  and  fortunes  of  colonizing  the 
New  World,  and  to  leave  his  name  in  the  early  annals  of 
New  England.* 

The  Champernowne  family  lived  with  dignity  and  splen- 
dor in  Modbury,  —  a  parish  about  midway  between  ilxc 
great  commercial  towns  of  Plymouth  and  Dartmouth, — 
during  many  centuries.  It  was  accounted  ancient  there 
in  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.  Sir  Arthur  Champernowne, 
great-grandfather  of  Francis,  was  a  younger  son  of  Sir  Philip 
Champernovvne  and  Katherine,  daughter  of  Sir  Edmund 
Carew,  Baron  of  Carew,^  a  gallant  soldier  who  fought  in 
the  memorable  batde  of  Bosworth  Field,  under  the  victo- 
rious banners  of  the  Earl  of  Richmond.  This  Arthur  was 
one  of  the  many  distinguished  sons  of  the  Modbury  house 
of  that  period.  In  his  younger  days  he  was  concerned 
with  his  cousin,  Sir  Peter  Carew,  in  the  western  con- 
spiracy against  Queen  Mary  of  England  and  her  match 
with  Philip  II.,  —  a  very  notable  event  in  her  short  reign, 
—  and  was  sent  to  the  Tower.  In  the  reign  of  Elizabeth 
he  was  vice-admiral  of  the  west,  and  otherwise  much 
employed  in  public  affairs.  He  was  associated  with  his 
celebrated  nephew  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  —  son  of  an 
elder  sister  —  in  making  plantations  in  Ireland,  and  was 
connected  with  many  other  famous  enterprises  at  home  and 

spondent  living  in  Greenland,  N,  H.,  where  he  also  lived,  tradition  says  he 

where    Captain    Champernowne    lived  was  the  "son  of  a  nobleman." 

more  than  two  centuries  ago,  informs  ^  Westcote,  434,  614. 

me  that  tradition  reports  "lis  "descent  ^  Baron  Carew  was  slain  in  France, 

from    royalty."     On    the   other   side  of  in  1513. 

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His  Ancestry  and  Kindred. 


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abroad.  For  some  public  service,  most  probably,  he  was 
rewarded  with  the  gift  of  the  Abbey-site  of  Polsloe,  near 
Exeter,  one  of  the  monastic  spoils  of  Henry  VIII.  This 
he  exchanged,  early  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  for  the 
historic  barony  of  Dartington,  situated  on  the  western 
bank  of  the  beautiful  river  Dart,  two  miles  above  Totnes 
and  ten  from  Dartmouth,  where  his  name  and  posterity 
continue  to  this  day.  Traditions  of  his  illustrious  family 
connections,  and  of  hi?  baronial  and  cavalier  style,  linger 
in  the  neighborhood  of  his  residence.  A  stately  monu- 
ment of  alabaster  in  the  parish  church  of  Dartington 
commemorates  his  name  and  deeds.^ 

From  the  Conquest  this  barony  had  been  the  seat  of 
illustrious  families,  —  the  Hollands,  of  royal  lineage,  Dukes 
of  Exeter,  being  the  last.  Dartington  House,  the  baronial 
and  ducal  mansion,  a  very  ancient  and  stately  structure, 
is  seated  on  an  eminence  in  the  peaceful  and  romantic 
scenery  of  the  Dart,  overlooking  the  town  and  vale  of 
ancient  Totnes.  It  still  bears  the  marks  of  feudal  gran- 
deur and  power,  and  it  ranks  among  the  most  famous  of 
the  antiquities  of  Devonshire.  The  original  buildings  were 
arranged  in  quadrangular  form,  enclosing  a  full  acre  of 
ground.  The  architecture,  grand  and  massive,  belongs 
to  a  period  anterior  to  the  reign  of  the  Tudor  princes. 
Viewed  in  connection  with  the  parts  now  lying  m  ruins, 
the  whole  structure  in  its  palmy  days  must  have  been 
imposing    and    magnificent,    tiie    fitting    residence   of   the 

1  Prince,   Worthies,   168,    192,  500;  History  of  Englanrl,  vi.   \i,(\  !4S  ;  ix. 

Burke's  History  of  the  Commoners,  ii.,  365,  3^)6.     It  is   worthy  of   note   that 

273  ;  Cnlendar  of  State  Papers  (Domes-  Mr.  Froude,  the  historian,  was  born  in 

tic),iS47-i58o;  Westcote,4o8;Frourle's  Dartington.     See  note  i,  ^.  ^G, postea. 


■1 


^ 


70 


Captain  Francis  Champernowne. 


m 


princely  Dukes  of  Exeter.^  These  venerable  buildings, 
thickly  overgrown  with  ivy  and  patched  with  moss,  now 
wear  a  picturesque  and  romantic  aspect,  differing  but 
little  from  what  they  were  in  the  days  of  James  I.,  when 
the  youthful  Francis  Champernowne  pkyed  among  their 
ruins,  gambolled  in  their  antique  halls,  and  listened  to  the 
tales  of  their  ancient  glory.  This  is  now  the  seat  of  Arthur 
Champernowne,  Esq.,  having  descended  to  him  from  his 
distinguished  ancestor  Sir  Arthur,  the  proprietor  in  the 
reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth.'' 

John  Champernowne,  of  Modbury,  heir  of  the  house, 
the  elder  brother  of  Sir  Arthur,  of  Dartington,  married 
Katherine,  a  daughter  of  the  Lord  Mountjoy,  while  his 
sister,  Katherine  Champernowne,^  by  two  marriages,  be- 
came the  mother  of  five  knights,  —  among  whom  were  the 
renowned  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  and  Sir  Walter  Ralegh. 
How  august  a  title  to  our  reverence  and  to  that  of  future 
generations  has  this  English  Cornelia!  She  alone  would 
suffice  to  make  the  name  of  Champernowne  illustrious; 
and  she  is  as  deserving  of  a  statue  to  her  memory  as  was 
the  great  Roman  matron.* 


1  Prince,  tihi  supra.  A  view  of  the 
Dartington  House  is  in  Polwliele's 
Devon,  and  in  Lyson's  Devon  ;  also  in 
Moore's  History  of  Devonshire,  from 
which  this  heliotype  view  is  tal<en. 

^  Since  this  was  written,  Arthur 
Champernowne,  Esq.,  has  died.  See 
note  I ,  p.  76,  postea.  —  H. 

*  Katherine  Champernowne's  first 
husband  was  Otho  Gilliert,  of  Green- 
way,  and  their  sons  were  Sir  John,  Sir 
Humphrey,  and  Sir  Adrian  Gilbert. 
Her  second  husband  was  Walter 
Ralegh,  and  their  sons  were  Sir  Carcw 


and  Sir  Walter  Ralegh.  She  is  buried 
in  Exeter  Cathedral.  Tuckett's  Pedi- 
grees, ubi  supra;  Pole's  Devon,  310. 

■*  "  There  lived  then  a  remarkable 
woman.  —  remarkable  for  having  two 
sons  of  different  fathers,  'vhose  heroic 
temperament  and  versatile  talents  must 
have  been  derived  I'rom  their  common 
mother.  The  half-brothers,  Humphrey 
Gilbert  and  Walter  Ralegh,  were  more 
alike  in  tastes  and  genius  than  is  often 
seen  in  a  nearer  relationship.  It  was 
the  blood  of  the  Champernownes.  —  a 
name  that  has  a  place  of  its  own  in  our 


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His  Ancestry  and  Kindred, 


71 


Sir  Arthur  Chamf  ernovvne/  the  first  proprietor  of  Darl- 
ington, married  Mary,  the  daughter  of  Sir  Henry  Norreys, 
the  widow  of  the  heroic  Sir  George  Carew,^  and  had  several 
children,  —  among  whom  were  Gawen  and  Elizabeth,  both 
destined  to  adva-ice  the  interests  and  the  honor  of  the 
family.  Elizabeth  Champernowne  became  the  wife  of  Sir 
Edward  Seymcur,  Baronet,  of  Berry  CasUe,  a  grandson  of 
the  Duke  of  Somerset,  Lord  Protector  of  England.  A 
stately  moni.ment  in  the  church  of  the  parish  of  Berry 
Pomeroy,  hard  by  Dartington,  perpetuates  her  memory 
and  that  jf  her  husband  and  children.  Her  descendants, 
the  prei^ent  ducal  house  of  Somerset  being  among  them, 
have  been  high  in  rank,  and  have  filled  eminent  stations 
in  England  down  to  the  present  time.  Her  grandson, 
cousin  to  Capt.  Francis  Champernowne,  is  the  subject 
of  eulogy  by  Lord  Macaulay  in  his  history  of  England. 
"  An  adversary,"  he  says,  "  of  no  common  prowess  was 
watching  his  time.  This  was  Sir  Edward  Seymour,  of 
Berry  Pomeroy  Castle,  member  for  the  city  of  Exeter. 
Seymour's  birth  put  him  on  a  level  with  the  noblest  sub- 
jects in  Europe.  He  was  the  right  iieir-male  of  the  body 
of  that  Duke  of  Somerset  who  had  been  brother-in-law  of 
King  Henry  VHI.,  and  Protector  of  the  realm  of  England. 


m 


Colonial  history,  —  and  not  that  of  the 
Gilberts  and  Raleghs,  which  made  them 
what  they  were."  (Dr.  Samuel  F.  Ha- 
ven, Lowell  Institute  Lectures,  1869, 
p.  134.)  —  H. 

*  Sir  Arthur  Champernowne  died  in 
1578. 

*  Sir  George  Carew,  a  noted  and  ac- 
complished naval  commander,  perished 
in    the    celebrated    Mary    Rose,    the 


pride  of  the  English  navy,  sunk  off 
Portsmouth  in  1545.  He  was  the  com- 
mander of  this  ill-fated  ship  at  the  time, 
and  went  down  with  all  on  board.  His 
widow,  Mary,  the  daughter  of  Sir  Henry 
Norreys,  was  sister  to  Henry,  Haron 
Norreys,  Queen  Elizabeth's  ambassador 
to  France.  Sir  Arthur  Champernowne, 
of  Dartington,  was  cousin  to  her  first 
husband. 


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72 


Captain  Francis  Champ emowne. 


From  the  elder  son  was  descended  the  family  which  dwelt 
at  Berry  Pomeroy.  Seymour's  fortune  was  large,  and  his 
influence  in  the  west  of  England  extensive.  Nor  was  the 
importance  derived  from  descent  and  wealth  the  only 
importance  which  belonged  to  him.  He  was  one  of  the 
most  skilful  debaters  and  men  of  business  in  the  kingdom. 
He  had  sat  many  years  in  the  House  of  Commons,  had 
studied  all  its  rules  and  usages,  and  thoroughly  understood 
its  temper.  He  had  been  elected  Speaker  in  the  late  reign 
under  circumstances  which  made  that  distinction  peculiarly 
honorable.  During  several  generations  none  but  lawyers 
had  been  called  to  the  chair;  and  he  was  the  first  country 
gentleman  whose  abilities  and  acquirements  enabled  him 
to  break  that  long  prescription.  He  had  subsequently 
held  high  political  office,  and  had  sat  in  the  Cabinet;  but 
his  haughty  and  unaccommodating  temper  had  given  so 
much  disgust  that  he  had  been  forced  to  retire."  Gavven 
Champernowne  inherited  a  passion  for  martial  life.'  In  his 
youth  he  and  his  distinguished  cousins.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh 
and  Henry  Champernowne,  served  with  the  English  con- 
tingent in  France,  commanded  by  the  famous  Huguenot 
general,  the  Count  of  Montgomery,  whose  misfortunes  alone 
would  suffice  to  make  his  name  memorable.^ 

In  a  grand  tournament  held  in  Paris,  on  the  occasion 
of  a  orreat  festival  in  honor  of  the  marrias:e  of  one  of  the 
royal  family,^  the  King  of  France,  Henry  II.,  having  van- 
quished several  princely  antagonists,  challenged  the  young 

'  Two     Champernownes    were    cru-    VVestcote,  406  et  seq.j  Edwards's  Life 
saders.  etc.,  uln  supra. 

■^  'I'uckett    and    Burke,    ubi   supra;       »  Margaret,  sister  of  tlie    King  and 

the  Duke  of  Savoy. 


41 


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GAWEN   CHAMPKHNOWNE. 
Grandkatiiku  ok  Capt.  Fhancis  Ciiampkk.nownk. 


HELIOTYPI  PKiNTlNQ  CO,,   BOSTON. 


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His  Ancestry  and  Kindred. 


73 


Count  of    Montgomery,    then    Captain  of   the   Guards,  to 
break  a  pair  of  lances  with  him.     The  Count  icluctantly 
accepted.     The   King  and  his  gallant  subject  met  in  full 
array,  in  the  presence  of  the  noblest  assemblage  in  France ; 
anJ  on  the  first  tilt  a  fragment  of  the  lance  held  by  the 
Count  struck  the  King  in  his  left  eye,  at  the  instant  when 
the  sudden  shock  had  moved  the  visor  of  his  helmet,  and 
he  fell  mortally  wounded.     U  >on    this  awful  mishap  the 
Count  retired,  first  to  Normandy,  and  then  into  England, 
filled  with  the  deepest  grief  for  what  had  only  accidentally 
happened.     While  in    England    he    became   a   convert    to 
the  reformed  religion ;  and  when  the  civil  war  broke  out  in 
France  a  few  years  later,  he  joined  the  Prince  of  Conde 
and  the  Admiral  Coligny  in  the  cause  of  the  Huguenots. 
The  Champernowne  family,  like  many  others  in  the  west 
of  England,  espoused  the  cause  of  the  reformers  in  France, 
and  aided  it  with  their  fortunes  and  their  valor.     The  mar- 
riage of  Gawen   Champernowne,  a.d.  1571,  and  the  Lady 
Gabriellc,  the  beautiful  and  accomplished  daughter  of  the 
Count   of    Montgomery,    united    the    interests   of   the    two 
families.      He   followed    the   fortunes   of   his   father-in-law 
through    many   years  of   civil    strife,   until    the   latter  was 
taken  prisoner  at  Domfront,  in  1574,  and  publicly  executed 
in  Paris,  by  the  victorious  Guises.     Gawen  Champernowne 
now  returned   to  England    bereft   of    considerable   of    his 
fortune  hazarded  in  the  strife,  while  his  wife  lost  all,  the 
vast  estates  of  her  father  having  been  confiscated.    His  mili- 
tary experience  while  in   France  enabled  him  afterward  to 
render  good  service  to  his  country  in  the  war  with  Spain, 
which  came  on  a  few  years  later,  and  he  was  intrusted  by 


10 


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74 


Captain  Francis  Champcvnownc. 


;  ( 


111 
!  I 


the  Queen  with  many  responsible  military  offices  in  Devon- 
shire. He  was  associated  with  the  renowned  Sir  Francis 
Drake  in  several  public  employments;  and  such  was  his 
friendship  for  this  great  navigator  that  he  bequeathed  to 
him  in  his  last  will  a  ring  of  gold.^ 

Gawen'^  Champernowne  and  the  Lady  Gabrielle,  daughter 
of  the  Count  of  Montgomery,  had  nine  children,  who  lived 
to  adult  age.  Arthur,  the  father  of  Captain  Francis,  was 
the  only  son  and  heir.  Seven  of  the  eight  daughters  were 
married,  all  to  gentlemen  of  ancient  families,  several  of  them 
being  of  the  rank  of  knights  of  England.^ 

Arthur  Champernowne  succeeded  to  the  ancestral  manor 
of  Dartington  on  the  death  of  his  father,  whicn  hajipened 
in  a  few  years  after  the  memorable  Spanish  Armada  threat- 
ened England/  He  was  no  less  fond  of  adventure,  and 
endowed  with  no  less  mental  capability,  than  his  ances- 
tors ;  but  these  personal  qualities  were  displayed  in  quite  an- 
other way.  The  losses  of  his  father  and  grandfather  in  the 
religious  wars  of  France  had  diminished  his  patrimony  to 
some  extent;  and  this  circumstance  probably  directed  his 
energies  into  fields  of  enterprise  calculated  to  restore  the 
ancient  opulence  of  his  house,  and  to  provide  a  home  in 
the  New  World  for  some  of  his  many  sons."*  To  commerce 
and  to  plantations  in  America  was  an  easy  transition,  for 


1  Edwards's  Life,  etc.,  ubi  supra; 
Nouvelle  IJiof^raphie  Gdnifrale,  Mont- 
gomery ;  Browning's  History  of  tiie 
Huguenots;  Calendar  of  State  Papers 
(Domestic),  years  1 583-1 584;  Will  in 
Prerogative  Office,  London. 

*  (lawen  is  an  old  surname  in  Wilts 
and  Somerset,  and  came  into  this  family 


from  the  Carews.  Sir  Gawen  Carew, 
a  distinguished  person  at  the  court  of 
Queen  Elizabeth,  was  a  son  of  Sir  Ed- 
mund, Baron  Carew,  the  great  grand- 
fatlier  of  Gawen  Champernowne. 

*  Tuckett's  Pedigrees,  7/(5/ j7//5;-rt. 

*  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  A.o.  1593. 

*  Edwards's  Life  of  Kalegh,  ubi  supra. 


vvc 


w 


%••*.     "  —  -'   "3 


His  Ancestry  and  Kindred, 


75 


one  of  his  shire,  from  arenas  of  martial  and  political  strife. 
His  illustrious  kinsmen  had  distinguished  themselves  in 
both  fields  of  enterprise,  and  had  raised  to  eminence  both 
these  employments.  He  was  the  owner  and  joint  o.vner 
of  many  vessels  of  Dartmouth.  Alexander  Shapleigh,  of 
Totnes  or  Dartmouth,  —  the  same,  probably,  who  came  to 
the  Pascataqua  about  the  year  1640,  where  descendants 
continue  in  high  esteem  to  this  day,  —  was  joint  owner  with 
him  of  the  ship  Benediction,  of  Dartmouth.* 

In  November,  1622,  Arthur  Champernowne  had  a  com- 
mission from  the  Council  for  New  England  permitting  his 
vessel,  the  Chudleigh,  an  ancestral  name,  to  trade  and  fish 
in  the  waters  of  New  Enc;land.^  This  vessel  did  not  sail, 
it  is  likely,  before  the  following  Spring;  and  she  may  have 
the  forgotten  distinction  of  bearing  to  the  Pascataqua  some 
of  the  fathers  of  that  early  settlement,  begun  at  this  time. 
It  is  probable  that  this  vessel,  and  other  vessels  belonging 
to  him,  made  voyages  to  New  England  before  and  after 
this  date.  He  became  very  well  acquainted,  through  his 
commercial  undertakings,  with  New  England  and  the  vari- 
ous proprietary  interests  therein.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges, 
captain  of  the  castle,  and  also  of  the  Island  of  St.  Nicholas, 
at  Plymouth,  was  most  active  and  largely  concerned  in 
planting  and  settling  the  countrv,  and  ready  to  give  in- 
formation and  to  encourage  adventurers.  Besides,  they 
were  brothers-in-law,  having  married  sisters  of  the  ancient 
and  knightly  house  of  Fulford,  a  circumstance  that  accounts 

^  See  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Do-    St.  Nicholas,  Mary,  Bridget,  Benedic- 
mestic,  from  a.d.  1625  to  1631.     Cham-    tion,  and  others,  all  of  Dartmouth, 
pernowne's  vessels  were  the  Chudleigi),        '^  Froc.     Am.    Antinuarian    Society, 

April,  1867,  p.  70. 


:i: 


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76 


Captain  Francis  Champernowne. 


for  the  origin  of  Arthur  Champernowne's  interest  in  New 
England. 

In  the  last  year  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  Arthur 
Champernowne  married  Bridget,  daughter  of  Sir  Thomas 
Fulford,  of  Great  Fulford,  in  Devonshire,  Kt.  This  family 
is  not  inferior  in  antiquity  and  in  historic  lineage  to  the 
Champernowne  family;  and  both  flourish  to  this  day  in 
the  seats  of  their  ancestors.'  Westcote,  the  old  historian, 
speaks  of  the  "  knightly  and  dignous  family  of  Fulford 
of  his  time,"  and  says  that  he  had  seen  evidence  of  its 
great  state  and  splendor  in  the  age  of  Richard  Coeur  de 
Lion."  "This  right  antient  and  honoiable  family,"  says 
Prince,  writing  in  the  reign  of  William  III.,  "have  held 
this  seat  by  the  name  of  Fulford  from  the  days,  of  King 
Richard  I.  to  this  day,  —  upwards  of  five  hundred  years; 
in  which  long  tract  of  time  the  heirs  thereof  have  matched 
with  the  daughters  of  divers  of  the  nobility,  —  as  of  Cour- 
tenay,  descended  from  the  Earl  of  Devonshire,  Lord 
Bourchier,  Earl  of  Bath,  Lord  Bonville,  Lord  Paulet,  and 
others."  3 


I 


'  These  ancient  families  are  now 
represented  in  England  as  follows : 
Arthur  Champernowne,  Esq.,  of  Darl- 
ington, educated  at  Trinity  College,  Ox- 
ford, magistrate  of  Devon,  lord  of  the 
manors  of  Dartington,  Umherleigh,  and 
North  Tawton,  and  patron  of  one  living, 
to  whom  the  writer  is  much  indebted 
for  information  respecting  the  subject 
of  this  memoir,  and  his  ancestors  ;  and 
Ualdwin  Fulford,  Esq.,  of  Fulford,  edu- 
cated at  Exeter  College,  Oxford,  magis- 
trate of  Devon,  lord  of  the  manor  of 
Dunsford,  and  patron  of  one  living. 
The  Rev.  Richard  Champernowne  is 
the  Rector  of  Dartington,  and  to  him 


also  the  wr'ter  is  indebted  for  valua- 
ble informat'.on.  See  Walford's  County 
Families  of  England  for  ICS73. 

[The  Rev.  Richard  Champernowne, 
of  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  1839,  was 
Curate  of  Dartington  Parish  from  1845 
to  I '859,  when  he  became  Rector,  suc- 
ceeding Arcluleacon  Froude,  father  of 
Mr.  Froude  the  historian.  Arthur 
Ch.impernowne,  Esq.,  mentioned  above, 
died  May  27,  1887,  and  is  succeeded  by 
his  son  Arth,  r.  —  H.] 

^  Westcote's  View  of  Devonshire,  434 
et  seq. 

3  Prince,  Worthies,  392.  In  the 
church  of  St.  Mary,  at  Dunsford,  there 


wmm 


His  Ancestry  and  Khidred. 


11 


The  Fulford  family  is  of  Saxon  origin,  and  is  said  to 
derive  its  name  from  the  place  of  its  ancient  residence 
and  possessions  in  Devonshire.  The  name  is  conspicuous 
m  the  history  of  the  English  Crusaders  in  the  twelfth 
century.  Sir  Amias  and  Sir  Baldwin  Fulford  shared  in 
these  romantic  adventures,  and  achieved  personal  distinc- 
tion in  the  Holy  Land.  Sir  Baldwin,  a  Knight  of  the 
Sepulchre,  gained  renown  by  the  courage  and  valor  which 
he  displayed  in  a  memorable  combat  with  a  giant  Saracen, 
as  well  as  by  the  victory  which  he  won  over  the  infidel. 
The  contest  involved  the  honor  and  liberty  of  a  royal  lady 
in  a  besieged  castle ;  and  the  whole  affair  forms  a  curious 
and  interesting  chapter  of  romance  and  chivalry  in  the 
history  of  that  age.  In  commemoration  of  his  heroic 
achievement,  two  Saracens  were  made  the  supporters  of 
the  arms  of  the  Fulfords,  —  a  distinction  that  belongs  to 
but  few  families  below  the  rank  of  nobles.^  In  all  reisrns 
members  of  this  family  have  been  distinguished  in  mili- 
tary and  naval  enterprises,  as  well  as  in  offices  of  Church 
and  State.  It  flourishes  to  this  day  in  the  scat  of  Its  re- 
mote ancestors,  the  male  line  continuing  unbroken  from 
the  Knight  of  the  Sepulchre.  The  late  Right  Reverend 
Francis  Fulford,  D.D.,  Lord  Bish-zp  of  Montreal  and 
Metropolitan  of  Canada,  was  of  this  family,  and  was  born 
on  the  ancestral  manor.^ 


ts  a  magnificent  monument  to  the  mem- 
ory of  Sir  Tiiomas  Fulford,  Kt.,  and  his 
lady,  Ursula,  the  daui^diter  of  Sir  Rich- 
ard Hampfylde,  consistina;  of  effigies  of 
himself,  wife,  and  children,  witlf  armo- 
rial symbols  and  banners.  These  arc 
the  maternal  grandparents  of  Capt. 
Francis  Chamj^ernovvne.  —  Polwhele's 
Devon,   i.  So, 


^  Sir  Ba'dwin  fshcriff  of  Devon,  ^S 
Henry  VI.,  ^\(io\  Knijjht  of  the 
Sepulchre,  and  Under  Admiral  to  Hol- 
land, Duke  of  Exeter,  High  Admiral  of 
England,  married  Elizabeth  Bozome, 
and  had  issue.  Sir  Thomas  Fulford, 
Knight,  who  married  Philippa,  daughter 
of  Sir  Philip  Courtenay. 

*  Burke's    Visitatiorj   of    Seats    and 


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78 


Captain  Francis  Champemowite. 


Great  Fulford,  in  Devon,  the  cradle  of  the  race  and  the 
seat  of  the  family  from  the  Conquest,  is  nine  rniles  south- 
west of  Exeter,  the  ancient  capital  of  the  west  of  England. 
Fulford  House,  the  family  mansion  for  centuries,  is  still 
in  excellent  preservation,  although  built  early  in  the  reign 
of  Queen  Elizabeth.  Some  part  of  the  venerable  pile  is 
of  even  greater  antiquity.  It  is  an  imposing  structure, 
standing  on  rising  ground,  near  a  beautiful  sheet  of  water, 
in  the  midst  of  a  fine  landscape.  Early  in  the  great  civil 
war  Sir  Francis  Fulford,  maternal  uncle  of  Capt.  Francis 
Champernowne,  converted  it  into  a  military  fortress,  and 
garrisoned  it  in  behalf  of  King  Charles ;  but  it  was  finally 
taken  by  the  parliamentary  forces  under  Sir  Thomas  Fair- 
fax, after  a  siege  of  two  weeks,  without  being  destroyed.^ 

Such,  in  brief,  is  the  lineage  of  Francis  Champernov/ne, 
whose  career  belongs  to  the  history  of  New  England.  Few 
persons  in  that  age  could  claim  an  ancestry  more  ancient 
and  more  renowned.  He  could  trace  his  descent  from  the 
period  of  the  Conquest  through  more  than  fifteen  gen- 
erations of  ancestors,  finding  among  them,  in  every  reign, 
historical  personages  whose  blood  ran  in  his  own  veins. 
His  descent  from  the  noble  family  of  Montgomery  of 
France  infused  the  sprightly  Gallic  blood  into  his  English 
veins,  and  connected  him  with  historical  families  and  great 
events  in  that  kingdom.  The  venerable  names  of  Cham- 
pernowne and  of  Fulford  had  come  down  from  remote 
antiquity   side   by   side,   always    among    the    foremost    in 


Arms,  5.  189,  190;  Lyson's  Magna  Bri- 
tannia, Devonshire.  171,  172;  West- 
cote,  434,  613  ;  Walford's  County  Fam- 
ilies. See  Fulford,  in  Prince,  Worthies 
of  Devon. 


*  Burke,  ut  supra;  also,  Devonshire 
in  Beauties  of  England  and  Wales, 
where  a  view  of  Fulford  House  may  be 
seen. 


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His  Ancestry  and  Kindred. 


79 


Devonshire.  Botli  families  were  descended  from  ances- 
tors who  derived  lineage  from  the  royal  house  of  the 
Plantagenets ;  and  both  had  been  fountains  of  some  of 
the  noblest  houses  then  in  England.  At  the  period  of 
his  birth,  in  the  reign  of  James  I.,  there  was  scarcely  a 
noble  or  a  distinguished  family  in  the  west  of  England 
not  allied  in  blood  with  one  or  both  of  these  ancient 
families.  Their  connection  with  the  Gilberts,  the  Raleghs, 
and  the  Gorges,  historic  names  that  belong  to  both  hemi- 
sjDheres,  must  ever  excite  fresh  interest  in  their  history 
on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

Nor  was  Francis  Champernowne  less  fortunate  in  the 
place  of  his  birth.  Nature  and  art  had  striven  together 
to  make  the  historic  barony  of  Dartington  one  of  the 
most  romantic  and  picturesque  sites  in  the  west  of  Eng- 
land.^ It  lay  in  a  favorite  region,  between  the  Tamar  and 
the  Teign,  Dartmoor  and  the  English  Channel,  and  for 
centuries  was  known  as  the  Garden  of  Devonshire.^  The 
barony  was  a  feudal  gift  of  William  the  Conqueror  to  one 
of  his  Norman  favorites.  Before  the  Champernownes  came 
hither  from  Modbury,  a  long  line  of  great  dukes  and  great 
barons  dwelt  there  during  many  centuries;  and  they  had 
built  in  successive  reigns  from  the  time  of  the  Conquest, 
for  shelter  and  defence,  a  stately  structure,  curious  in  de- 


^  "And  now  Dart  with  due  respect 
salutes  the  barony  of  Dartington,  which 
Martin  possessed,  tog;ether  with  Kemys 
in  Pembrokesliire  :  then  was  it  the  seat 
of  the  illustrious  family  of  Holland,  Dukes 
of  Exeter :  very  delightfully  seated  for 
prospect,  as  overlooking  the  town  of 
Totnes ;  now  it  glories  in  the  knightly 


tribe  of  Champernon,  who  married  Ful- 
ford ;  his  father,  Gabrielle,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Count  Montgomery,  France  ;  his 
grandfather,  in  the  noble  house  of  Nor- 
ris."  —  Westcote's  View  of  Devonshire, 
40.S,  anno  1630. 

'^  Beauties  of  England  and  Wales,  ut 
supra. 


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Captain  Francis  Champernowne. 


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sign  and  workmanship.  Several  times  between  the  Nor- 
man and  the  Tudor  reigns  it  had  returned  to  the  Crown 
by  forfeiture  of  its  owners,  and  formed  a  part  of  the  royal 
demesne  and  often  served  as  a  royal  residence.  Its  splen- 
dor culminated  while  in  the  possession  of  the  powerful 
family  of  Holland,  Dukes  of  Exeter,  a  princely  race  issu- 
ing from  the  reigning  house  of  Plantagenet.  While  held 
by  this  family  it  was  the  seat  of  imperial  authority;  for 
while  Richard  II.  sat  anointed  on  the  throne,  his  half 
brothers,  the  able  and  ambitious  Hollands,  contrived  to 
wield  the  sceptre  of  England.^  Thomas  Holland,  the  first 
Duke  of  Exeter,  was  a  son  of  the  Fair  Maid  of  Kent, 
grand-daughter  of  Edward  I.,  afterwards  wife  of  the  re- 
nowned Black  Prince,  and  mother  of  Richard  II.  This 
Duke  married  a  daughter  of  the  famous  John  of  Gaunt, 
son  of  King  Edward  III.,  and  father  of  Henry  IV.  His 
son,  the  second  Duke  of  Exeter,  was  Lord  High  Admiral 
of  England.  The  third  and  last  Duke  of  this  family  mar- 
ried a  sister  of  King  Edward  IV.,  and  came  to  a  melan- 
choly end  in  France.  The  chief  part  of  the  old  baronial 
structure  now  standing,  and  known  as  the  Dartington 
House,  was  built  by  the  first  Duke,  half  brother  of  Rich- 
ard 11.^  The  heraldic  devices  of  its  various  possessors  may 
still  be  seen  carved  on  its  antique  walls.  The  badge  of 
the  Black   Prince  is  yet  conspicuous  in   the  great   tower. 

1  Hume's  England,  chap.  xvii.  married   thrice :    first,  to   the    Earl   of 

*  Lyson's    Magna    Britannia,    Ixxxii.  Salisbury;   second,  to  Sir  Thomas  Hol- 

xcv.     152:    Burke's    Extinct    Peerage,  land,  K.  G.,  by  whom  she  had  a  son, 

Joane    I'lantagenet,  from    her    extraor-  John,    Earl   of    Huntingdon,    and    first 

dinnry  beauty  styled  the  Fair  Maid  of  Duke  of  Exeter;  and  third,  to  Edward 

Kent,  was  the  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  the   Black   Prince,  by  whom   she   had 

Kent,  a  son  of  Edward    I.      She  was  Richard  II. 


His  Ancestry  and  Kindred. 


8i 


When  the  first  Stuart  came  to  the  throne  of  England, 
this  venerable  pile  had  lost  much  of  its  original  splendor. 
The  violence  of  the  wars  of  the  Roses,  anterior  to  the  reign 
of  the  Tudor  monarchs,  had  destroyed  the  integrity  of 
this  princely  habitation ;  and  fame  and  age  were  striving 
for  th  mastery  of  it  when  Francis  Champernowne  fiirst 
saw  light  within  its  ancient  halls. 

Hard  by  Dartington  was  the  ancient  barony  of  Berry, 
another  baronial  creation  of  the  Conqueror,  the  gift  by 
him  to  a  favorite  officer,  Ralph  de  Pomeroy.  Berry  Castle, 
built  by  this  Norman  favorite,  became  one  of  the  most 
splendid  castles  in  Devonshire  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth. 
It  stood  on  a  rocky  eminence  beyond  the  Dart,  its  proud 
and  lofty  towers  overlooking  the  landscape  of  Dartington. 
For  a  period  of  five  hundred  years  this  castle  was  the 
stately  residence  of  the  historic  family  of  Pomeroy,  de- 
scended from  the  Norman  baron.  But  by  an  act  of  trea- 
son of  Pomeroy  the  proprietor,  in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI., 
this  ancient  family  fell  from  its  high  estate,  and  the  cas- 
tle with  all  its  domains  passed  to  the  Duke  of  Somerset, 
uncle  of  King  Edward  and  Lord  Protector  of  England, 
in  whose  issue  it  continues  to  this  day.*  Sir  Edward 
Seymour,  grandson  of  the  Duke,  inherited  the  castle,  and 
married  Elizabeth  Champernowne,  of  Dartington.  This 
union  of  the  Seymour  and  the  Champernowne  families 
in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  made  the  possessors  of  Berry 
Castle  and  of  Dartington  House  one  kindred  in  the 
reign  of  James  I.*^ 

'  Lyson's  Magna  Britannia,  Ixxxii.  of  ^erry  Pomeroy  is  now  a  magnificent 
cvi.  43.  See  Pomeroy,  in  Prince,  ruin,  liaviiig  been  destroyed  during  tiie 
Worthies.  great  civil  war. 

"  Prince,  Worthies,  9, 10.     The  castle 

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82 


Captain  Francis  Cliampernownc. 


This  beautiful  region  of  South  Devonshire  had  been 
celebrated  for  generations  as  the  cr.  e  and  nestling  place 
of  naval  genius.  Those  renowned  navigators,  Sir  Hum- 
phrey Gilbert,  Sir  Francis  Drake,  Sir  John  Hawkins,  and 
Capt.  John  Davys,  the  glory  of  the  English  marine  in  the 
reign  of  Elizabeth,  were  born  here.  The  ancestors  of  Sir 
Walter  Ralegh  were  also  of  this  region  ;  but  he  was  born 
beyond  the  river  Exe  in  this  shire.  The  memorable  sea 
adventures  of  these  heroic  men  had  awakened  all  maritime 
England  to  a  sense  of  the  value  of  commercial  intercourse 
with  America.  Nowhere  was  this  new  field  of  enterprise 
sooner  and  better  appreciated  than  in  Devonshire.  Under 
the  inspiring  genius  of  these  illustrious  men  Plymouth  and 
Dartmouth  had  grown  to  be  great  commercial  stations  at  the 
close  of  the  sixteenth  century.  In  no  part  of  England  was 
there  a  livelier  interest  felt  in  geographical  discovery  and  in 
commercial  undertakings.  To  the  hazards  and  rewards  of 
foreign  commerce  Gilbert  and  Ralegh  had  the  merit  of  first 
joining  schemes  of  English  colonization  ;  and  in  both  these 
enterprises  the  people  of  this  shire  had  largely  shared.  They 
had  been  with  Gilbert  on  the  bleak  shores  of  Newfoundland, 
and  with  Ralegh  in  Carolina  and  Guiana  ;  with  the  venerable 
George  Popham  at  the  Sagadahoc,  and  with  David  Thomson 
at  the  Pascataqua.  A  preference  for  the  gains  of  the  Amer- 
ican fisheries  and  peltry  trade  limited  their  intercourse  ixi 
the  fore  part  of  the  seventeenth  century  to  the  maritime 
region  of  Norumbega,  afterwards  New  England.^  In  the 
reign  of  King  James  their  commerce  had  expanded  into 
settlements  and  plantations  between  the  Penobscot  Bay  and 
Cape  Cod.     In  the  memorable  year  of  1607,  under  fresh 

^  Collections  of  Maine  Historical  Society,  Second  Series,  i.  231,  283. 


I/? 


k^ 


His  Ancestry  and  Kindred. 


83 


authority  from  the  English  Crown,  they  had  undertaken  to 
make  a  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Sagadahoc,  in 
Maine,  and  to  hold  a  vast  domain  carved  from  the  conti- 
nent. This  memorable  undertaking  awakened  new  adven- 
turers  in  this  bold  and  hardy  enterprise  ;  and  it  was  soon 
followed  by  further  discoveries  and  settlements  on  these 
shores.^ 

The  year  of  the  birth  of  Francis  Champernowne  co- 
incided with  a  year  of  memorable  occurrences  in  New 
England.  The  adventurous  and  enterprising  Capt.  John 
Smith,  whose  memory  is  worthy  of  our  reverence  for  what 
he  did  for  New  England,  sailed  early  in  the  spring  of  the 
year  16 14  for  the  northern  shores  of  Virginia,  —  the  name 
of  the  English  possessions  in  America  lying  on  the  Atlan- 
tic coast  between  the  thirty-fourth  and  the  forty-fifth  degree 
of  north  latitude,  —  on  a  voyage  of  traffic,  fishing,  and  dis- 
covery. Never  was  a  sea  expedition  fc/med  of  such  slender 
materials,  and  undertaken  solely  for  the  jaurpose  of  private 
gain,  fraught  with  greater  results.  The  maritime  parts 
of  this  remote  and  vast  country  were  fully  explored,  the 
geographical  features  delineated  on  a  map,  and  the  whole 
described  and  named.  Soon  after  reaching  to  the  lofty  and 
picturesque  Isle  of  Monhegan,  the  western  landfall  of  Penob- 
scot Bay,  Captain  Smith  designed  a  survey  of  the  American 
coast,  trending  away  to  the  southwest.  Having  set  his  crew 
to  the  work  of  fishing,  he  took  a  small  boat  and  only  eight 
men  and  explored  every  considerable  harbor,  river,  and 
island  between  Monhegan  and  Cape  Cod.^     At  the  same 

'  See  Popham  Memorial  Volume,  86    close  aljoard  tlie  shore  in  a  little  Boat." 
et  seq.  (Description  of  New  England.) 

*  Captain   Smith  says :    "  I   passed 


rr^^ 


r%di^igi 


SE 


■i^— —i 


I 


IP-  ! 


^H  ;i; 


!• 


I .    ; 


v. 


If 

II 


84 


Captain  Francis  Champeynowne. 


time  he  carried  on  a  fu-  trade  with  the  natives  along  the 
coast,  gathering  from  them  much  information  of  the  interior 
of  the  country  and  its  productions.  Among  the  Indian 
countries  which  he  visited  was  one  bearing  the  barbaric 
name  of  Pascataqua,  next  west  of  Agamenticus.  While  in 
this  wild  region,  so  well  known  a  few  years  later,  he  must 
have  recognized,  and  perhaps  explored,  the  large  and  name- 
less island  lying  close  to  the  main  land,  and  fronting  several 
miles  on  the  ocean,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Pascataqua  River, 
and  forming  the  extreme  southwest  corner  of  the  State  of 
Maine.  Braveboat  Harbor  and  Champernovvne's  Creek, 
later  names  of  the  two  picturesque  water  passages  leading 
to  the  rear  of  this  island,  were  inviting  streams  to  his  party, 
bent  on  trade  and  discovery  of  the  country.  On  the  bosom 
of  these  quiet  waters,  parting  the  island  from  the  m.ain,'  In- 
dian canoes  laden  with  furs  and  native  handiwork  rocked 
gently  and  securely  while  their  savage  owners  parleyed  and 
trafficked  with  the  English  adventurers.  What  pleasure  it 
would  have  been  to  this  enthusiastic  and  veteran  explorer, 
if  then  he  could  have  had  a  vision  of  the  future  of  this 
place ;  could  have  foreseen  that  a  child  in  Devonshire,  then 
unborn,  of  the  kindred  of  Gilbert  and  of  Ralegh,  was  des- 
tined to  come  over  the  sea  to  this  virgin  island,  take  pos- 
session as  proprietor,  confer  on  it  his  own  name,  and  dwell 
here  for  nearly  half  a  century! 

At  the  same  time  Captain  Smith  surveyed  that  group 
of  isles  lying  in  the  sea,  a  few  leagues  distant,  bestowing 
on  them  his  own  name,  over  which  thirty-five  years  later 


*  Twice  every  day  the  sea  lovinj;Iy    arms  entirely  around  it,  as  if  never  in- 
embraces  the  island,  throwing  its  watery    tending  the  main  land  to  claim  it. 


His  Ancestry  and  Kindred. 


85 


Francis  Champcrnowne  was  a  civil  magistrate.  The  citcum- 
stanct'S  that  determined  his  choice  of  this  solitary  group  of 
rocky  isles  for  his  own  name  and  propriety,  when  there  were 
so  many  nameless  islands,  harbors,  rivers,  and  countries  far 
above  these  in  importance  and  dignity,  remain  to  be  discov- 
ered.^ Whatever  they  may  have  been,  the  selection  implies 
some  pre-eminence  in  these  isles  at  that  period  ;  and  the 
name  of  their  renowned  proprietor,  so  deliberately  given 
to  them  by  himself,  ought  never  to  have  been  disturbed. 
Smith's  Isles  is  a  more  euphonious  name  than  the  one  they 
now  bear,  besides  the  memorable  and  even  romantic  histori- 
cal associations  which  must  ever  cluster  around  it.  Having 
completed  his  survey  of  the  entire  coast,  he  sailed  for  Eng- 
land with  his  treasures  of  geographical  and  commercial  in- 
formation and  a  well-laden  ship,  arriving  in  the  harbor  of 
Plymouth  at  the  beginning  of  autumn.  Here  he  found  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges,  commander  of  the  castle,  whose  interest 
in  the  country  just  explored  amounted  to  a  passion,  and  com- 
municated to  him  his  discoveries  on  these  shores.  Gorges 
and  his  associates,  representing  the  colony  of  North  Virginia, 
were  so  much  pleased  with  him,  his  successful  voyage,  and 
his  report  of  the  barbarous  country,  that  they  immediately 
took  him  into  their  service  and  made  him  Admiral  of  Vir- 
ginia for  life.  Anxious  to  distinguish  this  country,  and  to 
secure  for  it  special  favor  among  his  countrymen  in  Eng- 
land, Captain  Smith  gave  it  the  auspicious  name,  Ne\; 
England, — a  name  so  apt  that  it  immediately  supplanted  all 


^  By    nameless, 


lish 


I  mean,  wanting 
English  names.  It  is  to  be  observed 
that  Prince  Charles  and  Captain  Smith 
gave  to  other  isles  on  the  coast  the 
names  of  eminent  persons.     See  the 


admirable  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Isles 
of  Shoals,  by  John  S.  Jenness,  Esq., 
for  full  historical  and  descriptive  infor- 
mation of  this  very  interesting  maritime 
region. 


F^^WI 


86 


Captain  Francis  Clunnpcrnoii^ne. 


m  \ 


others,  barbaric  and  Euroi)can,  and  survives  to  this  day,  the 
niDst  venerable  and  attractive  name  on  our  shores.'  New 
Spain  and  New  i*" ranee  ■^  were  names  that  had  long  desig- 
nated vast  domains  in  North  America  claimed  by  Spain  and 
by  iM-ance  ;  and  now  New  Kngland  designated  a  considerable 
part  of  the  domain  claimed  by  England  under  the  name  of 
Virginia.  The  applause  which  greeted  Smith's  discoveries 
in  northern  Virginia,  now  New  England,  was  softly  echoed 
by  domestic  rejoicings  over  a  new-born  life  in  the  venerable 
halls  of  DarMngton. 

Thirteen  children,  six  sons  and  seven  daughters,  were 
born  of  the  marriage  of  Arthur  Champcrnownc  and  Bridget 
Eulford.  I'Vancis,  the  ninth  child  and  youngest  son,  des- 
tined for  the  New  World,  was  the  first,  and,  so  far  as  we 
know,  was  the  last  of  his  name  and  race  in  America.  He 
was  baptized  in  St.  Mary's  Church  at  Dartington  in  the 
month  of  October,  1614,  a  year  memorable  in  the  annals  of 
New  England.  The  church  record  is  now  so  worn  or  de- 
faced that  the  day^  of  the  month  of  this  event  cannot  be 
read.  His  Christian  name,  and  the  names  of  several  of  his 
brothers  and  sisters,  came  of  his  maternal  kindred. 

Of  his  youth  and  education  nothing  is  definitely  known. 


1  While  C.iptain  Smitl.  li.is  the  merit 
of  first  applying  the  name  of  New  Knji- 
I.inii  to  tliis  part  of  North  America,  it 
appears  from  his  own  statement  that 
it  was  suj^sested  to  ium  by  New  Albion, 
a  name  given  by  Sir  Francis  Drake, 
tliirty-fi.e  years  (lefore.  to  our  western 
coast  in  the  same  latitude.  See  Smith's 
Description  of  New  England,  and  New- 
Kngland's  Trials  ;  and  also  liis  General 
History,  ii.  176  ft  si-i/. 

"  The  ide.T  of  transplanting  the  na- 
tional   name    to    American  dominions 


was  excellent.     It  kept  up  the  interest 
of  the  emigrants. 

"  Tuckett's  I'edigrees  ;  and  MS.  let- 
tor  of  Arthur  Champernowne,  K^q.,  of 
Dartington,  lord  of  the  manor,  to  Mr. 
Tut'.lc.  [Since  the  author's  death  it 
iias  been  stated  upon  high  authority 
that  Francis  Champernowne  was  ba[)- 
tized  Oct.  :8,  1614.  (See  the  Visita- 
tions of  t!ie  County  of  Devon,  part  v. 
163,  edited  by  Lieut.  Col.  J.  L.  Viv- 
ian.) -  H.] 


I.     I 


His  Ancestry  and  Kindred. 


87 


It  may  be  assiimecl  that  he  received  a  mental  tliscij)h"ne 
and  physical  training  befitting  his  rank  and  station  in  life. 
His  home  and  his  surroundings  were  calculated  l.o  educate 
and  to  liberaliyx'  him  without  effort.  A  baronial  style  of 
living  in  that  age  implies  the  possession  of  an  abundance 
of  solid  Knglish  luxuries,  and  a  hos])itality  that  entertains 
without  stint  the  greatest  and  most  worthy  persons  in  the 
kingdom.  In  the  peaceful  reign  of  James  I.,  Dartington 
House  must  have  been  the  scene  of  many  festive  occa- 
sions, when  the  kindred  and  friends  of  the  great  house  of 
Champcrnowne  made  merry  together  in  the  ancient  halls 
of  the  princely  Dukes  of  Kxeter. 

Being  the  youngest  of  six  sons,  there  was  only  a  bare 
possibility  of  his  succeeding  to  the  possession  of  the  fair 
inheritance  of  Dartington  ;  and  therefore  the  devotion  of  his 
manhood  to  some  profession  was  detCiHined  at  his  birth. 
That  his  youthful  inclinations  harmonized  with  the  enter- 
prising genius  of  his  illustrious  kinsmer.,  Sir  Humphrey 
Gilbert,  Sir  Walter  Raiegh,  and  Capt.  John  Davys,^  and 
that  he  early  selected  the  sea  and  its  fortunes  for  his  own, 
may  be  inferred  from  his  career. 

From  his  birth  he  must  have  heard  much  of  the  New 
World,  its  boundless  domains,  its  vast  treasures  and  deep 
mysteries.  The  famous  sea-adventures  of  Gilbert  and  Ra- 
legh, of  Drake  and  Davys,  which  had  occurred  within  the 
memory  of  generations  then  living,  were  still  matters  of  cur- 

^  Car*iin  Jchn  Davys  of  Sandridpe,  coveries  in  the  arctic  seas  of  America. 

Devon,  his  great  uncle,  iiad  made  three  See  Markham's  Voyages  and  Works  of 

voyages  to  discover  a  northwest  pas-  Capt.  Davys  (Flakluyt  Soc),  London, 

sage   to  Asia,  and   had  left  his  name  1S80 ;  and  Stephen's  Die  of  National 

forever  connected  with   his  great  dis-  Biogiapiiy.— H. 


11 


-s-^i^m 


SESrES 


i5toMaX9B3E! 


Ill  1 1  ^ 


;    ! 


.^1 


'r 


Hi 


:  t 


I  i 


I    ir, 


1    s  (    ■ 


88 


Captain  Francis  Chatnpevnowne. 


rent  conversation  and  wonder  throughout  the  realm.  The 
El  Dorado  of  tropical  America,  that  mythical  region  of  silver 
walls  and  golden  towers,  was  still  a  subject  of  interest  and 
speculation  among  all  classes  of  persons.  His  father  was 
the  c  wnrr  of  many  vessels,  some  of  which  were  engaged  in 
New  England  commerce  ;  and  it  must  have  been  a  common 
occurrence  for  his  intelligent  sea-captains  to  visit  Darting- 
ton,  only  ten  miles  from  the  haven  of  Dartmouth.  Nothing 
is  more  probable  than  that  Captain  John  Smith  was  a  guest 
there  when  he  went  over  the  west  of  England  distributing 
his  mr^p  and  his  description  of  New  England,  and  encour- 
aging persons  to  adventure  in  commercial  and  plantation 
enterprises  in  this  region  newly  explored  by  him.  He  may 
have  pointed  out  and  described  the  great  river  of  Pascata- 
qua  and  the  fair  islands  therein.^ 

Besides,  there  was  a  near  kinsman  of  our  Champernowne, 
Capt.  Ralegh  Gilbert,  a  worthy  son  of  the  renowned  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert,  who  had  been  one  of  the  leaders  in  the 
great  enterprise  of  procuring  royal  authority  for  settling 
plantations  in  North  America,  and  of  sending  in  1607  to  the 
wilderness  of  Norumbega  the  first  English  colony.  Captain 
Gilbert  had  been  president  of  this  colony  at  the  Kennebec 
River,  and  had  been  commended  by  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges 
for  ability  and  humanity.  He  was  named  a  grantee  in  the 
charter  of  New  England,  and  of  the  Council.  By  the  death 
of  his  elder  brother,  Sir  John  Gilbert,  the  ancestral  estates  of 
Greenway,  on  the  banks  of  the  Dart,  came  to  him,  and  there 
he  lived  during  the  youth  of  Francis  Champernowne,  never 
losing  his  interest   in   American   colonization.     The  Sey- 

1  Captain  Smith's  General  History,  ist  edition,  228. 


His  Ancestry  and  Kindred. 


89 


mours  of  Berry  Castle  were  also  interested  in  colonization, 
Sir  Edward  Seymour  being  named  a  grantee  in  the  New 
England  charter  of  1620.^ 

Francis  Champernowne  was  hardly  six  years  of  age  when 
an  event  in  the  Fulford  family  may  have  determined  his 
future  career.  The  celebrated  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  then 
in  command  of  the  royal  defences  of  Plymouth,  married,  for 
his  second  wife,  Mary  Fulford,  relict  of  Thomas  Achim,  of 
Cornwall,  and  a  sister  to  the  mother  of  Francis  Champer- 
nowne.^ This  alliance  brought  nearer  together  the  families 
of  Gorges  and  Champernowne. 

It  seems  probable  that  Francis  Champernowne  was  a 
favorite  with  his  maternal  kindred ;  for  he  inherited  a  cher- 
ished Christian  name,  then  borne  by  Sir  Francis  Fulford,  the 
worthy  head  of  that  ancient  house.  His  aunt  Gorges  could 
not  fail  to  bring  to  the  notice  of  her  illustrious  husband  a 
favorite  nephew,  one  of  the  kindred  of  Gilbert  and  of  Ralegh, 
and  to  commend  him  to  his  new  uncle.  Although  she  died 
in  a  few  years.  Sir  Ferdinando  to  the  end  of  his  life  contin- 
ued his  regard  and  attachment  for  her  nephew,  styling  him, 
even  in  formal  instruments,  his  "  trusty  and  well-beloved 
nephew  Francis  Champernowne."    This  connection,  and  the 


'  Tuckett's  Pedigrees,  Gilbert:  Gor- 
pes'G  Brief  Narration,  chap.  viii.  See 
the  Virginia  and  the  New  England 
Charters,  in  Popham  Memorial  Volume. 

^  My  thanks  are  due  to  the  Rev. 
Frederick  Brown,  M.A.,  of  Fern  Bank, 
Beckeuham,  Co.  Kent,  England,  for  this 
and  other  valuable  information  respect- 
ing Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  his 
family,  as  well  as  for  some  interesting 
facts  relative  to  the  Champernownes  and 
the  Fulfords,  derived  from  his  own 
original  researches.     [The  Rev.  Fred- 


erick Brown  was  much  interested  in  Mr. 
Tuttle's  rescArches,  and  communicated 
generously  to  him,  as  he  did  to  other 
American  correspondents,  the  results  of 
his  own  careful  and  extended  investiga- 
tions. His  researches  into  the  history 
of  Somersetshire  families  especially 
yielded  fruit  of  the  most  valuable  char- 
acter. Mr.  Brown  died  after  a  very 
brief  illness  at  Fern  Bank,  Beckenham, 
April  I,  1886.  See  New  England  His- 
torical and  Genealogical  Register,  July, 
1888.  — H.] 


12 


i     1 


'  il  1 


,1- 


■mH 


^^^2 


mmmmm 


isa 


!  i    *  :       • 


90 


Captain  Francis  Champernowne. 


future  relations  between  them  on  the  great  theatre  of  Amer- 
ican colonization,  demand  some  notice  of  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  whose  life  and  memorable  actions  have  been 
strangely  neglected  by  historians. 

Various  circumstances  have  combined  to  obscure  the  fame 
of  this  great  man,  and  to  exclude  his  name  and  character 
from  that  exalted  station  among  the  English  worthies  of  his 
age  to  which  they  are  justly  entitled.* 

Gorges  is  the  name  of  one  of  the  old  patrician  families 
of  England,  grown  in  the  course  of  many  ages  into  her  in- 
stitutions and  history.  This  name  is  conspicuous  in  the 
annals  of  the  west  of  England,  in  the  Jays  of  the  greatest 
of  the  Plantagenet  kings.  In  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  many 
branches  of  it  were  living  in  the  western  shires,  all  flour- 
ishing and  distinguished.  In  the  reign  of  James  I.  one 
branch  was  elevated  to  the  baronetage  and  afterwards  to  the 
peerage  of  England.  Knights  of  various  ranks  and  orders 
there  have  been  in  every  age.^ 

In  his  own  person  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  represented  the 
highest  lineage  of  England.  He  was  descended  from  that 
ancient  and  knightly  family  of  Gorges  which  had  been 
seated  many  centuries  at  Wraxall,  near  Bristol,  in  Somerset- 
shire. Sir  Ralph  de  Gorges,  the  founder  of  this  house,  was 
a  distinguished  warrior,  and  was  intrusted  with  great  and 
responsible  charges  by  his  sovereign.  He  attended  in  1277 
Prince   Edward,  afterwards   Edward   I.,  in  his  memorable 


1  The  Prince  Society  announces  two 
volumes  for  Its  series,  containing  a 
Memoir  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  liis 
Tract  entitled  A  Brief  Narration,  1658, 
the  American  Charter  granted  to  him, 
and  other  papers,  to  be  edited  by  James 
rhinney   Baxter,  A.M.     This  will  be 


welcomed  by  historical  students  every- 
where. —  H . 

^  Compare  CoUinson's  History  of 
Somersetshire ;  Lyson's  Devonshire 
and  Cornwall  in  Magna  Britannia; 
Hutchins's  History  of  Dorset ;  and 
Hoare's  History  of  Wiltshire. 


w 


His  Ancestry  and  Kindred. 


91 


campaign  to  the  Holy  Land.  Sir  Edmund  Gorges,  Knight 
of  the  Bath,  a  lineal  descendant,  and  successor  to  the  inheri- 
tance of  Wraxall,  married  the  Lady  Anne  Howard,  daugh- 
ter of  the  first  Duke  of  Norfolk,  and  sister  of  the  renowned 
Earl  of  Surrey,  the  hero  of  Flodden  Field,  and  continued 
his  race.'  By  this  marriage  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  a  lin- 
eal descendant  of  Sir  Edmund,  issued  from  the  illustrious 
ducal  families  of  Mowbray  of  Howard,  and  through  them 
from  Edward  L,  King  of  England.  The  splendor  of  his 
lineage  throws  a  halo  of  romance  around  his  name,  and 
gilds  his  long  and  illustrious  career,  reaching  into  the  reigns 
of  three  great  sovereigns  of  England,  with  imperishable 
glory.'* 

Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  was  born  probably  at  Clerkenwell,^ 
in  the  year  1565,  the  year  of  the  Ijirth  of  his  future  sove- 
reign, James  L  He  was  a  younger  son  of  Edward  Gorges, 
Esquire,  whose  father.  Sir  Edmund,  a  grandson  of  Sir  Ed- 
mund Gorges  and  the  Lady  Anne  Howard,  inherited  the 
manor  of  Wraxall.  Having  finished  his  education,  he  went 
to  the  wars  in  the  Low  Countries,  a  favorite  resort,  in  that 
age,  of  young  gentlemen  of  quality  and  chivalrous  courage. 
While  there,  on  some  occasion  in  the  summer  of  1588,  he 
was  taken  prisoner  with  other  persons  of  note  by  the  Span- 


*  Compare  Colli nson's  History  of 
Somersetshire,  156,  157;  Hume's  Eng- 
land, chap,  xxvii. 

2  Compare  Berry's  Hampshire  Pedi- 
grees, part  i.  125,  127;  Collinson's  His- 
tory of  Somersetshire,  ii.  293,  and  iii 
156  et  seq.,  and  CoUins's  Peerage  of 
England,  i.  63  et  scq.  It  is  worthy  of 
note  that  John  Howard,  first  Duke 
of  Norfolk,  ancestor  of  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  was  slain  at  Bosworth  Field, 


fighting  on  the  side  of  Richard  III., 
while  Sir  Edmund,  Baron  Carew,  ances- 
tor of  Francis  Champern  ywr>e,  fought 
in  the  same  battle  on  the  victorious 
side  of  the  Earl  of  Richmond,  afterwards 
Henry  VII. 

'  His  father  was  residing  at  Clerk- 
enwell  when  he  died,  Aug.  29,  156S. 
See  New  Eng.  Hist,  and  Gene.  Regis- 
ter, xxix.  44.  —  H. 


II 


I  ^ 


wmaa 


laWiH 


3E 


92 


Captain  Francis  Charnpernowne. 


Ill 


If 


iards,  and  his  release  was  procured  by  exchange  of  prisoners.* 
Three  years  later  he  was  captain  in  the  English  forces 
sent  to  aid  Henry  IV.  of  France  in  his  war  against  the 
Leaguers.  At  the  attack  on  Noyon,  the  birthplace  of  the 
immortal  Calvin,  he  behaved  with  great  bravery ;  and  while 
making  a  heroic  effort  to  enter  that  town,  after  taking  the 
Abbey,  he  was  badly  wounded  and  taken  prisoner.  In  this 
campaign  he  displayed  both  courage  and  military  capacity, 
and  his  valor  was  rewarded  by  the  Earl  of  Essex,  command- 
er of  the  English  forces,  who  knighted  him  in  the  presence 
of  the  army,  on  the  8th  day  of  October,  1591,  before  the 
besieged  city  of  Rouen.^  He  continued  in  the  armies  of 
Elizabeth,  serving  at  home  and  abroad,  often  charged  with 
special  duties  of  importance,  until  the  autumn  of  1595,  when 
the  Queen  rewarded  him  with  the  captaincy  of  the  Castle  or 
Fort,  and  also  of  the  Isle  of  St.  Nicholas,  at  Plymouth  in 
Devonshire.  This  castle,  the  key  to  the  kingdom  and  the 
most  important  in  the  realm,  had  recently  been  constructed, 
probably  under  his  direction.^  The  office  of  captain  was 
one  of  high  rank,  being  directly  connected  with  the  supreme 
government  of  the  realm,  and  intrusted  for  the  most  part  to 
noblemen  of  responsibility  having  intimate  and  confidential 
relations  with  the  sovereign.  This  was  the  occasion  of  his  tak- 
ing up  his  residence  at  Plymouth,  then  the  leading  commer- 


1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Do- 
mestic Series,  a.d.,  1581-1590,  542. 

"^  Camden  Miscellany,  i.  27,  68,  in 
Camden  Society  Publications. 

8  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  1595- 
1597,  99,  194,  196,  362.  Jewitt's  His- 
tory of  Plymouth,  Eng.,  131.  As  early 
as  1591,  before  the  castle  was  finished, 
the  mayor  and  inhabitants  of  Plymouth 


petitioned  the  Queen  to  appoint  Sir 
Arthur  Champernowne,  of  Modbury, 
commander.  Sir  Arthur  was  a  brave 
and  accomplished  person,  and  second 
cousin  to  Arthur  Champernowne,  of 
Darlington,  father  of  the  subject  of  this 
memoir.  Prince  has  an  account  of  him 
in  his  Worthies  of  Devon.  See  also 
Jewitt's  History  of  Plymouth,  126. 


His  Ancestry  and  Kindred. 


93 


cial  and  naval  station  in  the  southwest  of  England,  and  im- 
mediately connected  with  enterprises  of  discovery  and  trade 
in  America.  Unquestionably  this  event  had  much  to  do 
with  directing  his  spirited  genius  to  colonization  beyond  the 
Atlantic  ;  for  it  brought  Kim  in  contact  with  navigators, 
merchants,  and  others,  whose  interests  were  drawing  them 
to  enterprises  in  the  New  World.  That  he  soon  formed 
acquaintance  with  the  Champerncwnes  of  Modbury  and  of 
Dartington,  as  well  as  with  the  Gilberts  and  the  Raleghs,  is 
probable.  Nor  was  he  without  kindred  of  his  own  name  ar'l 
lineage  in  his  new  home ;  for  his  great-uncle,  Sir  William 
Gorges,  a  distinguished  naval  commander,  had  married 
Winifred,  a  co-heiress  of  the  ancient  house  of  Budokeside, 
of  St.  Budeaux,  near  Plymouth,  and  there  had  lived  and 
died,  leaving  several  sons  —  Sir  Arthur,  Sir  Edward,  Tris- 
tram, and  Robert  —  to  inherit  his  estate  and  name.  Roger 
Budokeside,  father  of  the  wife  of  Sir  William  Gorges,  had 
married  Frances,  daughter  of  Sir  Philip  Champernowne, 
of  Modbury,  a  sister  of  Sir  Arthur,  of  Dartington,  and  of 
Katherine,  mother  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  and  of  Sir 
Walter  Ralegh ;  and  so  the  worthy  blood  of  the  Champer- 
nowne race  was  coursing  in  the  veins  of  this  branch  of  the 
Gorges  family.  Upon  the  death  of  his  second  wife,  Mary 
Fulford,  in  1623,  Sir  Ferdinando  married  Elizabeth,  daugh- 
ter of  Tristram  Gorges,  of  St.  Budeaux,  and  resided  at  Kin- 
terbury,  in  that  parish.^ 

Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  held  command  at  Plymouth  until 
the  year  1629,  a  period  of  thirty-three  years,  with  honor 
to  himself  and  to  his  nation.^     In  the  mean  time  he  was 


1  Tuckett's   Pedigrees,  130;   West- 
cote,  466  ;  Lyson's  Devonshire,  88. 


*  Calendar  of  State   Papers,   1628- 
1629,  596. 


n 


!f| 


m 


S\ 


94 


Captain  Francis  C hamper nowne. 


» 


concerned  in  many  transactions  of  public  importance,  besides 
his  great  enterprise  of  colonization  in  America.  He  was  one 
of  the  general  ofKicers  of  the  great  naval  fleet  designed  to  act 
against  the  Spaniards  in  the  summer  of  1597,  commanded 
by  the  Earl  of  Essex,  the  vice-admiral  being  Lord  Thomas 
Howard,  and  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  the  rear-admiral.^  The 
Queen  appointed  Gorges  one  of  the  six  counsellors  to  the 
Earl  of  Essex  in  this  expedition.  He  sailed  with  the  fleet 
from  Plymouth,  but  was  driven  back  by  a  dreadful  storm, 
and  sickness  prevented  his  sailing  the  second  time,  when  the 
fleet  went  to  the  Azores. 

Gorges  was  concerned  in  the  famous  insurrection  of  the 
Earl  of  Essex,  which  cost  that  nobleman  his  life,  and  the 
lives  of  many  others  involved  with  him.^  His  sympathies, 
undoubtedly,  were  with  the  misguided  Earl,  with  whom  he 
had  been  associated  in  many  campaigns  by  sea  and  land, 
and  at  whose  hands  he  had  received  knighthood  ;  but  his 
allegiance  was  due  to  Elizabeth.  His  position  was  a  dif- 
ficult one,  and  his  escape  from  the  anger  of  offended  ma- 
jesty, marvellous.  He  was  suspended  from  his  captaincy  in 
Plymouth,  but  was  soon  pardoned  and  restored.^  Hi"  con- 
duct in  this  affair  was  much  censured.     He  wrote  an  able 


r 


^  Sir  Arthur  Gorges's  Narrative, 
Purchas,  iv.  1940  et  seq.  Tiie  name  of 
Sir  Arthur  Gorges  occurs  frequently  in 
history.  He  was  cousin  german  to  the 
father  of  Sir  Ferriinando  Gorges,  being 
a  son  of  Sir  William  Gorges,  of  St. 
Budeaux,  and  second  cousin  to  Arthur 
Champernowne.  His  first  wife  was  the 
Lady  Douglas  Howard,  daughter  of 
Viscount  Binden,  and  his  second,  the 
Lady  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Henry, 
second  Earl  of  Lincoln.  For  several 
generations  the  family  of  Gorges  and 


the  family  of  Clinton,  Earls  of  Lincoln, 
were  connected  by  intermarriage.  Sir 
Arthur  married  as  above.  John  Gorges, 
son  of  Sir  Ferdinando,  married  the 
Lady  Frances,  daughter  of  Thomas, 
third  Earl  of  Lincoln  ;  and  Theophilus, 
fourth  Earl,  married  Elizabeth,  daii<;h- 
ter  of  Sir  Arthur  Gorges  by  his  first 
wife. 

*  Hume's  History  of  England,  chap, 
xliv. 

"  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  1601- 
1603. 


». — _ — 


His  Ancestyy  and  Kindred. 


95 


defence  of  it,  wherein  he  displayed  ability  and  excellent 
literary  taste,  and  showed  a  high  order  of  intellect.^ 

In  the  opening  year  of  the  reign  of  Charles  I.  he  be- 
came conspicuous  by  his  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  the 
court  party  to  supply  the  King  of  France  with  English  ves- 
sels to  aid  in  reducing  the  Protestants  in  Rochelle.  On 
this  occasion  he  went  to  France  in  his  own  ship,  the  Great 
Neptune,  and  there  behaved  with  great  courage  and  inde- 
pendence, utterly  refusing  to  allow  his  ship  to  fight  against 
the  people  of  Rochelle.^ 

During  the  war  with  Spain  and  France,  which  imme- 
diately followed  this  event,  his  position  in  Plymouth  was 
one  of  much  responsibility,  requiring  great  and  constant 
exertion.  Although  now  more  than  threescore  years  of 
age,  he  was  active  during  the  contest,  displaying  as  much 
zeal  for  the  public  welfare,  and  as  much  ability,  as  he  had 
done  thirty  years  before  in  the  wars  of  Elizabeth.^  Early  in 
1629  he  resigned  or  surrendered  his  captaincy  at  Plymouth, 
and  retired  to  Ashton  Phillips,  in  Long  Ashton,  in  his  native 
Somersetshire.  He  now  devoted  himself  to  furthering  his 
enterprises  of  colonization  in  New  England.  Among  other 
things  he  wrote  an  historical  narrative  of  his  own  and  of  his 
associates'  efforts  in  settling  English  plantations  in  America, 
which  was  not  published  until  after  his  death.  This,  his 
chief  literary  performance  that  has  come  down  to  us,  shows 
him  to  have  been  an  accomplished  man,  a  superior  writer, 
?.nd  thoroughly  candid  in  his  statements.     He  died  at  Ash- 

1  Folsom's  Early  Documents  relat-  5.  175;  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  1625- 
ing  to  Maine,  11 8-1 37.  1626,  66,  75,  80  et  seq. 

*  Hume's  History  of  England,  chap.  *  See   Gorges's  official  correspond- 

1.  ;  Rushworth's  Historical  Collections,     ence  during  this  war,  in  the  State  Paper 

Office  in  London. 


^:g, -!;!JL"J',!*!'mM>»»<M 


w 


96 


Captain  Francis  Champernowne. 


\\ 


ton  Phillips,  at  the  venerable  age  of  eighty-two  years,  and 
was  buried  on  the  14th  day  of  May,  1647.' 

At  the  age  of  twenty-five  he  married  Ann,  daughter  of 
Edward  Bell,  of  the  county  of  Essex,  and  by  her  had  four 
children,  two  sons  and  two  daughters.  John  Gorges,  the 
eldest  son,  married  the  Lzdy  Frances,  daughter  of  the  third 
Earl  of  Lincoln,  and  had  c:hildren,  among  whom  was  Fcrdi- 
nando  Gorges,  Esquire,  who  succeeded  his  grandfather  as 
lord  proprietor  of  the  province  of  Maine  in  New  England. 
The  second  son.  Captain  Robert  Gorges,  was  appointed  by 
the  Council  for  N'^w  England  governor  of  its  dominions  in 
America,  and  came  hither  in  1623.  The  two  daughters  died 
young.  Sir  Fcrdinando  married  thrice  after  the  death  of 
his  first  wife  in   1620,  but  had  no  other  issue.^ 

Gorges  had  lived  to  witness  and  be  an  actor  in  many 
great  events  in  his  time,  but  none  more  memorable  than 
that  of  English  colonization  in  America,  mainly  effected 
through  his  own  agency.  He  had  lived  to  see  a  vast  region 
in  the  New  World  inhabited  by  wandering  savages  and 
claimed  by  Spain  and  France,  annexed  to  the  English  em- 


*  Gorges's  Brief  Narration  in  second 
volume  of  Maine  Historical  Collections  ; 
Hutchins's  History  and  Antiquities  of 
Dorset,  iii.  33  et  seq. 

"^  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  r'^rried, 
first,  at  St.  Margaret's,  Westminster, 
Feb.  24,  1589-90,  Ann,  daughter  of 
Edward  Bell,  of  Writtle,  County  of  Es- 
sex; she  died  Aug.  6,  1620,  and  was 
buried  in  St,  Sepulchre's,  London.  By 
her  he  had  four  children,  viz. :  i.  John, 
born  April  23,  1593;  2.  Robert;  3. 
Ellen  ;  4.  Honora.  The  last  two  chil- 
dren probably  died  young.  He  married, 
second,  Mary  Fulford,  daughter  of  Sir 


Thomas  Fulford  by  Ursula  Bampfyldc, 
and  widow  of  Thomas  Achim,  of  Hall, 
in  Cornwall ;  she  died  1623.  He  mar- 
ried, third,  Elizabeth  Gorges,  daugh- 
ter of  Tristram  Gorges,  of  Budockshed, 
Devon  ;  she  had  married,  first,  Aug.  i, 
1614,  at  St.  Budeaux,  Edward  Court- 

enay,  and  on  his  death,  married 

Blithe;  she  died  1629.  He  married, 
fourth,  at  Wraxall,  Sept.  23,  1629, 
Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Sir  Thomas 
Gorges,  and  widow  of  Sir  Hugh  Smyth, 
of  Ashton  Court,  County  of  Somerset ; 
she  died  1659.  (Letter  of  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Brown,  of  England,  to  Mr.  Tuttle.) 


His  Ancestry  and  Kindred. 


97 


pire,  and  settled  with  men  of  his  own  race  and  nation. 
From  the  wilds  of  Norumbega  he  had  carved  a  province 
for  himself,  and  sent  there  his  kindred  and  his  countrymen 
to  colonize  It.  On  the  banks  of  the  beautiful  river  of  Aga- 
menticus,  the  city  of  Gorgeana,  the  capital  of  his  province, 
was  rising  to  perpetuate  his  name  and  memory  when  he 
passed  from  the  scene  of  his  earthly  activity. 

The  latter  years  of  his  life  were  clouded  by  the  domestic 
dissensions  in  England,  which  brought  him  trouble  and  per- 
sonal suffering.  The  venerable  old  knight,  "sorrowing  in 
the  highest  degree  to  find  such  a  separation  threatening," 
beheld  with  grief  his  kindred  and  friends  falling  around  him, 
and  venerable  institutions,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  menaced 
with  destruction.^  The  fate  of  his  beloved  province  in 
New  England,  the  fruit  of  more  than  forty  years'  labor,  was 
involved  in  this  mighty  civil  war  raging  around  him.  His 
kinsmen  and  his  colonists  were  coming  from  thence  and  join- 
ing in  the  awful  conflict ;  and  while  the  issue  of  this  dire  in- 
ternecine struggle  was  still  uncertain,  the  grave  closed  over 
this  great  man.  The  events  which  followed  obscured  his 
memory  and  wasted  his  fortune  ;  and  for  more  than  two 
centuries  his  merits  and  his  misfortunes  excited  but  little 
public  interest.''' 

But  the  fame  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  belongs  to  both 
worlds.  England  owes  to  his  memory  the  applause  due  to 
a  noble  spirit  thoroughly  devoted  to  her  interests  and  her 
glory  ;  and  New  England,  the  reverence  and  homage  due  to 


*  Gorges  to  Lord  Fairfax  in  Bell's 
Memorials  of  the  Civil  War,  i.  299; 
Josselyn's  Two  Voyages,  197. 

*  Folsom's  Early  Documents  relat- 


ing to  Maine,  22 ;  Brief  Narration, 
l)ook  ii,  chap.  3.  George  Folsoni  and 
John  A.  Poor  have  in  our  time  ably 
vindicated  the  merits  of  Gorges. 


13 


i 


1 


98 


Captain  Francis  CJiampcynowne. 


M 


i    ; 

'      '  - 
f  ■ 

j 

M       ^. 

the  founder  of  English  empire  in  America.  Without  the 
action  of  this  enterprising  man  at  an  exigent  moment,  it  is 
doubtful  whether  England  would  ever  have  come  peaceably 
into  the  possession  of  a  single  acre  of  American  territory. 
The  great  commercial  nations,  Spain,  France,  and  Holland, 
were  intent  on  seizing  and  holding  America  to  their  own 
use.  The  memorable  attempts  of  Gilbert  and  of  Ralegh  to 
plant  English  colonies  in  America  in  the  time  of  Elizabeth 
languished  and  came  to  an  end  with  her  reign.  When 
James  I.  ascended  the  throne  of  England,  there  was  not 
an  English  settlement  or  habitation  between  the  Straits  of 
Magellan  and  the  arctic  snows.  Virginia  was  then  the 
romantic  name  of  a  wild  region,  with  shadowy  boundaries, 
hanging  on  the  skirts  of  foreign  dominioiis.  English  pos- 
session, if  not  title,  had  departed  from  it  many  years  before. 
Spain  and  France  held  the  entire  continent  of  North  Amer- 
ica, under  the  grand  names  of  New  Spain  and  New  France, 
claiming  title  in  virtue  of  prior  discovery  and  occupancy. 
While  these  great  kingdoms  were  diverse  in  their  political 
interests,  they  were  one  in  religion;  and  both  interests 
favored  immediate  colonization  in  their  respective  Ameri- 
can provinces.  The  empire  of  the  Latin  race  and  religion 
was  extending  everywhere  outside  the  limits  of  Europe, 
while  the  English  race  and  the  reformed  religion  remained 
shut  up  in  the  British  Isles.  Had  the  Tudor  Princes  been 
worths  of  their  enterprising  and  chivalrous  subjects,  espe- 
cially such  as  dwelt  in  the  western  maritime  shires,  Eng- 
land would  not  only  have  been  the  first  to  lead  the  way  to 
America,  but  the  actual  possessor  of  it  long  before  this 
epoch. 


His  A  nee  shy  and  Kind  ye  it 


99 


Such  was  the  aspect  of  colonization  in  the  New  World, 
and  such  the  condition  of  England  when  Sn-  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  moved  by  a  noble  desire  to  enlarge  the  English  em- 
pire and  to  extend  his  race  and  religion,  formed  his  great 
design  of  planting  colonies  in  North  America.  As  the 
origins  of  mighty  rivers  are  obscure,  so  are  the  beginnings 
of  mighty  enterprises  :  the  current  is  passing  .'Jc  V2  our  eyes 
ere  we  suspect  its  existence. 

Time  has  concealed  the  first  steps  of  Gorges  in  this  great 
enterprise  of  colonization  ;  but  they  clearly  lie  among  the 
first  years  of  his  residence  at  Plymouth.  His  public  employ- 
ments there  brought  him  much  in  contact  with  Sir  Walter 
Ralegh,  whose  memorable  efforts  to  plant  colonies  in  Amer- 
ica must  have  been  well  known  to  Gorges.  Ralegh  was  still 
looking  to  the  New  World  for  the  aggrandizement  of  Eng- 
land, although  his  own  enterprises  to  this  end  had  not  been 
successful ;  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  he  may  have  im- 
parted a  portion  of  his  spirit  to  Gorges.  At  all  events,  in  a 
few  years  Ralegh  became  disabled  by  his  imprisonment  in 
the  Tower  from  further  prosecuting  his  designs,  and  Gorges 
appears  his  successor  on  the  scene. 

Of  all  maritime  towns  in  the  kingdom,  Plymouth  was  the 
fittest  to  awaken  and  nourish  a  spirit  of  foreign  adventure. 
This  ancient  haven  had  been  the  theatre  of  preparation  of 
those  memorable  fieets  of  discovery  and  colonization  which 
had  made  its  name  as  widely  known  as  the  name  of  the 
metropolis  of  England.  Only  eighteen  years  before,  Sir 
Francis  Drake  had  sailed  from  this  port  with  a  fleet  which 
circumnavigated  the  globe, —  a  feat  regarded  with  wonder  in 
that  age.     Soon  after  Drake's  return  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert 


;^«^"ii»"*a" 


100  Captain  Francis  Champernowne. 

sailed  with  a  commission  from  Elizabeth  to  take  possession 
of  such  barbarous  parts  of  the  New  World  as  were  not  in 
the  possession  of  any  Christian  prince  or  people.  The 
several  fleets  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  had  fitted  here  with  all 
the  appliances  of  colonization,  and  sailed  in  the  track  of  Gil- 
bert, marking  the  "  course  of  empire  "  to  America.  The  in- 
terest in  colonization  which  these  great  enterprises  awakened 
in  Plymouth  had  not  subsided  when  Gorges  assumed  com- 
mand of  its  royal  defences. 


11. 


HIS   LIFE   IN    NEW   ENGLAND. 


r  .ft 


I  i' 

\ 

1 

L 

V. 

"». 

On  the  12th  of  December,  1636,  Arthur  Champernowne, 
father  of  Francis,  became  interested  in  New  England.  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges,  the  proprietor  of  New  Somersetshire  in 
New  England,  granted^  to  him  two  large  tracts  of  land 
lying  on  the  sea-coast,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Pascataqua 
River.^    One  of  these,  comprising  "  five  hundred  acres  more 

cataquack,  Pischataquacke,  Pischata- 
way,  Piscataway,  Piscataqua,  etc.  Tlie 
last  form  means  nothing,  while  Pascat- 
aqua is  sufficiently  accurate  to  represent 
and  preserve  tiie  meaning  wh'cli  the 
aborigines  intended  to  convey  by  the 
word  ;  namely,  "  a  divided  tidal-place" 
If  it  be  borne  in  mind  that  both  by  the 
aborigines  and  the  early  settlers  tlie 
word  was  applied  to  the  territory  on  both 
sides  of  the  stream  as  wdl  as  to  the  river 
itself,  and  that  the  latter  near  its  mouth 
is  split  into  two  streams  by  the  rocky 
island  New  Castle,  the  signilicance  and 


'  .See  York  Deeds,  bk.  iii.  fols.  97, 
98  :  also  for  the  same  grant  under  date 
of  June  14,  1638,  see  fols.  98,  99. 

■■*  For  more  than  a  century  and  a 
half  the  name  of  the  river  wiiich  divides 
the  extreme  southern  portion  of  Maine 
from  New  Hampshire  has  been  com- 
monly written  Piscataqua.  The  name 
is  of  Indian  origin,  and  according  to 
Capt.  John  Smith  (Description  of  New 
Tngland,  1616)  was  Passataquack.  In 
the  17th  century,  and  in  the  early  part 
of  the  i8th,  the  name  was  variously 
spelled:    Pascataqua,  Pascataway,  Pas- 


His  Life  in  New  England. 


lOI 


or  less,"  extending  northeasterly  to  Braveboat  Harbor,^ 
and  entirely  surrounded  by  salt  water,  was  to  be  called 
Dartington,^  doubtless  in  honor  of  his  native  parish  in 
Devonshire.  The  other  tract,  containing  about  five  hundred 
acres  of  marsh  land,  was  situate  on  the  northeast  side  of 
Braveboat  Harbor,     This  was  to  be  called  Godmorock.^ 


appropriateness  of  the  name  will  be 
apparent.  It  is  desirable  that  the 
meaninfjless  corruption  —  Piscataqua  — 
be  eliminated  from  ourgeofiraphical  no- 
menclature. (See  Mr.  Tuttle's  Com.  in 
Proc.  iMass.Hist.Soc,  Nov  1878.)  — H. 

1  No  satisfactory  explanation  of  this 
name  has  been  given.  —  H. 

'^  This  tract  of  land,  lying  in  the 
town  of  Kittery,  in  Maine,  was,  so  far 
as  we  can  learn,  never  called  Darting- 
ton,  but  during  the  lifetime  of  Captain 
Champernowne,  and  for  some  years 
subsequently,  was  styled  Champer- 
nowne's  Island,  A  portion  of  it  was 
called  Elliot's  Island  in  1721.  For 
a  long  time  the  island  has  been  pop- 
ularly supposed  to  be  two  islands, 
and  the  two  parts  have  respectively 
borne,  as  they  now  do,  the  names  of  the 
families  which  for  many  generations 
owned  and  occupied  them ;  namely, 
Cutts  and  Gerrish  ;  but  it  is  in  fact  one 
island,  the  two  parts  being  joined  to- 
gether by  a  solid  isthmus  over  which 
the  sea  never  ilows.  Cutts  Island  con- 
tains about  3jo  acres.  In  the  year  1700, 
this  tract,  with  500  acres  on  Raynes's 
Neck,  was  conveyed  to  Richird  Cutt 
by  deed  from  ^Irs.  Mary  Champei- 
nowne,  widow  of  Fran-ris,  and  her 
daughter  Elizabeth  V/itherick,  both  then 
being  residents  of  South  Carolina.  Since 
that  date  the  larger  portion  of  the  tract 
continued  in  the  possession  and  occu- 
pancy of  descendants  of  Richard  Cutt 
for  six  generations.  The  larger  part 
of  the  tract  is  now  owned  by  Mr. 
John  Thaxter  (a  son  of  Mrs.  Celia 
Thaxter,  the  well-known  writer),  who 


has  erected  a  dwelling-house  on  the 
traditional  site  of  Captain  Champer- 
nowne's  "  upper  house."  He  has  hap- 
pily named  his  land  Champernowne's 
Farm.  Champernowne's  "lower house" 
was  situated  on  the  main  land  and  near 
the  mouth  of  Chauncey  Creek.  It  was 
standing  down  to  a  time  within  the  mem- 
ory of  men  still  living,  and  was  then 
known  as  the  house  of  Col.  Paul  Lewis. 
That  pr.rt  of  the  island  which  bear? 
the  name  of  Gerrish  comprises  about 
1000  acres.  Robert  Elliot  bought  this 
land  of  Mrs.  Champernowne,  and  pre- 
sented it  to  his  daughter  Sarah,  on  her 
marriage  with  Col.  Timothy  Gerrish, 
and  it  has  continued  in  tiie  possession 
and  occupancy  of  their  descendants  un- 
til recently.  It  is  gratifying  to  learn 
that  Mr.  William  H.  Goodwin,  of  Bos- 
ton, who  owns  a  portion  of  "  Gerrish  " 
island,  has  bestowed  upon  it  the  name 
Dartington,  given  to  the  whole  island 
by  Gorges.  —  H. 

*  Godmorock  is  presumably  the  orig- 
inal or  an  early  form  of  Gomerock. 
"  On  the  eastern  side  or  shore  of  the 
entrance  to  Dartmouth  Harbor  [Eng.]  is 
Gomerock,  formerly  Gomerock  Castle, 
where  one  end  of  the  chain  stretched 
nightly  across  the  harbour's  mouth  for 
protection  (to  maintain  which  chain, 
privileges  were  granted  to  Dartmouth 
by  royal  charter)  was  secured ;  the  other 
end  being  connected  with  -i  windlas.s  in 
the  Round  Tower  of  Darlniouth  Castle, 
on  the  opposite  shore."  (MS.  Letter 
of  Mr.  T.  Lidstone,  of  Dartmouth, 
Eng.)  -  H. 


'.     I 


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rf'««gpiia'.jAu.''jsi!»<,wjggr^ 


1 02  Captain  Francis  Champcrnowne. 

Whether  it  was  the  design  of  Arthur  Champcrnowne  to 
come  hither  and  improve  this  grant  does  not  appear;  but 
his  sixth  and  youngest  son,  Francis,  came  in  the  year  1637, 
partly  or  wholly  in  the  interest  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges, 
and  lived  for  many  years,  and  died  on  the  premises  granted 
to  his  father.  He  seems  to  have  had  a  fondness  for  mari- 
time life  and  adventure,  and  to  have  held  at  one  time  some 
position  in  the  royal  navy.  The  title  Captain  was  given 
to  him  in  all  official  and  private  documents  from  his  first 
coming  here.  It  is  probable  that  he  came^  to  Boston  in 
company  with  the  young  Lord  Ley,  afterwards  third  Earl 
of  Marlborough,  with  whom  he  subsequently  sailed  "'s  com- 
mander at  sea.  It  was  at  this  time  that  Gorges  ?<  jut  a 
commission  to  Winthrop  and  others  for  the  government 
of  his  Province  of  New  Somersetshire.  Two  months  la'  jr 
he  writes  of  his  nephew  Champernovvne  as  being  in  New 
Endand.^ 

As  early  as  March,  1639,  Captain  Champcrnowne  was 
regarded  as  one  of  the  leading  inhabitants  in  the  Pascataqua 
plantations ;  for  he  was  one  of  the  persons  there  to  whom 
the  General  Court  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  addressed 
letters  relative  to  Capt.  John  UnderhilP  and  others  in  that 
region,  who  were  denying  and  resisting  the  authority  in 
civil  and  religious  affairs  which  the  Bay  Colony  was  the- 
claiminc:  the  riirht  to  exercise  over  the  settlers  within  ti 
territory  granted  to  Capt.  John  Mason.* 

While  his  father,  as  we  have  seen,  was  the  proprietor  of  a 

1  In  June,  1637.  *  Belknap's   Hist,   of    New   Hamp- 

2  MS.   Letter  of  Arthur  Champer-     shire.  Farmer's  eel,   17-28;  Palfrey,!, 
nowne.    Esq,   of   Dartiiififon,    to    Mr.     459.  487.  59' i  "•  359.  378. 

Tuttle;  \Vinthrop'sHist.,i.*23i;  Maine         *  Mass.  Rec,  i.  254. 
Hist.  Coll.,  i.  544-  —  H 


V, 


k'\|     V 


His  Life  in  New  England. 


103 


larjre  tract  of  land  on  the  cast  side  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Pascataqua,  which  Francis  probably  was  authorized  to  look 
after,  he  selected  for  his  principal  residence  at  this  time  *  a 
tract  of  land  lying  in  a  picturesque  region  on  the  southerly 
side  of  the  Great  Bay  and  east  of  Winnicut  River,  within 
the  present  town  of  Greenland,  then  a  part  of  Strawberry 
Bank,  now  Portsmouth,  in  New  Hampshire.^  This  farm,  com- 
prising about  four  hundred  acres,  he  purchased  of  Robert 
Saltonstall  and  others,  owners  of  a  portion  of  the  "  Squam- 
scott  Patent,"  so  called.^      This   estate  he   immediately  im- 


If 

III 

/J  I 


1  It  is  not  improbable  that  Cham- 
pernowne  was  also  interested  in  behalf 
of  the  heirs  of  Capt.  John  Mason,  and 
for  this  and  other  reasons  settled  upon 
land  which  was  included  in  Mason's 
grant.  When  the  owners  of  the  so-called 
"Squamscott  Patent"  asserted  their 
tide  he  purchased  of  them  this  land  in 
Greenland.  —  H. 

■■^  Portsmouth  was  incorporated  May 
28.  1653.  by  the  General  Court  of  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  which  at  that  time 
exercised  civil  authority  over  the  settled 
portions  of  New  Hampshire.  The  first 
considerable  settlement  in  New  Hamp- 
shire was  made  on  Great  Island,  lyino; 
between  tlie  two  mouths  of  the  Pascat- 
aqua, and  there  for  the  next  seventy- 
five  years  was  the  seat  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Province.  A  fort  was 
erected  at  an  early  day,  and  was  popu- 
larly named  the  Castle.  In  1693  Great 
Island  was  set  off  from  Portsmouth, 
and  incorporated  as  a  town  by  the 
name  of  New  Castle.  The  fort  or 
castle  had  been  enlarged  and  newly 
equipped  the  year  preceding  the  in- 
corporation of  the  town,  and  this  fact, 
it  is  believed,  suggested  the  name  of 
the  new  town.  There  certainly  is  no 
ground  for  supposing,  with  some  writers, 
that  the  name  wa.>  conferred  in  honor  of 
the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  or  suggested  by 
the  English  city  Newcastle.     The  name 


is  properly  written  in  two  words,  as 
above.  See  Albee's  New  Castle.  —  H. 
»  On  the  I2th  of  March,  1629(0.8.), 
the  Council  for  the  Affairs  of  New  Eng- 
land in  America  granted  to  Edward 
Hilton,  a  planter  at  Dover  in  New 
Hampshire,  and  his  associates,  a  con- 
siderable tract  of  land  on  the  Pascata- 
qua River.  In  1632  the  grantees  sold 
their  patent,  and  the  purchasers,  through 
their  resident  agent  or  agents,  proceeded 
to  lay  out  and  bound  their  patent.  They 
located  the  greater  part  of  it  on  the 
southerly  side  of  the  Pascataqua  River 
and  tlie  Great  Bay.  This  portion  of  the 
Hilton  patent  came  to  be  known  in 
l)opuIar  language  as  the  "  Squamscott 
Patent."  The  present  town  of  Green- 
land and  other  towns  were  claimed  as  a 
part  of  this  grant.  This  patent,  or  the 
claims  set  up  under  it,  became  the 
source  of  much  controversy  and  liti- 
gation, and  the  true  construction  of  the 
patent,  its  location  and  extent,  have 
long  been  a  matter  of  discussion.  The 
original  of  the  Hilton  patent  has  un- 
doubtedly perished,  but  a  copy,  or  what 
purports  to  be  one,  made  by  a  careless 
or  illiterate  copyist,  was  discovered  a 
few  years  ago  by  the  Hon.  Charles  H. 
Bell,  among  the  court  papers  at  Exeter, 
N.  H.,  and  a  transcript  of  the  same 
was  printed  in  the  New  England  His- 
torical  and  Genealogical   Register  for 


1    (• 


I' 


V- 


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^f^mmtmmimmmms 


mmp^mmmmm 


104  Captain  Francis  Champernowne. 


proved  by  building  a  dwelling-house   and  other  structures 
thereon.     The    farm   was   then  usually  called   Greenland,^ 


I 


July,  1870.  (See  Belknap's  History  of 
New  Hampshire,  Farmer's  Ed.,  9  ;  I'ro- 
vincial  Papers  of  New  Hamj).,  i.  211, 
221,  223  ;  Mass.  Rec.  iii.  40(^-412.)  F'or 
an  elaborate  and  interestinij  discussion 
of  the  Hilton  Patent,  see  Notes  on  tlie 
First  Plantint;  of  New  Hampshire  and 
on  the  Piscataqua  Patents,  by  John  S. 
Jenness,  Portsmouth,  187S.  Mr.  Jen- 
ness's  contention  is,  that  the  Hilton 
Patent  was  fraudulently  construed  by 
the  purchasers  to  include  territory  south 
of  the  Pascalaqua  River  and  the  Great 
Pay,  and  that  the  authorities  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  connived  at  and  profited 
by  this  construction.  But  this  charf;;e 
against  Massachusetts,  in  the  form 
made,  does  not  appear  to  the  editor  to 
be  warranted  by  any  facts  known  to  him. 

The  late  Hon.  S.imuel  I).  Bell,  Chief 
Justice  of  New  Hampshire,  one  of  the 
most  learned  and  critical  students  of  the 
history  of  that  State,  was  of  the  opinion 
that  the  Hilton  Patent  was  not  intended 
to  cover  any  territory  south  of  the  River 
Pascataqua.  (Prov.  Papers  of  New 
Hamp,,  i.  29.)  It  is  not  certain,  how- 
ever, that  Judge  Bell  had  seen  the  full 
text  of  the  Hilton  Patent. 

The  subject  is  too  large  for  full  dis- 
cussion in  a  foot-note  ;  but  this  in  brief 
may  be  remarked:  If  it  be  objected 
that  this  grant  to  Hilton  and  his  asso- 
ciates conflicted  with  existing  grants 
from  the  same  grantors,  the  reply  would 
be  that  similarly  conflicting  grants  were 
made  of  territory  in  Massachusetts  and 
in  Maine.  What  were  the  motives  and 
considerations  that  induced  Warwick, 
President  of  the  Council,  to  issue  these 
grants,  perhaps  in  some  cases  without 
the  consent  or  even  knowledge  of  his 
associates,  can  only  be  conjectured.  A 
clause  in  the  grant  reads  as  follows : 
"  All  that  part  of  the  River  I'ascata- 
quack  called  or  known  by  the  name  of 
Wccanacohunt  or  Hilton's  Point,  with 
the  south  side  of  the  said  River  up  to 


the  Fall  of  the  River,  and  three  miles 
into  the  main  land  with  all  the  breadth 
thereof."  Mr.  Jenness  contended  that 
the  boundary  line  ran  up  "  the  southerly 
side  of  tiiat  river  to  the  lower  or  Ouam- 
pegan  Falls  [not  the  Scjuamscott  Falls 
in  Exeter,  —  Ed.],  a  distance  of  some 
seven  or  eight  miles,  and  reached  back 
into  the  interior  country  three  miles 
along  the  entire  river  frontage ;"  and 
that  the  "  name  I'iscataqua  "  was  never 
"applied  by  the  English  or  the  Indians 
to  the  Exeter  River,  on  which  the 
Squamscott  Falls  are  situated."  But 
the  fact  whether  or  not  the  Pascalaqua 
River  was  understood  at  the  time  to  ex- 
tend to  Ouampegan  Falls,  and  not  to 
include  Exeter  River, —  which  empties 
into  the  Bay  at  its  extreme  southwest- 
ern limit,  —  is  the  point  on  which  the 
controversy  mainly  turns.  This  ques- 
tion needs  to  be  more  thoroughly  in- 
vestigated. The  strangest  fact  in  this 
matter  is,  that  some  twenty  months 
later  than  the  date  of  the  grant  to  ti  il- 
ton  and  Iiis  associates,  the  same  grant- 
ors (the  Grand  Council  for  the  aff  irs  of 
New  England)  conveyed  to  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges,  Capt.  John  Mason,  and 
others,  territory  on  both  sides  of  the 
Pascataqua,  and  including  the  larger 
pnrt  of  tiie  land  embraced  in  the 
"  Squamscott  Patent,"  and  there  are  no 
words  of  reservation  in  the  later  grant. 
This  fact,  it  hasljeen  urged,  is  quite  con- 
clusive as  to  the  location  intended  in  the 
Hilton  Patent.  For  the  Grant  and  Con- 
firmation of  Pescataway,  see  Tuttle's 
Captain  John  Mason,  Prince  Soc,  198- 
204  ;  also  Jenness's  No>.2s  on  the  First 
Planting  of  New  Hampshire,  82-84. 
For  a  remarkable  chapter  of  the  history 
of  conflicting  territorial  grants  in  Mas- 
sachusetts, see  the  paper  on  the  Patent 
of  Mariana,  by  the  Hon.  Charles  Levi 
Woodbury,  in  Tuttle's  Mason,  cited 
above,  45-52.  —  H. 

'  Greenland  as  the  name  of  a  hamlet 


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1 

1 


His  Life  in  New  England. 


105 


and  this  name  was  communicated  to  a  portion  of  the  town 
in  which  it  lay. 

On  the  3d  of  April,  1639,  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  received 
from  King  Charles  a  patent  of  the  territory  lying  between 
the  Pascataqua  and  the  Kennebec  rivers,  with  full  powers 
of  government,  being  himself  made  lord  palatine  over  the 
same.'  For  some  reason  not  apparent,  the  old  name, 
Province  of  Maine,  bestowed  on  this  territory  in  the  grant 
of  the  same  in  1622  to  Gorges  and  Mason  by  the  President 
and  Council  for  New  England,  was  restored,  and  the  name 
New  Somersetshire  disappeared.  By  this  change  New 
Hampshire  was  thereafter  the  only  English  province  in 
America  named  for  an  English  county. 

In  September  of  the  same  year  (1639)  Gorges  issued  a 
commission  for  the  govern  .ent  of  his  province,  appointing 
Sir  Thomas  Josselyn^  Deputy  Governor,  who  declined  the 


or  of  a  parish  is  not  unknown  in  England. 
There  was  anciently  a  cove  or  dock  in 
the  harbor  of  Dartmouth  called  "Green- 
land Dock."  The  name  must  have  been 
familiar  to  Champernowne  from  his  boy- 
hood days,  and  he  it  was  undoubtedly 
who  bestowed  the  name  on  his  farm  at 
the  Great  Bay.  The  nam.e  appears  for 
the  first  time  on  the  records  of  Ports- 
mouth under  the  date  of  July  lo,  1655, 
and  it  came  at  length  to  be  applied  to 
the  western  part  of  Portsmouth;  and 
when  that  part  was  erected  into  a  town- 
ship it  retained,  as  it  still  retains,  the 
name  bestowed  by  Champernowne.  It 
has  been  repeatccfly  stated  in  print  that 
Greenland  was  incorporated  as  a  town 
in  1703.  This  is  an  error.  It  was  set 
off  as  a  separate  parish  in  1706,  but 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  a  distinct 
township  were  not  granted  till  1732. 
See  Town  Papers  of  New  Hampshire, 
ix.  320-328;  xii.  64.  —  H. 


1  The  charter  of  1639  from  the  King 
was  a  confirmation  of  the  grant  by  the 
Council  for  New  England  in  1635.  I' 
has  been  said  that  never  before  nor 
since  were  so  ample  powers  of  govern- 
ment granted  to  a  British  subject.  A 
comparison  of  the  terms  of  this  charter 
with  the  ot!ier  charters  of  that  period 
confirms  thj  statement.  For  the  char- 
ter, see  Hazard's  Collections,  i.  443- 
445  ;  Sullivan's  History  of  District  of 
Maine.  397-408.  See  also  William- 
son's History  of  Maine,  i.  ch.  vi.,  and 
Palfrey's  History  of  New  England,  i. 
524. —  H. 

'•^  Until  the  publication  of  Folsom's 
Collection  of  Original  Documents  re- 
lating to  the  Early  History  of  Maine,  in 
1858,  it  had  been  the  understanding 
that  Sir  Thomas  Josselyn  never  visited 
New  England.  Under  date  of  Sept, 
3,  1639,  and  attached  to  a  copy  of  the 
commission    and    ordinances  sent  by 


14 


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io6  Captain  Francis  Champenioivne. 


office,    and   afterwards    his   cousin    Thomas    Gorges,^    and 
several  well-known   residents  in  the   Province,  Councillors, 


Corges  to  his  Province  in  Maine,  is  the 
following  memorandum  :  "  Whereas, 
Sir  Thomas  Josselyn,  Kt.  was  named 
chief  in  the  said  Commission  and  Ordi- 
nances, and  he  being  now  returned  to 
England,  .  .  .  Thomas  Gorges  is  put 
in  his  room  with  the  same  powers,"  etc. 
This  raised  the  presumption  that  Sir 
Thomas  did  visit  New  England.  The 
publication  of  the  Trelawny  Papers  by 
the  Historical  Society  of  Maine  in  1S84, 
clearly  showed  that  he  came  in  1638, 
with  his  son  John  Josselyn,  the  au- 
thor of  An  Account  of  Two  Voyages  to 
New  England,  and  of  other  well-known 
works.  See  the  valuable  communica- 
tion respecting  Henry  Jocelyn  and  the 
Josselyn  F"amily,  by  Mr.  William  M. 
Sargent,  in  the  New  Eng.  Hist,  and 
Gene.  Reg.,  xl.  290-294  ;  Dr.  Charles 
E-  Banks'  memoir  of  Edward  Godfrey 
(1887),  16,  17,  note  ;  and  note  2  postea, 
p.  I  r2.  —  H. 

1  Thomas  Gorges  was  the  eldest  son 
of  Henry  Gorges,  of  Battcon)be  Manor, 
near  Cheddar,  Somersetshire,  by  Bar- 
bara Baynard,  his  wife,  wliich  Henry 
Gorges  was  grandson  of  Sir  William 
Gorges,  Kt.,  Admiral.  He  was  born 
about  1618.  He  went  to  Maine  in  1640, 
and  w.Ts  the  first  mayor  of  York.  Gov- 
ernor Winthrop  speaks  of  him  as  "a 
young  Gentleman  of  the  Inns  of  Court 
.  .  .  sober  and  well  disposed."  He  re- 
turned to  England  in  1643,  He  and  his 
brother  John  Gorges  were  elected  mem- 
bers of  Parliament  for  the  borough  of 
Taunton,  Somerset,  in  1654,  and  he  was 
again  elected  for  Taunton  in  1655,  along 
with  Robert  Blake,  the  celebrated  Gen- 
eral and  Admiral  of  the  Parliament. 
They  are  mentioned  in  Thurlow's  State 
Papers,  v.  302.  In  Harl.  Miscellany, 
iii.  430,  is  "  a  Narration  of  the  late  Par- 
liaments," 1657,  andalistof"  those  ser- 
ving for  England,  sitting  in  the  House, 


that  have  civil  employments  and  salaries 
from  the  among  thjse  is  Col. 

Thomas  Goi.  "one  of  the  Commis- 
sioners for  the  New  Building:  "  "  His 
advantage  thereby  cannot  well  be 
known  till  he  antl  his  Brethren  have 
racked  the  Consciences,  flayed  off  the 
skins,  and  broken  the  bones  of  the  poor 
people,  making  them  swear  ag"-'  them- 
selves." He  is  mentioned  among  those 
who  spoke  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
in  the  Diary  of  Thos.  Burton,  1656- 
1659,  published  1S28.  There  are  letters 
of  his  to  his  brother  Dr.  Robert  Gorges, 
secretary  to  H.  Cromwell,  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant of  Ireland,  in  the  Lansdowne 
MSS.,  British  Museum,  Leb.  15  and 
March  i,  1658.  In  1659  he  and  his 
brother  John  Gorges  were  feoffees  of 
the  town  lands  of  Taunton.  In  1658 
and  1660  he  was  j\LP.  for  Taunton  ;  he 
had  two  wives. 

Thomas  Gorges  married,  first,  Mary 
Sanford,  daughter  of  Martin  Sanford, 
Esq.,  of  Nynehead  Court,  Somerset- 
shire, near  Wellington.  This  marriage 
took  place  before  1649.  She  was  buried 
at  Nynehead. 

He  married,  secondly,  Rose  Alex- 
ander, daughter  of  Sir  Jerome  Alex- 
ander, Kt.,  and  widow  of  Rawlin 
Mallach,  Esq.,  of  Cockington,  Devon. 
Heavitree,  near  Exeter,  register  of  mar- 
riages :  "  1656,  March  23.  Mr.  Thomas 
Gorge  and  Mrs.  Rosse  Mallach  were 
married."  She  died  a  few  months  after 
her  husband,  and  is  buried  at  Heavitree. 

An  old  gravestone  in  Heavitree 
Church  records  that  "  Here  lyeth  the 
Bodyes  of  Thomas  Gorges  of  Heavitree, 
Esq"'  and  Rose  bis  wife.  He  departed 
this  life  Oct.  17, 1670,  and  shee  April  14, 
1671.  _ 

'  The  loving  Turtell  having  mist  her  mate 
Bcg'd  shce  might  enter,  ere  they  shut  the 
gate. 


His  Life  in  New  England. 


107 


one   of   whom    was    his    nephew    Francis   Champernovvne. 
Thomas  Gorges  came  over  in  the  summer  of  1640,  and  a 


Their   dust   here   lies,   whose   soules  to 
Heaven  are  gonne, 

And   wait   till    angels   rowle    away   the 
Stone.'  " 

Sir  Jerome  Alexander,  in  his  will 
March  23, 1670, mentions  "his  daughter 
Rose  (Gorges,"  and  her  children  Rawlin 
and  Ann  Mallach,  and  Alexander  and 
Elisab.  Gorges. 

The  will  of  Thomas  Gorges  of  Heavi- 
tree  is  dated  Sept.  r5,  161)9,  proved 
April  I,  1671,  by  Rose  Gorges  his 
widow.  He  speaks  of  his  brother  Capt. 
Ferdinando  Gorges,  of  London.  He 
bequeaths  various  estates  to  his  eldest 
son  Thomas  Gorges,  then  under  24,  and 
'•  one  great  silver  Tani<ard  with  tiie 
Wiiirlpoole  ingraven  on  it,  being  the 
ancient  coate  of  my  family."  He  be- 
queaths money  to  be  raised  from  various 
estates  '"to  bind  my  son  Ferdinando  an 
apprentice,  and  for  tlie  carrying  on  of 
the  Tr.ade  to  which  he  shall  he  bound." 
"To  my  son  Henry,  whose  hitherto  un- 
guided  temper  iiath  carried  him  to  I5ar- 
badoes,  where  he  is  at  present,"  ^200 
and  a  tenement  in  Hemyoch,  Devon. 
Also  "  to  my  son  Thomis  Gorges  — 
whereas  I  have  a  good  and  indefeasible 
estate  of  Inheritance  in  5000  acres  of 
Land  lying  on  the  River  Ogarhogg, 
otiierwise  Ogungigg,  in  the  Province  of 
Maine  in  New  England,  granted  unto 
me  for  consideration  in  my  Deed  tiiere- 
of,  bearing  date  Aug.  4,  1641,  under  the 
seal  of  the  Province,  therein  expressed 
by  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  tlie  Lord 
Provincial  of  the  said  Province  of 
Maine  according  to  the  power  and  right 
he  had  then  to  the  said  Province  and 
every  part  thereof,  which  said  Deed  of 
Feoffment  being  now  in  my  custody, 
one  also  then  enrolled  amongst  the 
Records  of  the  said  Province,  and  of 
which  5000  Acres  I  took  peacable  and 
quiet  possession  Aug.  18, 1642,  all  which 
lands  and  cattle  thereon   I   give   unto 


my  son  Thomas  Gorges."  "To  my 
son  Ferdinando  Gorges  a  two  handled 
cup  of  Silver  with  the  Covering,  having 
on  it  the  arms  of  Gorges  and  Sanford. 
To  my  daughter  Susannah,  now  the 
wife  of  Rawlin  Mallach  of  Cockington, 
Devon,  ^700  and  plate  and  various 
books.  To  my  two  Children  Alexander 
and  Elisabeth  Gorges  my  Manors  of 
river  Trewynt  and  Nether  Trewynt  in 
the  Parish  of  Poundstock,  Cornwall." 

On  June  2, 1676,  another  Commission 
to  administer  other  goods  of  Thomas 
Gorges  was  issiied  to  Ferdinando  Gor- 
ges,son  of  the  deceased  Thomas  Gorges, 
Rose  Gorges,  his  widow,  having  died. 

The  eldest  son  of  Thomas  Gorges  of 
Heavitree  was  Thomas  Gorges,  born 
about  165 1 ,  as  his  name  appeals  amongst 
the  Oxford  graduates  as  son  of  Ihomas 
Gorges,  Esq.,  of  Heavitree,  Devon  ; 
entered  Wadhii'.i  College,  Oxford,  in 
1668,  aged  about  17.  The  second  son 
was  Ferdinando  Gorges,  whom  his  fa- 
ther wished  to  be  bound  apprentice  in 
trade.  He  had  property  bequeathed  to 
him  ••  in  St.  Audrey's,  Somerset,  given 
him  by  his  God  Father  John  Tynte, 
liis  Father's  kinsman."  The  third  son 
was  Henry  Gorges,  a  scapegrace,  living 
in  Barbados  in  1668.  His  eldest  daugh- 
ter was  Susanna,  born  1649.  Marriage 
allegations,  Vicar-General's  Office,  May 
25,  1669 :  "  Rawlin  Mallach  of  Heavi- 
tree, Devon,  Esq.,  Bachelor,  aged  21, 
and  Susan  Gorges  of  the  same  jilace. 
Spinster,  aged  20."  Rawlin  Mallach 
was  probably  the  son  of  her  stepmother, 
Rose  Mallach,  alias  Alexander.  She 
died  April  17,  1673,  and  was  buried  at 
Heavitree,  April  20,  and  is  described  as 
"daughter  of  Thomas  (.lorges  of  Balt- 
combe,  Somerset.  Esq."  Rose  Mallacii 
had  also  a  daughter  Ann,  who  married 
Martin  Greenwood.  Tiie  children  of 
Thomas Gorgis and  Rose  Mallach  were: 
I.  AlexanderGji7.es,  born  July  29,  1660, 


v. 


<     I 


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1 08 


Captain  Francis  Champcrno'ivnc. 


government  was  organized.  The  records  do  not  show  that 
Champernowne  was  present  at  any  of  the  meetings  of  the 
Governor  and  Council  while  this  government  subsisted. 

In  the  absence  of  a  general  government  of  New  Hamp- 
shire at  this  period,  the  inhabitants  of  the  several  plantations 
were  compelled  to  enter  into  combinations  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  order  and  the  protection  of  personal  rights.  A  new 
combination  of  residents  on  the  upper  part  of  the  Pascata- 
qua  was  formed  October  22,  1640.  Captain  Champernowne 
was  one  of  the  forty-two  signers  of  this  compact.^ 

Edward  Saunders  was  his  agent,  and  in  1644  rented  the 
whole  or  a  part  of  the  Greenland  farm  for  a  term  of  years. 
In  the  mean  time  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay  had 
extended  its  jurisdiction  over  the  settled  parts  of  New 
Hampshire.  Champernowne  was  undoubtedly  displeased 
with  this  proceeding ;  for,  being  a  Churchman  and  a  stanch 
royalist,  he  had  no  sympathy  with  the  Bay  colonists  in 
either  political  or  religious  matters.  In  a  manuscript 
record  made  before  1680,  describing  with  considerable 
minuteness  the  leading  residents  on  both  sides  of  the 
Pascataqua  River,  I  find  Captain  Champernowne  set  down 
as  "a  man  always  for  the  King,  and  was  a  commander  at 
sea  under  the  Lord  of  Marlborough  many  years  ago." 

I  find  no  record  of  him  as  being  in  New  England  later 
than  November,  1641,  and  before  1648.  It  is  therefore 
probable  that  he  returned  into  England  on  the  breaking 
out  of  the  civil  war,  and  accepted  a  command  in  the  King's 
fleet  under  the  Earl  of  Marlborough.      This  fleet,  in  the 

and  baptized  at  Heavitree ;  2.  Elisabeth  tree,   June  14,   1667.      (Com.    to    Mr. 

Gori;e.s.  born  April  14.  1662,  and  bap-  Tuttle    by    the     late    Rev.    Frederick 

tized  at  Heavitree  ;  3.  Edward  Gorges,  Brown.) 
born  May  15. 1666,  and  buried  at  Heavi-  >  See  Appendix.  No.  i. 


^^ 


His  Life  in  New  England. 


109 


years  1644  and  1645,  hovered  about  the  Madeira  Islands, 
and  annoyed  the  shipping  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  known 
to  be  engaged  on  the  side  of  Parliament.  When  the  King's 
cause  had  become  desperate  and  Parliament  everywhere 
supreme,  Champernowne  returned  to  his  Pascataqua  plan- 
tations, and  began  or  resumed  commercial  undertakings. 

In  December,  1648,  he  appears  again  in  the  public  rec- 
ords, making  a  conveyance  in  his  own  right  of  one  half  of 
all  the  land  in  Maine  granted  to  his  father  by  Gorges.  This 
conveyance  was  to  Capt.  Paul  White,  a  Pemaquid  trader,  in 
consideration  of  ^200  sterling.  It  docs  not  appear  how  the 
title  to  this  land  vested  in  Captain  Champernowne,  but  prob- 
ably it  was  by  gift  from  his  father.  The  island  which  was 
formally  named  Dartington  in  the  grant  by  Gorges  twelve 
years  before  was  called  Champernowne's  Island  in  the  con- 
veyance to  White,  —  a  name  which  attached  to  it  until  the 
reign  of  Queen  Anne.  Houses  and  other  buildings  had  al- 
ready been  erected  on  the  island,  as  well  as  on  the  tract  be- 
yond Braveboat  Harbor.  In  this  deed  Champernowne  agreed 
to  place  fifteen  swine  on  the  island,  and  to  divide  the  same  and 
the  increase  with  White.  The  result  of  this  transaction  was 
a  lawsuit,  and  the  return  of  the  premises  to  the  grantor. 

As  early  as  the  year  1650  Captain  Champernowne  went 
to  Barbados,  and  was  absent  until  the  spring  of  1654, 
leaving  his  affairs  in  the  charge  of  Thomas  Withers  of 
Kittery,^  one  of  the  principal  men  in  Gorges'  province.     In 


™- 


*  Kittery  lies  partly  on  the  sea-coast 
of  Maine,  and  has  the  Pascataqua  River 
for  its  southern  boundary.  It  ori<i;i- 
nally  comprised,  besides  its  present 
territory,  that  of  the  followinjj  towns  ; 
namely,  Eliot,  Berwick,  South  Berwick, 
and  North  Berwick,  all  of  wliicii  was 


known  at  the  time  of  the  first  settle- 
ment, in  1623,  as  a  portion  of  the  region 
lying  partly  in  New  Hampshire  and 
partly  in  Maine,  called  the  Plantation 
of  Pascataqua.  It  is  one  of  the  most 
picturesque,  and  in  summer  one  of  the 
mostattractive,  portions  of  Maine,  whose 


Hi' 


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1 1  o  Captain  Francis  Champcrnoivne. 

November,  1650/  Withers  leased  Champcrnovvne's  farm  on 
the  Great  Bay  in  New  Hampshire  to  Samuel  Haines,'^  for 
ninety  pounds,  for  the  term  of  two  years.  In  a  division  of 
public  lands  of  Portsmouth  made  in  1653,  Champernowne's 
share  was  fifty  acres,  being  the  largest  number  of  acres  that 
fell  to  any  one  inhabitant. 

In  1655  the  town  made  to  him  a  further  grant  of  three 
hundred  and  seventy-five  acres  of  "marsh,  meadow,  and  up 
land."     This  grant  was  laid  out  in  the  same  year,  and  was 
referred  to  in  conveyances  of  land  in  Greenland  for  more 
than  half  a  century  as  Champernowne's  "  new  farm."^   While 

entire  coast  line  is  wonderfuUv  indented  Gabriel,  which  was  wrecked  at  Pema- 
with  I)ays  and  coves,  while   the  numer-     quid  (now  liristol)  Maine,  Au^.  15,  1635. 

He  was  at  Ipswich,  Mass.,  in  1635-1636, 
at  Dover,  N.  H.,  1640-1649.  and  settled 
near  the  Great  Hay,  in  what  is  now 
Greenland,  in  1650,  where  he  died  about 
1 686-  '"^'7.  He  was  a  worthy  and  trust- 
ed it '  ant  of  Portsmout'i,  —  holding 
vari'  '1  responsible  o.ificcs  by  the 

choi^  ^  nis  townsmen,  and  was  one 
of  the  founders  and  a  deacon  of  the 
first  C'ongre;i;ational  Church,  at  its  or- 
ganization in  1671.  He  was  a  neighbor 
and  friend  of  Captain  Champernowne. 
He  owned  much  land  in  Greenland, 
which  he  divided  among  his  children 
while  living.  He  was  the  pro<;enitor  of 
the  Haineses  in  New  Hami)shire,  and 
of  nearly  all  who  bear  the  name  in 
Maine  and  Vermont.  Two  of  his  de- 
scendants of  the  sixth  generation  —  the 
late  Hon.  William  P.  Haines,  of  IMdde- 
ford.  Me.,  and  the  Hon.  Andrew  M. 
Haines,  of  Galena,  Illinois —  have  pub- 
lished valuable  papers  relating  to  the 
Haines  family,  and  the  early  history  of 


ous  islands  lying  near  the  mainland  add 
greatly  to  the  beauty  of  tiie  scenery.  A 
portion  of  Kitlery  is  rocky  and  sterile, 
but  other  portions  are  luidcr  a  fair  de- 
gree of  cultivation ;  and  the  town  is  now, 
as  it  has  been  from  the  first,  inhabited 
by  an  intelligent,  industrious,  orderly, 
and  remarkably  homogeneous  popula- 
tion. The  name  was  probably  given  to 
it  by  Champernowne,  or  by  Alexander 
Shapleigh.  "  Kittery  Court  is  situated 
on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  river  Dart, 
inunediately  southward  of  the  ancient 
village  of  Kingsweare  (which  faces  the 
town  of  Dartmouth),  and,  owing  to  a 
turn  in  the  river  there,  it  (Kitlery)  faces 
the  narrow  mouth  of  the  Dart,  the  en- 
trance to  Dartmouth  harbor  from  the 
English  Clianncl.  .  .  .  The  bend  of  the 
river  at  Kittery  Court  forms  a  point 
called  Kittery  I'oint"  [a  name  applied 
also  to  a  part  of  Kittery,  in  Maine. 
En.].  (MS.  Letter  of  .Mr.  T.  Lidstone, 
of  Dartmouth,  Eng.)  —  H. 


'  Eor  a  notice  of  Thomas  Withers,     (Greenland,  in  the  New  Eng.  Hist,  and 


see  Trelawny  Papers,  238,  note ;  also 
the  authorities  there  cited  —  H 

*  .Samuel  Haines,  born  in  England 
about  the  year  161 1,  came  from  West- 
bury, Wiltshire,  to  New  England  in  163;. 
He  was  a  passenger  in  the  ship  Angel 


Gene.    Register  (xxii.  451-455  ;    xxiii 
151-169,   430-433;    xxviii.    251,    415; 
xxix.  30-40).  —  H. 

*  Greenland  is  one  of  the  most  at- 
tractive of  the  towns  in  eastern  New 
Hampshire.     Especially  is  this  true  of 


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His  Life  in  New  England. 


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Champernowne  was  absent,  several  ciVil  suits  were  brought 
against  him,  which  were  stayed  by  the  court  until  his 
return. 

He  lived  on  his  Greenland  farm  until  the  month  of  July, 
1657,  when  he  conveyed  it  to  Valentine  Hill,  upon  some 
agreement  with  Hill  to  satisfy  a  claim  of  Captain  White^ 
and  for  other  considerations.  Hill  immediately  conveyed 
the  farm  to  Thomas  Clarke  and  William  Paddy,  merchants 
of  Boston.  It  is  probable  that  some  condition  in  the  sale 
to  Hill  was  broken,  and  the  title  again  vested  in  Champer- 
nowne ;  for  in  March,  1669,  he  conveyed  the  same  premises 
to  Nathaniel  Fryer,  Henry  Langstaff,  and  Philip  Lewis. 

From  the  Greenland  farm  he  removed  to  Kittery,  and 
settled  on  that  portion  of  his  estate  which  is  now  known  as 
Cutts  Island. 


the  farms  lying  on  the  shores  of  the 
Great  Hay,  —  a  large  tidal  lake  fed  from 
the  sea  through  the  Pascataqua  River. 
One  of  these  farms,  comprising  about 
four  hundred  acres,  includes  the  "old 
farm  "  of  Captain  Champernowne.  The 
natural  ..  atures  of  the  region,  so  similar 
to  wli.it  he  had  been  accustomed  in 
Old  England,  could  not  fail  to  captivate 
his  mind.  "  Here  dwelt,  for  many  years, 
in  something  of  antique  breadth  and 
state  that  relative  and  almost  companion 
of  Ralegh  and  Gilbert;  that  noblest 
born  and  bred  of  all  New  Hampshire's 
first  planters.  Grand  old  English  oaks, 
planted,  as  tradition  has  it,  by  the  Cap- 
tain's own  hands,  still  lift  their  brave 
vigorous  heads  over  the  fertile  meadows, 
—  true  Heme's  oaks,  as  we  exclaimed 
at  the  first  glance,  —  unique  in  New 
Hampshire ;  a  scene  as  beautiful  as  that 
from  Windsor  Castle  over  Datchet 
Mead."  (Jenness's  Notes,  69-70.)  The 
"old  farm "  has  been  in  the  possession 


and  occupancy  of  the  Peirce  family  since 
the  year  1809,  and  is  now  owned  by  the 
heirs  of  the  late  Col.  Joshua  Winslow 
Peirce.  (See  New  Eng.  Hist,  and  Gene. 
Register,  xxviii.  367-372.) 

Th"  "new  farm."  also  mentioned  in 
the  text,  comprising  nearly  four  hundred 
acres,  included  the  southerly  portion  of 
the  site  of  the  village,  and  extended 
from  a  point  on  the  easterly  side  of  the 
road  leading  to  Hampton  in  a  north- 
westerly direction  to,  or  nearly  to,  Win- 
nicut  River.  A  portion  of  the  road  here 
referred  to  is  about  seven  rods  wide. 
This  extraordinary  width  was  provided 
for  in  the  vote  of  the  town  of  Portsmouth 
making  the  grant,  in  1655.  "  The  Captn 
is  to  allowe  the  waye  through  the  sayd 
lott  to  be  seuen  pols  wide  and  to  be 
commone  to  his  naighbors."  Portsm. 
Rec,  i.  31  ;  Deed  from  Partridge  and 
Packer  to  Matthias  Haines,  Sept.  20, 
171 7  (Reg.  of  Deeds,  Exeter,  ix.  648). 
—  H. 


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1 1 2  Captain  Francis  Champernowne. 

His  removal  to  Kittery  nearly  coincided  with  the  restora- 
tion of  Charles  II.  to  the  throne  of  England;  an  event 
which  was  immediately  felt  in  New  England  by  all  parties, 
and  especially  by  the  Gorges  and  the  Mason  interests.  Their 
respective  territories,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been  for  many 
years  under  the  rule  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony,  asserted 
and  forcibly  maintained  on  a  baseless  claim  that  they  were 
included  in  the  patent  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  Champer- 
nowne was  a  devoted  royalist,  zealous  and  active  in  the 
interest  of  young  Ferdinando  Gorges,  who  had  appli  1  to 
the  King  to  compel  Massachusetts  to  restore  to  him  the 
Province  of  Maine  granted  to  his  grandfather.  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando Gorges,  with  powers  of  government.  Gorges  issued 
a  commission,^  May  23,  1661,  to  Francis  Champernowne, 
Henry  Jocelyn,^  Nicholas  Shapleigh,^  and  Robert  Jordan,* 

Devon,  and  emigrated  to  Maine  prob- 
ably some  time  previous  to  1640.  His 
father,  Alexander  Shapleigh,  a  ship- 
owner, and  largely  interested  in  the 
trade  and  plantation  of  the  Province, 
was  permanently  settled  in  Kittery  as 
early  as  1640.  Nicholas  married  Alice, 
daughter  of  Mrs.  Ann  Godfrey,  wife  of 
Edward  Godfrey,  sometime  Governor 
of  the  Province.  He  died  in  Kittery  on 
the  29th  of  April,  1682,  leaving  no  chil- 
dren. The  foregoing  is  chiefly  extracted 
from  a  very  valuable  paper  on  "the 
Descendants  of  Alexander  Shapleigh," 
communicated  to  the  editor  by  J.  Ham- 
ilton Shapley,  Esq.,  of  Exeter,  N.  H. 
His  paper  is  deposited  with  the  New 
England  Historic  Genealogical  Society. 
See  also  Williamson's  Maine,  and  Tlie 
Trelawny  Papers.  —  H. 

*  Notices  of  the  Rev.  Robert  Jordan 
may  be  found  in  the  Jordan  Memorial, 
Willis's  Portland,  Williamson's  Maine, 
Trelawny  Papers,  and  the  New  Eng. 
Hist,  and  Gene.  Register.  —  H. 


Maine  Documents  (Folsom'sColl.), 


41. 


"^  Henry  Jocelyn,  who  was  promi- 
nently and  honorably  connected  with 
the  interests  of  Gorges  and  the  early 
aff.iirs  of  Maine,  was  a  son  of  SirThomas 
Josselyn  (see  note  2,  anfea,  p  105),  and 
brotlier  of  John  Josselyn,  the  author. 
His  autograph  signature,  in  every  in- 
stance that  has  come  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  editor,  shows  that  he  used  the 
form  of  his  surname  given  in  the  text. 
For  a  sketch  of  his  life,  see  New  Eng. 
Hist,  and  Gene.  Reg.,  xl.  290-294 ; 
Williamson's  Maine,  i.  682  ;  also,  Tre- 
lawny Papers,  8.  note.  — H. 

'  Nicholas  Shapleigh  was  a  large 
landowner  in  Kittery,  and  other  parts 
of  Maine,  a  prominent  ship-merchant, 
and  exercised  much  influence.  He  held 
various  offices  under  the  government 
instituted  by  Gorges  and  his  deputies, 
and  likewise  under  tlie  authority  of 
Massachusetts.  He  was  born  about  the 
year  1610,  at  or  near  Dartmouth,  Co. 


His  Life  in  New  England. 


113 


authorizing  them  to  take  charge  of  his  interests  in  the  Prov- 
ince of  Maine.  They  accepted,  and  met  at  Wells  on  the 
27th  day  of  December  following.*  They  drew  up  a  decla- 
ration setting  forth  their  determination  to  proclaim  King 
Charles  in  the  Province ;  to  collect  the  rents  due  the  pro- 
prietor ;  to  adopt  the  laws  of  England ;  and  to  maintain  the 
rights  of  the  proprietor,  and  of  the  freeholders  of  the  Prov- 
ince.^ Champernowne  took  the  lead  in  this  work  of  restor- 
ing and  retaining  the  jurisdiction  and  authority  of  Gorges  as 
lord  proprietor  of  the  Province  of  Maine.  Neither  his  ^eal 
nor  his  labors  abated  while  there  was  any  prospect  of  success 
in  these  efforts. 

In  March,  1662,  Champernowne  and  his  associates,  acting 
under  a  commission  from  the  lord  proprietor,  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  issued  a  warrant  to  the  marshal  commanding  him 
to  seize  all  roll-books,  records,  and  public  writings,  and  de- 
liver the  same  to  Captain  Champernowne.  In  a  few  weeks 
the  marshal  made  return  that  he  had  executed  the  warrant.^ 

In  May  of  the  same  year  Champernowne  and  his  asso- 
ciate commissioners  issued  a  formal  protest  against  any  and 
all  proceedings  in  the  Province  not  derived  from  the  King's 
authority.*  The  authority  of  Gorges  was  wellnigh  again 
established  by  his  commissioners  when  the  Massachusetts 
Colony,  in  1663,  awoke  from  the  stupor  into  which  it  had 
been  thrown  by  the  restoration  of  the  King  to  the  throne  of 
his  ancestors,  and  the  contempt  shown  for  its  authority  in 
its  subjugated  territory.  That  Colony  despatched  three  of 
its  magistrates  into  Maine,  directing  them  to  hold  court  and 


'  Maine  Documents,  41, 
'  Maine  Documents,  42. 


'  Maine  Documents,  42. 
*  Maine  Documents,  45. 


IS 


<    \ 


Iff 


n 


•  T^'Ai^^Sstfife^aaaaai^ita-fc^' ..' . 


114  Captain  Francis  Chanipernowne. 


I    1.1 


s;if! 


to  re-establish  the  authority  of  the  Colony  there.^  This  was 
successfully  done  in  spite  of  all  remonstrance  on  the  part 
of  Champernovvne  and  others.  The  Massachi'setts  agents 
proceeded  with  a  high  hand.  Champernovvne  and  his  asso- 
ciates —  all  leading  citizens  —  were  indicted  by  the  court, 
and  fined  for  these  acts  in  behalf  of  the  lord  proprietor.^ 
But  this  arbitrary  and  unjust  procedure  did  not  in  the  least 
abate  his  zeal  for  Gorges'  and  the  King's  interests.  This 
year,  and  again  in  1665,  his  name  appears  among  the  sign- 
ers of  the  petitions  of  the  inhabitants  of  New  Hampshire, 
praying  the  King  to  free  them  from  the  usurped  rule  of 
Massachusetts.  His  name  leads  on  the  latter  petition,  and 
it  is  not  improbable  that  it  originated  with  him.^ 

In  June,  1664,  the  King  commanded  Massachusetts  to 
surrender  the  Province  of  Maine  to  Gorges  or  his  com- 
missioners.* This  order  brought  joy  to  Champernowne 
and  the  other  royalists  in  the  Province,  as  well  as  to 
all  those  who  were  in  the  Gorges  interest.^  On  the 
5th  day  of  November  following,  Champernowne  and  his 
old  associates  again  united  in  issuing  a  proclamation 
setting  forth  the  King's  order  relative  to  Gorges,  and 
forbidding  any   acts  inconsistent  therewith,  and   especially 


*  Tlionias  Danforth,  William  Hath- 
orne,  and  Eleazer  Lusher. 

*  Folsom's  Saco  and  Biddeford, 
"  Maine  Documents,  57. 

*  It  must  be  a  cause  of  ceaseless 
wonder  to  every  candid  student  of  New 
England  history  that  the  leading  men 
of  Massachusetts  —  men  eminent  for 
their  intelligence  and  personal  integrity 
—  could  have  made  and  enforced  the 
claim  that  their  charter  covered  the  ter- 
ritorial grants  to  Mason  in  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  to  Gorges  in  Maine.    At  the 


same  time  candor  will  compel  the  ad- 
mission that  both  these  Provinces  were 
better  governed,  and  were  more  orderly 
and  prosperous,  under  the  political  ad- 
ministration of  the  Bay  Colony,  than 
they  had  ever  been  before  that  author- 
ity was  extended  over  them  ;  and,  fur- 
ther, that  it  would  have  been  better  for 
the  people  of  the-  Provinces,  if  that 
authority  had  been  left  undisturbed. 
—  H. 
*  Maine  Documents,  64. 


His  Life  in  New  England. 


"5 


forbidding  any  interference  with  the  affairs  of  the  Province 
by  Massachusetts.' 

In  June,  1664,  the  Royal  Commissioners''  appointed  by 
the  King  arrived  in  New  England.  They  were  empowered 
to  hear  and  determine  all  complaints,  appeals,  and  other  mat- 
ters coming  before  them,  whether  civil,  military,  or  criminal ; 
to  proceed  therein  "  according  to  their  good  and  sound  dis- 
cretion," and  to  "  settle  the  peace  and  security  of  the  coun- 
try."^ In  the  following  year  three  of  the  Commissioners 
proceeded  to  New  Hampshire  and  Maine.*  They  were  cor- 
dially welcomed  by  Champernowne,  and  by  all  others  who 
were  upholders  of  the  authority  of  the  King  and  the  interests 
of  Gorges.^ 

On  the  2ist  day  of  June  Champernowne  and  Jocelyn 
issued  a  summons  to  the  inhabitants  of  York,  calling  on 


1  Tliis  proclamation  is  here  repro- 
duced. It  well  illustrates  the  spirit  and 
purpose  of  the  men  who  signed  it,  and  re- 
flects no  discredit  upon  its  author.—  H. 

"  Wheriias  his  Gracious  Majesty  King 
Charles  the  Second  hcith  been  pleased  to 
confirm  by  his  immediate  order  unto  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges,  Esq.,  the  Government  & 
territories  of  the  Province  of  Maine  for 
ever,  &  to  Command  a  resignation  from  all 
persons  usurping  the  foresaid  Government 
whereof  we  are  Commanded  to  give  signi- 
fication :  Wee  do  therefore  give  notice  to 
all  persons  of  the  unlawfulness  of  any  such 
act,  more  particularly  to  the  Governor  and 
CounccU  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony  ;  pro- 
testing against  their  int'jrmedling  with  the 
government  thereof  as  they  will  answer 
the  Contrary  at  his  Majesty's  indignation  : 
Which  is  done  iu  the  name  of  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  Esq.,  Sole  Proprietor  thereof,  & 
declared  so  to  be  by  the  forementioned 
Act  of  Grace  ;  for  proof  &  in  the  main- 
tenance whereof  we  do  appeale  to  his  Ma- 
jesty's honorable  Commissioners :  Colonel 
Richard  Nichols,  Sir  Robert  Carr,  George 


Cartwright,  Esq.,  Samuel  Mavericke,  Esq., 
from  whom  wee    shall  all    expect    equal 
justice. 
"  Dated  Nov.  5,  1664. 

Fran  :  Champernowne  Com'r. 

Henry  Jocelyn  Comr. 

John  Archdale  Com. 

Robert  Joruon  Com. 

Edw;  Rishworth  Com'r. 

Fran  :  Raynes  Com'r. 

Thom  :  Withers  Citmr." 

[Mass.  Arch.,  iii.  264]. 

^  Col.  Richard  Nichols,  Sir  Robert 
Carr,  George  Cartwright,  and  Samuel 
Mavericke. 

^  Hutch.  History,  i.  459,  460;  Haz- 
ard's Coll.,  i.  638 ;  Williamson's  His- 
tory, i.  409  (note) ;  Palfrey. 

*  Carr,  Cartwright,  and  Mavericke. 

*  For  a  thorough  understanding  of 
the  grounds  on  which  the  Royal  Com- 
m'ssioners  were  appointed,  the  history 
of  their  proceedings,  the  obstacles  they 
encountered,  and  the  results  of  their 
intervention,  the  historical  student  will 


' 


:4 

1 

1 

m 

I 

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1 1 6  Captain  Francis  Champernowne. 

them  to  assemble  the  next  clay  and  hear  the  formal  publica- 
tion of  the  authority  of  the  Royal  Commissioners.^  The 
Commissioners,  having  heard  the  various  parties  who  came 
before  them  in  regard  to  the  several  complaints,  and  other 
ma'ters  submitted  to  them  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  Pro- 
vince, resolved,  pursuant  to  their  instructions,  to  place  the 
government  under  the  King's  immediate  protection  and 
control.  Accordingly,  on  the  23d  day  of  June  they  formally 
appointed  and  comnvssioned  eleven  of  the  principal  inhab- 
itants of  the  Prov'nce  justices  of  the  peace,  giving  them 
authority  to  hear  and  determine  all  causes,  civil  and  crim- 
inal, and  to  order  all  the  affairs  of  the  Province.  These 
were  the  first  ofificers  of  this  tide  in  New  England,  and  it  is 
believed  that  never  before  nor  since  anywhere  were  such 
large  powers  given  to  ofKiccrs  bearing  this  title. 

Captain  Champernowne  was  the  first  justice  named  in  the 
Commission.  He  and  his  associate  justices  continued  to 
act  according  to  their  commission  without  serious  interrup- 
tion until  the  summer  of  1668,  when  Massachusetts  made 
another  and  a  successful  struggle  for  the  government  of  the 
Province.^  On  the  6th  day  of  July  the  Massachusetts  Com- 
missioners invaded  the  Province,  supported  by  an  armed 
force,  and    undertook    the    administration    of   government. 


not  be  content  with  any  partisan  state- 
ment. Notliing  in  the  history  of  the 
relations  of  the  King  and  his  advisers 
to  the  New  England  colonies  at  this 
period  is  more  remarkable  than  that  the 
Royal  Commissioners  should  have  been 
so  ignorant  of  the  spirit  and  purpose  of 
the  leaders  in  the  several  colonies  as  to 
come  with  the  instructions  they  bore, 
but  without  any  armed  force  to  execute 
said  instructions,  or  maintain  their  own 


authority.  Indecision  and  imbecility 
marked  the  proceedings  of  the  Kingand 
Council  in  regard  to  American  affairs 
for  nearly  half  a  century.  That  this 
was  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  some  of 
the  trusted  advisers  of  Charles  I.  and 
Charles  II.  were  in  the  pay  of  the  colo- 
nies, or  influenced  by  their  paid  agents, 
is  hardly  open  to  doubt.  —  H. 

'  Mass.  Archives,  iii.  67. 

*  Maine  Documents,  78. 


I' 


\\  .     V 


■I 


His  Life 


tn 


New  England. 


T17 


Cliampcrnownc  and  his  associate  justices  put  forth  a  formal 
protest  against  this  usurpation;'  but  the  protest  availed 
nothing  against  superior  force.  The  Massachusetts  Com- 
missioners fully  established  the  authority  of  that  Colony 
over  the  Province. 

Champernovvne  never  relinquished  his  hope  of  seeing  the 
Province  again  under  royal  authority.  He  lived  to  see  it 
return  on  the  forfeiture  of  the  Massachusetts  Charter,  and  to 
hold  a  high  position  in  the  government. 

In  the  year  1672  Champernovvne  and  Jocelyn  again 
endeavored  to  have  a  royal  government  established  over 
both  Maine  and  New  Hampshire ;  ^  but  the  effort  was 
fruitless.  Five  years  later  Ferdinand©  Gorges  sold  his 
interest  in  the  Province  to  the  IVIassachusetts  Bay  Colony.^ 
This  act,  which  was  highly  displeasing  to  the  King,''  and 
the  frequent  and  distressing  Indian  wars,'^  put  an  end  for 


1  Maine  Documents,  80. 

'■^  Maine  Uocuments,  14 

■'  This  sale  was  consummated  March 
'3'  "^7^'  ^'■'cl  'lie  purcha'^e  was  ratilieil 
and  confirmed  by  the  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts  in  the  following  Octo- 
ber. The  sum  paid  was  ^1250  ster- 
ling. In  this  transaction  John  Usher, 
a  Boston  trader,  acted  as  broker  for 
Massachusetts.  The  negotiations  had 
undoubtedly  been  in  progress  for  soine 
time.  The  fact  that  the  bargain  had 
been  concluded  between  Gorges  and 
Usher  was  communic.ited  by  Robert 
Mason  to  a  member  of  the  Privy  Coun- 
cil a  few  days  later  (Jenness's  Original 
Documents,  83).  Fifteen  years  before 
this,  Daniel  Gookin.  in  behalf  of  Massa- 
cliusetts,  had  urged  Gorges  to  sell  his 
proprietary  rights  (Maine  Documents, 
55).  See  Coll.  .Maine  Hist.  Soc,  ii.  257- 
264;  also  the  letter  of  John  Collins,  of 
London,  to  Governor  Leverett  in  1674 


(Hutch.  Coll.,  Prince  Soc.  ed.,  ii.  183), 
and  Williamson's  Maine,  i.  451,  note. 
—  H. 

^  See  the  King's  letter  to  Massachu- 
setts, Hutch.  Coll.  (Prince  Soc.  ed),  ii. 
260.  Williamson  (History  of  Maine,  i. 
554)  says:  "The  purchase  w.as  open 
and  fair."  Palfrey  (History  of  New  Eng- 
land, iii.  3 1 2)  savs  :  '•  Massachusetts  had 
outwitted  the  King."  It  could  hardly 
have  been  an  "open"  transaction  by 
which  the  King  and  his  Council  were 
taken  by  surprise.  At  the  best  it  was 
a  case  of  sharp  practice,  from  which,  it 
is  safe  to  say,  Massachu.setts  in  the  end 
derived  no  political  benefit :  nor  can  it 
scarcely  be  doubted  that  this  transac- 
tion was  one  of  the  elements  that  em- 
bittered the  controversy  which  resulted 
in  the  al^rogation  of  the  Charter.  —  H. 

^  For  an  interesting  account  of  Phil- 
ip's War,  see  Pal.^rey's  New  Ensjland, 
iii.  chap.'    v.  and  vi.     Williamson  (His- 


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1 1 8  Captain  Francis  Champernowne. 

a  time  to  all  efforts  to  secure  the  re-establishment  of  the 
royal  authority  in  Maine. 

In  the  Spring  of  1678,  Captain  Champernowne,  Nicholas 
Shaplcigh,  and  Nathaniel  Fryer  ^  were  appointed  commis- 
sioners to  settle  a  treaty  of  peace  with  Squando  and  other 
Indian  chiefs  in  Maine.  The  parties  met  at  Casco,  now 
Portland,  and  agreed  upon  the  terms  of  a  treaty,  and 
signed  the  same  on  the  12th  of  April.^  This  is  the  only 
instance  where  Champernowne  exercised  any  authority 
derived  from  Massachusetts  or  from  any  local  source. 
Nor  do  I  find  that  he  ever  held  any  local  ofifice,  or  exer- 
cised any  public  authority  not  derived  directly  or  indirectly 
from  the  Crown.^ 

In  October,  1676,  Edward  Randolph  reported  to  the 
Privy  Council  of  England  that  "among  the  most  popular 
and  well-principled  men  who  only  wait  for  an  opportunity 


jif    t 


tory  of  Maine,  i.  chap,  xx.)  gives  a 
summary  and  sulistantially  accurate 
statement  of  tiie  Indian  hostilities  in 
Maine  at  tliis  period,  and  the  terrible 
sufferings  and  losses  resulting  there- 
from. The  student  of  Philip's  War 
will  find  a  large  body  of  valuable  mate- 
rial, most  of  which  had  never  before 
been  printed,  in  the  series  of  papers 
contributed  by  the  Rev.  Geo.  M.  Bodge, 
A.M.,  to  the  New  Eng.  Hist,  and  Gene. 
Register,  xxxii.  et  seq.  —  H. 

1  For  a  sketch  of  the  life  of  the  Hon. 
Nathaniel  Fryer,  see  Coll.  New  Hamp. 
Hist.  Soc,  viii.  353-356.  —  H. 

*  Belknap  (History  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, Farmer's  ed.,  83)  says:  "The 
terms  of  the  treaty  were  disgraceful, 
but  not  unjust,  considering  the  former 
irregular  conduct  of  many  of  the  eastern 
settlers,"  etc.  Williamson  follows  Bel- 
knap substantially,  and  agrees  with  him 


in  thinking  that,  however  humiliating 
the  treaty  may  have  seemed,  it  was 
preferable  to  a  predatory  warfare  and 
"  its  consequent  deprivations  and  cal- 
amities." Lieutenant-Governor  Brock- 
holls  of  New  York,  in  a  letter  to  Captain 
Knapton,  under  date  of  June  7,  1678, 
says ;  "  The  Agreement  of  peace  made 
by  the  Gents,  of  Piscataway  and  the 
Indian  Sachems  ...  I  think  is  a  good 
piece  of  work."  (Coll.  Maine  Hist.  Soc, 
V.  24.)  The  original  and  all  copies  of 
the  treaty  seem  to  have  perished.  —  H. 

8  The  early  records  of  Portsmouth 
show  that  at  a  general  town  meeting  held 
on  the  27th  of  March,  1654,  Captain 
Champernowne  was  chosen  one  of  the 
selectmen  for  that  year.  At  that  time 
he  was  a  resident  of  Portsmouth,  and 
living  on  his  Greenland  farm.  Whether 
or  not  he  accepted  the  office,  does  not 
appear.  —  H. 


/■ - 


His  Life  in  New  England. 


119 


to  express  their  duty  to  his   Majesty,"  in   New  England, 
was  "  Captain  Champcrnovvne."  * 

In  May,  1684,  Cranfield,  Lieutenant-Governor  of  the 
royal  Province  of  New  Hampshire,  nominated  Champcr- 
nowne  as  a  member  of  his  Council,  and  recommended 
his  confirmation  to  his  superiors  in  England.'^  It  does  not 
appear  what,  if  anything  further,  was  done  in  the  premises. 
Cranfield  left  the  Province  a  few  months  subsequently. 
His  character  and  standing  is  further  illustrated  by  the  fact 
that  in  the  month  of  July  of  this  year  Champernowne  was 
made  one  of  five  trustees,  for  the  benefit  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Kittcry,  of  all  the  lands  or  properties  within  the 
bounds  and  limits  of  said  township,  formerly  granted  by  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges,  Knt.,  or  by  any  of  his  agents,  or  by  the 
General  Assembly  of  Massachusetts.  This  was  done  by 
an  indenture,  in  which  Massachusetts  was  represented  by 
Thomas  Danforth,  President  of  the  Province  of  Maine. 
The   same   year   the   charter   of    Massachusetts    Bay    was 


*  As  to  Randolph,  see  pages  277- 
j,2(i,  postea ;  and  Tuttle's  Life  of  Capt. 
John  Mason,  edited  by  John  Ward 
Uean,  A.M.  (Prince  Soc.  1887),  102, 
note  197,  and  the  authorities  there 
cited.  —  H. 

*  It  has  been  supposed  and  assumed 
hitherto,  that,  after  leaving  his  Green- 
land farm  in  New  Hampshire,  Captain 
Champernowne  continued  to  be  a  resi- 
dent of  Maine  until  his  death  ;  and  it 
has  always  seemed  strange  that  Gov- 
ernor Cranfield  nominated  him  to  be  of 
his  Council.  Hut  there  cannot  be  much 
doubt  that  Champernowne  did  return 
to  Portsmouth  and  remained  for  some 
time,  attracted  tliither  most  probably 
by  the  presence  there  of  men  in  power 
under  royal  commission.    The  language 


of  Governor  Cranfield  in  his  letter  to 
the  Privy  Council  would  seem  to  es- 
tablish the  fact.  "And  [I]  do  rec- 
ommend for  your  Lordships'  confir- 
mation [as  Counsellors]  Mr.  Francis 
Champernowne  and  Mr.  James  Sher- 
lock. Mr.  [Nathaniel]  Fryer  having 
gone  to  live  in  the  other  Province 
[Maine],  the  number  doth  not  exceed 
seven  "  (Jenness's  Original  Documents, 
156).  As  a  possible  further  confir- 
mation, it  may  be  stated  that  a  por- 
tion of  a  rouuh  draft  of  his  Will  (still 
preserved),  directs  that  his  body  be 
buried  in  Portsmouth.  This  draft  may 
have  been  made  while  he  was  tem- 
porarily resident  at  Portsmouth,  circa 
1684— H. 


ilii    f 


H: 


,  It 


i 


:  n 


1 20  Captain  Francis  Champcrnowne. 

annulled  by  legal  proceedings,  and  the  authority  of  the 
corporation  came  to  an  end.' 

Champcrnowne  was  now  seventy  years  of  age,  too  old 
to  be  again  active  in  restoring  the  royal  authority  over 
Maine,  now  certain  to  take  place.  His  capacity,  ability, 
and  loyalty  wero^  recognized  in  England,  as  well  as  at 
home,  and  when  President  Dudley's  commission  issued  in 
1685,^  to  govern  New  England,  Champcrnowne  was  named 
in  the  commission  a  member  of  his  Council  of  State, — 
a  high  and  responsible  office.  He  was  continued  in  this 
office  under  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  the  successor  of  Dudley, 
and  held  it  until  his  death  in  1687. 

Some  time  subsequent  to  the  year  1675,  Captain  Cham- 
pcrnowne married  Mary,  the  widow  of  Robert  Cutt,''  a 
prominent  citizen  and  merchant  of  Kittcry.  It  docs  not 
appear  that  he  had  married  before.     He  had  no  children ; 


'  The  proceedinj^s  for  the  annul- 
ment of  tlie  charter  were  befjun  by  a 
writ  of  quo  warranto,  issued  June  27, 
1083,  returnnl)le  into  the  Court  of  Kin:;'s 
Hench.  But  the  writ  was  defective  in 
form,  and  not  seasonably  served.  This 
method  of  procedure  was  abandoned, 
and  a  writ  of  scire  facias  was  issued 
from  the  Court  of  Chancery,  April  16, 
16S4,  and  an  alias  on  May  12.  It  was 
under  this  writ  that  the  Charter  was 
vacated,  by  the  decree  of  the  Lord 
Keeper,  on  June  21,  which  decree  was 
confirmed  October  23.  See  Palfrey, 
iii-  37^>-394-  —  H. 

''■  President  Dudley's  Commission 
was  dated  Oct.  8.  1685.  He  presented 
a  co|)y  of  it  to  the  General  Court  on  May 
17,  1 686.  The  General  Court,  on  May 
20,  sent  to  Dudley  and  his  Council  a 
communication  (Mass.  Kec,  v.  515-516), 
criticisina:  the  terms  of  the  Commission, 
and  his  language  to  them,  and  thereupon 


dissolved.  On  June  1 5,  the  new  Govern- 
ment issued  an  "  Order  for  the  Holding 
of  Courts  and  Execution  of  Justice." 
This  Order,  in  point  of  style  and  phrase- 
ology, is  one  of  the  best  official  papers 
issued  in  Massachusetts  in  the  seven- 
teenth century.  The  copy  of  the  Com- 
mission referred  to  above  seems  to 
have  disappeared  from  the  State  ar- 
chives, and  the  original  has  also  per- 
isiied  or  passed  out  of  sight.  A  partial 
copy  will  be  found  in  Coll.  Mass.  Hist. 
Soc,  V.  244-246,  Prov.  Papers  of  New 
Hampshire,  i.  590-592,  and  R.  I.  Rec, 
iii.  105.  —  H. 

*  The  early  generations  of  the  family 
spelled  their  name  Cutt;  the  later  gen- 
erations have  added  the  letter  s.  For 
historical  and  genealogical  notices  of 
the  family,  see  Brewster's  Rambles 
about  Portsmouth,  The  VVentworth 
Genealogy,  and    Savage's   Gen.    Die. 


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His  Life  in  New  Ettgland. 


121 


but  he  had  a  great  affection  for  his  wife's  children  by 
Robert  Cutt,  and  often  speaks  of  them  as  his  own,  which 
fact  has  misled  some  writers.^ 

His  principal  residence  in  Kittery  was  within  a  few  miles 
of  Gorgeana,  now  York,  the  metropolis  of  the  Province. 
A  narrow  stream  separated  his  homestead  from  that  of 
Edward  Godfrey,^  sometime  Governor  of  the  Province. 
In  1666,  the  town  of  Kittery  granted  to  him  five  hundred 
acres  of  land  near  his  residence,  and,  in  1669,  three  hun- 
dred acres  additional  at  Kittery  Point. 

The  latter  part  of  his  life  was  devoted  chiefly  to  the  care 
of  his  plantation,  while  the  ostensible  interest  which  drew 
him  to  New  England,  and  to  which  he  devoted  his  younger 
years,  was  commercial. 

Captain  Champcrnowne  lived  in  New  England  half  a 
century.  This  period  was  about  equally  divided  between 
Portsmouth  and  Kittery.  Tradition  still  preserves  his 
name  and  memory  in  both  of  these  places.  There  is  no 
contemporary  account  of  him,  nor  any  portrait  extant. 
His  form  and  features  can  be  restored  only  by  fancy, 
but  his  character  may  be  inferred  with  considerable  cer- 
tainty from  his  acts,  and  the  respect  shown  him  by  his 
contemporaries. 

On  November  16,  1686,  he  made  his  Will,  devising  his 
island  home  in  equal  parts  to  his  wife  and  her  daughter, 


1  Williamson  (History  of  Maine,  i. 
Appendix,  667),  erroneously  states  that 
Champernowne  had  three  daiicjhters. 
Other  writers  have  copied  this  error. 
—  H. 

*  Edward  Godfrey  was  for  many 
years  very  prominent  in  the  affairs  of 


the  Province.  There  was  much  that  is 
pathetic  in  his  career,  and  especially  in 
his  closinfj  days  in  London.  For  a  full 
account  of  his  life,  see  Edward  Godfrey; 
His  Life,  Letters,  and  I'uhlic  Services, 
15CS4-1664,  hy  Cliarlcs  Edward  Hanks, 
M.D.,  privately  printed,  1S87.  —  H. 


16 


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122  Captain  Francis  Champevnowne. 

Elizabeth,  the  wife  of  Humphrey  Elliot.  This  island,  now 
known  as  Cutts,  was  soon  after  Champernowne's  death 
conveyed  to  his  wife's  son,  Richard  Cutt,  whose  descend- 
ants have  owned  the  larger  part,  and  resided  upon  it 
until  recently.  He  made  his  wife's  grandson,  Champer- 
nowne    Elliot,  his  heir-at-law  and  residuary  legatee.^ 

Captain  Champernowne  died  sometime  in  the  Spring 
of  1687,  the  day  and  month  not  now  known.  He  desired 
to  be  buried  on  his  island  where  he  died.  No  other  monu- 
ment marks  his  last  resting-place  but  a  heap  of  stones, 
which  some  friendly  hand  placed  above  his  grave,  where 
they  may  be  seen  to  this  day.  In  a  large  opon  field  slop- 
ing to  the  south,  a  rude  stone  wall  encloses  a  small  area, 
dotted  over  with  mounds,  indicating  the  graves  of  some 
of  Champernowne's  contemporaries,  or  of  succeeding  own- 
ers and  occupants  of  the  land.  In  the  northerly  corner  a 
large  oblong  pile  of  moss-covered  stones  denotes  his  own 
burial-place. 

"THOMAS  DE   CAMBERNON  for  Hastings  field 
Left  Normandy  :  his  Tower  sees  him  no  more  ! 
And  no  Crusader's  VVarhorse  phimed  and  steeled 
Paws  the  grass  now  at  Modbury's  blazoned  door : 
No  lettered  marble  nor  ancestral  shield  — 
Wliere  all  the  Atlantic  shakes  the  lonesome  shore 
Lies  our  forgotten,  —  only  Cobblestones 
To  tell  us  Where  are  Champernowne's  poor  Bones  !  "  " 


*  For  Champernowne's  Will,  see 
A])pcndix  No.  2.  For  notes  on  the 
lllliot,  Cutt,  and  Elliott  families,  see 
Appendix  No.  3. 

-  The  author  of  these  lines,  the  late 
John  Elwyn,  Esq.,  of  Portsmouth,  N.  H., 
was  born  at  Clifton,  near  Bristol,  Eng., 


Feb.  I,  iSoi,  and  died  in  Portsmouth, 
Jan.  30,  1876.  His  father,  Thomas 
Elwyn,  Esq.,  a  native  of  the  city  of 
Canterbury,  Eng.,  and  a  graduate  of 
Trinity  Collcfije,  Oxford,  came  to  tlie 
United  States  in  1796  whiie  a  young 
man.    Alter  completing  his  travels,  he 


His  Life  in  New  England. 


123 


i;H 


The  waves  on  the  sandy  beach  not  far  off  continuously 
throb  a  monotonous  requiem,  while  from  the  vast  expanse 
of  the  ocean  in  full  view  come  deeper  and  more  solemn 
sounds.  Here  rests  the  first  and  the  last  of  his  name  in 
New  England,  —  the  kinsman  of  the  immortal  Gilbert, 
Ralegh,  and  Gorges. 


read  law  in  Philadelphia.  There  he 
made  the  acquaintance  of  the  family  of 
the  Hon.  John  Langdon,  an  eminent 
citizen  of  New  Hampshire,  and  at  this 
time  a  Senator  in  the  Federal  Congress. 
He  married  Governor  Langdon's  only 
child,  Elizabeth,  and  she  was  the  mother 
of  Mr.  John  Elwyn.  Thomas  Elwyn 
settled  in  Portsmouth,  and  died  there  in 
1 816.  John  Elwyn  was  graduated  at 
Harvard  College  in  18 19.  While  in 
College,  and  for  many  years  afterwards, 
he  wrote  his  name,  John  Langdon- 
Elwyn.  He  lived  nearly  all  his  life  in 
Portsmouth,  and  was  buried  on  his 
estate  at  the  head  of  Sagamore  Creek. 
This  estate  he  inherited  from  his  mater- 
nal grandfather.  It  had  been  owned 
and  occupied  by  the  Langdons  from  the 
early  years  of  the  settlement  of  New 
Hampshire.  Mr.  Elwyn  was  a  life-long 
and  diligent  student,  and  his  acquire- 
ments in  the  languages,  both  ancient 
and  modern,  of  Europe  and  of  Asia, 
were  extraordinary  in  extent.  He  was 
remarkably  well-inlormed  respecting 
the  genealogies  of  the  old  "amilies  of 
England.  He  was  no  less  well-informed 
in  regard  to  the  genealogies  of  the  old 


families  and  the  antiquities  of  the  Pas- 
cataqua  region,  and  his  information  was 
always  at  the  service  of  those  seeking 
his  aid. 

In  his  second  volume  of  "  Poems  of 
Places  —  New  England,"  Mr.  Long- 
fellow inserted  the  verses  above  quoted, 
under  the  tide  :  "  The  Grave  of  Cham- 
pernowne,"  wit.,  a  prefatory  note  from 
Mr.  John  Albee  (Harv.  Theo.  School, 
1858),  of  New  Castle,  New  Hampshire, 
but  inadvertently  Mr.  Longfellow  located 
the  grave  in  New  Castle.  In  his  charm- 
ing monograph  on  New  Castle,  Mr.  Al- 
bee pays  an  appreciative  tribute  to  the 
character,  learning,  and  poetic  ability  of 
Mr.  Elwyn. 

The  fine  sonnet  on  the  page  follow- 
ing this,  from  the  pen  of  Mr.  Albee,  is 
here  reproduced  with  his  consent.  It 
fitly  concludes  this  paper  on  Champi.''- 
nowne  by  his  friend,  Mr.  Tuttle.  Among 
Mr.  Albee's  published  works  are  the 
following :  St.  Aspenquid  of  Mount 
Agamenticus,  an  Indian  Idyl  (Ports- 
mouth, N.  H.,  1879);  Literary  Art  (New 
York,  1881)  ;  Poems  (New  York,i883)  ; 
New  Castle,  Historic  and  Picturesque, 
illustrated  (Boston,  1885).  — H. 


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124  Captain  Francis  Chainpernowne. 


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II 


AT  THE   GRAVE   OF  CHAMPERNOWNE. 

BY  JOHN  ALBEE. 

Here  poise,  like  flowers  on  flowers,  the  butterflies  ; 

The  grasshopper  on  crooked  crutch  leaps  up, 

The  wild  bees  hum  above  the  clover  cup. 
The  fox-grape  wreathes  tlic  walls  in  green  disguise 

Of  ruin  :   and  antique  plants  set  out  in  tears  — 
Pink,  guelder-rose,  and  myrtle's  purple  bells  — 

Struggle  'mid  grass  and  their  own  -.vasting  years 
To  show  the  grave  that  no  inscription  tells. 

Here  rest  the  bones  of  Francis  Champernowne  ; 

The  blazonry  of  Norman  kings  he  bore ; 
His  fathers  buildcd  many  a  tower  and  town. 

And  after  Senlac  England's  lords.     Now  o'er 
His  island  cairn  the  lonesome  forests  frown, 

And  sailless  seas  beat  the  untrodden  shore. 


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CONQUEST    OF    ACADIE. 


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I    \ 


CONQUEST    OF   ACADIE. 


'\"^7'E  need  not  look  beyond  the  breach  and  end  of  the 
*  ^  treaty  of  triple  alliance,  —  that  famous  league  of 
the  three  great  Protestant  nations  of  Europe,  —  for  the 
causes  of  the  events  I  am  now  to  relate.  England,  the 
United  Provinces,  and  Sweden  enjoyed  a  few  years  of 
supremacy  and  tranquillity  under  the  moral  strength  of 
that  memorable  international  alliance.  "  All  Europe,"  says 
Hume,  "  seemed  to  repose  herself  with  security  under  the 
wings  of  that  powerful  confederacy."' 

But  the  inconstant  temper  of  the  English  king,  Charles 
II.,  would  not  suffer  him  long  to  adhere  to  any  policy  or 
connection.  Hatred  of  the  Dutch  and  love  of  the  French 
were  the  most  steady  passions  in  the  breast  of  this  mon- 
arch.^ Less  than  two  years  after  joining  the  triple  league, 
—  an  act  so  much  applauded  by  his  subjects, —  he  was  in 
secret  council  with  Louis  XJV.,  who  was  then  plotting  the 
destruction   of  the   United    Provinces.     In  this  scheme  of 


<H 


I        I 


\h 


1  Hume's  History  of  England,  chap,    but  masterly  summing  up  of  the  charac- 

Ixiv.  ter  of  Charles  II.,  at  the  close  of  the 

*  The  reader  will  recall  Hume's  brief    sixty-ninth  chapter  of  his  History.  —  H. 


H 


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1  t 

1  'i, 


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128 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


perfidy,  outrage,  and  ambition  England  was  to  have  the 
province  of  Zealand,  and  France  all  the  other  provinces 
except  Holland,  which  was  to  be  reserved  for  the  young 
Prince  of  Orange,  if  he  would  come  into  the  arrangement. 

With  these  views  and  purposes,  not  publicly  declared,  the 
English  monarch  and  his  ministers  joined  the  ambitious 
King  of  France*  in  a  war  of  conquest  against  the  United 
Provinces,  the  old  and  faithful  ally  of  England,  —  her 
ally  in  more  than  one  crisis  when  without  this  great  po- 
litical and  military  support  she  had  been  without  a  friend  in 
all  Europe  This  most  unjust  and  cruel  war  was  publicly 
declared  by  France  as  well  as  by  England,  in  March,  1672. 
Of  the  events  which  followed,  I  am  concerned  with  those 
only  whir^T  occurred  in  the  New  World  and  affected  the 
Americai,  colonies  of  these  belligerents. 

When  the  war  began  in  Europe,  the  Dutch  possessions  in 
America  were  not  large.  That  famous  Batavian  Province, 
the  New  Netherlands,  had  already  been  wrested  from  the 
United  Provinces  by  the  English  eight  years  before.'^  The 
Cura9oa  island, or  islands,  in  the  West  Indies,  and  Surinam^ 
in  South  America,  were  all  that  now  remained  to  the  United 
Provinces  in  the  New  World. 

The  French  possessions  were  immense.  New  France 
stretched  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  the  Gulf  of  St.  Law- 
rence, its  great  eastern   frontier   pressing   heavily  on  the 

^  "  The    King    of    England,"    said         *   -  ..e  surrender  was  made  Aug.  29? 

Louis   to   his   ambassador    D'Estrades  1664. 

(Jan.  25,  1662),  "  may  know  my  forces,  '  By  the  Treaty  of  Breda  (July  10, 

hut   he    knows    not    the   sentiments  of  1667)   the  possession   of  Surinam  was 

my  heart.     Everything  ajipears  to  me  coniirmed  to  the  Dutch,  and  New  Am- 

contemptible  in  comparison  of  glory"  sterdam  to  the  English.  —  H. 
(Hume,  chap.  Ixiv.).  —  H. 


HI 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


129 


English  maritime  provinces  lying  between  the  Penobscot 
Bay  and  Florida.  Of  this  vast  extent  of  French  empire 
the  most  eastern  division  bore  the  provincial  name  Acadie. 
Under  this  name  were  comprehended  what  is  now  the  Prov- 
ince of  Nova  Scotia,  New  Brunswick,  and  the  eastern  half 
of  the  present  State  of  Maine.^ 

Acadie  had  been  explored  and  settled  in  some  parts  by 
the  French  before  a  permanent  English  settlement  had 
been  made  in  America.  Castine,  Champlain,  and  UeMonts 
had  achieved  fame  in  this  region  before  the  English,  so  far 
as  we  now  know,  had  set  foot  on  any  part  of  Acadie.  It 
was  valued  for  the  advantages  it  offered  as  a  military  posi- 
tion, for  its  great  rivers  and  harbors,  for  its  illimitable  for- 


% 


1  Prior  to  the  year  1632  the  bounda- 
ries of  Acadie  were  not  so  defineil  as  to 
make  it  perfectly  clear  what  the  French 
seriously  claimed  under  that  title.  They 
had  missions,  stations,  and  trading-posts 
among  the  Indians  as  far  west  at  least 
as  the  Kennebec ;  and  whenever,  sub- 
sequent to  1632,  the  western  limits  of 
Acadie  came  in  question,  the  French 
insisted  upon  making  that  river  the 
western  boundary.  But  if  persistent 
occupation  of  points  on  the  coast  to 
the  eastward  of  the  Kennebec  gave 
title  to  anybody,  that  title  rested  in 
the  English  ;  and  the  Dutch,  who  hat 
at  different  times  made  settlements 
and  engaged  in  trade  at  various  points 
on  the  coast,  might,  for  the  same  rea- 
son, lay  claim  to  portions  of  the  ter- 
ritory between  the  Kennebec  and  the 
Penobscot.  When,  pursuant  to  the 
third  article  of  tlie  Treaty  of  St.  Ger- 
main de  Ley  (in  1632),  Acadie  was  re- 
stored to  the  French,  the  English  sur- 
rendered no  portion  of  the  territory  west 
of  the  Penobscot.  And  the  same  is 
true  of  the  restoration  made  by  the  Eng- 


lish pursuant  to  the  Treaty  of  Preda  in 
1667.  From  and  after  1632  the  French 
never  exercised  any  authority,  political 
or  military,  in  the  territory  lying  be- 
tween the  Kennebec  and  the  Penobscot. 
The  extreme  French  claim  was  renewed 
whenever  it  served  a  ])urpose,  and  nota- 
bly so  in  the  years  1750-1753,  when  the 
question  of  the  northern  and  western 
boundaries  of  Acadie  formed  the  sub- 
ject of  an  extended  and  exhaustive  in- 
vestigation by  the  commissaries  of  the 
courts  of  England  and  France.  The 
argument  of  the  English  commissaries 
covers  the  entire  history  of  the  ques- 
tion, and  seems  to  be  complete  and  un- 
answerable. See  The  Memorials  of 
the  English  and  French  Commissaries 
concerning  tlie  Limits  of  Nova  Scotia, 
or  Acadie  (London,  1755);  also  Mur- 
doch's History  of  Nova  Scotia,  or  Aca- 
die, i.  I,  2,  and  chapters  x.,  xvi  ,  and 
xvii.  In  regard  to  the  bibliograjihy  of 
the  Memorials,  see  Narrative  and  Criti- 
cal History  of  America,  iv.  chap,  iv., 
and  the  Catalogue  of  the  Athenaeum 
Library,  Boston.  —  H. 


17 


e-jMBi 


d,l 


?  ^. 


130 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


i 


ests,  for  its  rich  furs  and  inexhaustible  fisheries,  and  for  its 
proximity  to  the  Old  World.  No  wonder  it  was  coveted  by 
France,  by  England,  and  by  the  United  Provinces,  —  the 
three  greatest  commercial  nations  of  Europe.  For  a  cen- 
tury and  a  half  the  English  and  the  French  contended  for 
the  possession  of  Acadie.  It  was  repeatedly  conquered 
by  the  English,  who,  however,  kept  possession  only  a  short 
time ;  for  Acadie  always  had  a  steady  attraction  for  the 
French,  its  first  explorers  and  possessors.* 

In  the  Summer  of  1654  the  English  again,  and  for  the 
third  time,  became  masters  of  Acadie.  Upon  some  com- 
plaint made  in  1653  against  the  Dutch  of  New  Nether- 
lands by  the  New  Haven  Colony,  Cromwell  sent  hither  a 
small  naval  force  under  command  of  Major  Robert  Sedg- 
wick^ and  Capt.  John  Lcverett,  both  of  Massachusetts, 
with    instructions^  to  obtain   reinforcements  in  New  Eng- 


^  "They  knew  the  intrinsic  value  of 
its  mines,  fislicries,  lands,  forests,  and 
fur  trade.  They  saw,  also,  that  the 
peninsula  was  important  to  them  in 
cliecking  the  pro<;ress  and  disturbing 
the  security  of  the  New  England  colo- 
nies, and  as  a  rampart  and  outwork  to 
defend  their  own  highly-prized  colony 
of  Canada"  (Murdoch's  Nova  Scotia, 
i.  352). —H. 

■^  Robert  Sedgwick  was  the  son  of 
William  and  Elizabeth  (Howe)  Sedgwick 
of  VVoburn,  Bedfordshire,  England,  and 
was  baptized  in  St.  Mary's  Church  in 
that  town.  May  6,  1613.  He  w.is  one 
of  the  first  settlers  of  Charlestown, 
Mass.,  in  1635.  His  business  was  that 
of  a  merchant.  He  served  as  a  deputy 
in  the  General  Court  for  several  years. 
Before  coming  to  New  England  he 
was,  it  is  said,  a  member  of  the  Artil- 
lery Company  of  London.  He  was 
one  of  the  organizers  of  the  Ancient 


and  Honorable  Artillery  Company  of 
Boston  in  1638,  and  its  captain  in 
1640;  commanded  the  Castle  in  1641, 
and  the  Middlesex  regiment  in  1643 ; 
and  in  1652  was  commissioned  Major- 
General.  In  1643-44,  in  connection  with 
John  Winthroi),  Jr.,  lie  est.iblished  fur- 
nace and  iron  works  at  Saugus  (Lynn), 
whicli  were  the  first,  or  among  the  first, 
in  New  England.  Going  to  England, 
subsequent  to  1652,  he  made  the  ac- 
quaintance of  Cromwell,  and  was  em- 
ployed by  him  to  expel  the  French  from 
the  Penobscot  in  1C54  ;  was  engaged  in 
the  expedition  against  the  Spanish  West 
Indies  when  Jamaica  was  taken  ;  and 
just  I)cfore  his  death,  which  occurred 
in  Jamaica,  May  24,  1656,  he  was  pro- 
moted to  the  rank  of  M.ajor-General  in 
the  British  Army.  See  New  Eng.  Hist, 
and  Gene.  Register,  xlii.  67,  184.  —  H. 
*  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  xxxii.  230- 
232. 


i 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


131 


land,  then  to  proceed  to  "extirpate  the  Dutch,"  England 
then  being  at  war  with  the  United  Provinces.  The  fleet 
proceeded  to  Boston,  where  it  arrived  in  June,  1654;  and 
while  Massachusetts  was  beating  up  five  hundred  men 
for  recruits,  news  came  of  peace  with  the  Provinces,^  and 
put  an  end  to  this  design. 

But  this  expedition,  augmenting  the  land  and  naval  force 
at  the  disposal  of  Massachusetts,  must  needs  accomplish 
something  against  friend  or  foe.  It  forthwith  proceeded 
against  the  French  of  Acadie,  and,  taking  them  by  surprise, 
made  an  easy  conquest  of  all  the  strongholds  of  that  prov- 
ince,'^ although  there  was  then  no  war  existing  between 
P>ance  and  England.  A  thunderbolt  from  a  clear  sky 
could  not  have  been  more  unexpected  by  the  Acadians 
than  this  sudden  onset  by  the  English.  Historians  have 
said  that  the  commanders  of  this  expedition  had  secret 
orders  from  Cromwell  to  make  conquest  of  Acadie ;  but 
they  have  not  cited  a  particle  of  evidence  to  sustain  the 
assertion.  In  the  absence  of  any  such  testimony,  it  must 
be  inferred  that  the  design  originated  with  the  authorities 
of  Massachusetts,  and  was  executed  under  the  great  name 
and  assumed  authority  of  Cromwell.  That  Colony  knew  his 
temper  well  enough  to  venture  in  a  struggle  the  issue  of 
which  was  sure  to  be  in  favor  of  England,  and  to  add  still 
further  to  the  military  fame  of  the  Protector. 

One  of  these  commanders,  Capt.  John  Leverett,  afterwards 
Governor  of  Massachusetts,  remained  in  command  of  Aca- 
die until  Sir  Thomas  Temple  was  appointed  governor  of  the 

'  The  Articles  of  Peace  were  signed         '^  Port  Royal  capitulated   Aug.   16, 
on  April  5,  1654,  and  the  news  reached     1654.  —  H. 
Boston,  June  29.  —  H. 


'I!n 


% 


---■.g^ar  •   :  '  ^:9i3SfHmi^i00'mimm 


gWJIJj^ 


132 


Conqtiest  of  Acadie. 


\\ 


conquered  French  Province,  the  name  of  which  was  now 
changed  to  Nova  Scotia. 

While  Acadie,  or  Nova  Scotia,  remained  an  EngKsh 
Province,  the  people  of  New  England,  especially  of  Massa- 
chusetts, carried  on  there  a  large  peltry  trade,  and  were  en- 
gaged in  the  fisheries,  paying  a  reasonable  charge  for  this 
privilege.  Eighty  thousand  livres  had  been  paid  annually 
by  the  English  for  leave  to  fish  in  the  waters  of  Acadie.^ 

Massachusetts  came  to  regard  the  Province  as  a  necessa  y 
part  of  her  own  domain.  Soon  after  the  conquest  she  in- 
structed her  agent,  Leverett,  to  beg  it  of  Cromwell  if  there 
was  any  prospect  of  its  being  surrendered  to  France.  By 
dilatory  pleas,  seconded  by  Massachusetts,  Governor  Tem- 
ple—  a  man  who  had  the  address  to  make  himself  equally 
acceptable  to  the  Puri*"  n  and  to  the  Royalist  —  delayed  the 
surrender  of  Acadie  to  the  French  three  full  years  after 
the  Treaty  of  Breda.  At  last  King  Charles  sent  a  per- 
emptory order  to  him  to  deliver  the  Province  to  the  French, 
and  this  was  executed  in  the  Summer  of  1670.^  The  com- 
mission issued  to  the  French  governor  made  the  Kennebec 
River  the  western  limit  of  his  government. 

Massachusetts  now  saw  with  alarm  this  attempt  to  ad- 
vance the  frontiers  of  New  France  still  nearer  her  own 
settlements.  This  construction  of  the  western  limit  of 
Acadie  included  lands  and  trading-stations  of   some  lead- 


I "  1    V 


1  Charlevoix,  iii.  138  ;  N.  Y.  Coll. 
Doc,  iv.  476. 

'^  The  Kinjj's  letters  to  Temple,  di- 
recting him  to  surrender  Aca<lie,  were 
dated,  resjKM  lively,  Dec.  31,  1667  ;  Augf. 
I,  I068;  March  8,  1668-9;  Aug  6,  i66<> 
The  surrender  was  formally  made  by 


Tomple  (who  was  in  Boston),  July  7, 
1670.  The  fort  at  Fentagoet  surren- 
dered A.ug.  5.  1670  ;  CJemesic  (on  the 
river  St.  John),  Aug.  27;  and  Port 
Royal,  Sept.  2.  See  Memorials  of  Eng- 
lisli  and  French  Commissaries;  and 
Murdoch's  Nova  Scotia.  —  H. 


f'^fl 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


133 


ing  men  of  Massachusetts  be*-^"^en  the  two  rivers 


But, 

without  waiting  for  the  cou  T  France  and  England  to 

settle  the  question  of  bound:..  ^  between  the  two  nations, 
Massachusetts  boldly  went  to  work  to  fix  the  western  limit 
of  Acadie.  The  northern  limit  of  the  Colony  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  as  defined  by  its  charter,  was  a  line  running 
east  and  west  three  miles  north  of  the  Merrimack  River. 
She  had  already  determined  this  line  to  be  three  miles 
north  of  the  northernmost  part  of  the  Merrimack,  and  had 
thus  unlawfully  taken  into  her  bounds,  and  exercised  ju- 
risdiction over,  Mason's  Patent  of  New  Hampshire  and 
nearly  all  of  Gorges'  Province  of  Maine.  The  east  and 
west  line  of  this  unwarranted  extension  fell  into  the  ocean, 
on  the  east,  at  Casco  Bay,  now  Portland. 

One  of  the  magistrates,  Capt.  Thomas  Clarke,  of  Bos- 
ton, was  a  large  proprietor  of  lands  and  trading-houses  lying 
between  the  Kennebec  and  the  Penobscot ;  and  these  were 
put  to  hazard  by  the  French  claim.  The  Goneral  Court  of 
Massachusetts  forthwith  appointed  this  Captain  Clarke  to 
run  "  our  north  line  from  Casco  Bay  as  far  as  he  sees  con- 
venient eastward."  ^  Hutchinson,  the  historian  of  Massa- 
chusetts, says  :  "  The  Court  always  thought  it  the  part  of 
good  governors,  as  well  as  of  good  judges,  to  amplify  their 
jurisdiction  ; "  ^  and  Edward  Randolph  said,  about  this  time, 
"  The  present  limits  of  Massachusetts  are  as  large  as  that 
government  please  to  make  them."^ 

This  survey  was  executed  in  1672,  twenty  years  after  the 
previous  survey,  made  by  authority,  had  fixed  the  eastern 


ill 


h 


•  Mass.  Col.  Records,  v.  987.  "  Hutchinson    Papers  (Frince   Soc. 

"  Hutchinson's  Hist,  of  Mass.,  i.  239.     Edition;,  ii   222  [4S7]. 


,_ysmmf 


134 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


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m 


\\ 


bounds  of  Massachusetts  at  Casco  r3ay.  To  the  surp"ise  of 
everybody  concerned,  except  the  people  of  the  Bay  Colony, 
the  eastern  limits  were  now  found  to  be  in  Penobscot  Bay. 
Thus  the  northern  line  —  stretching  from  the  Atlantic  to 
^'^^.  Pacific  —  was  rolled  backward  several  miles  from  points 
.  .2d  by  the  first  survey.  The  new  surveyor,  in  his  report 
to  the  General  Court,  said  that  if  the  Court  "  pleased  to  go 
twenty  miles  more  northerly  in  Merrimack  River,  it  would 
take  in  all  the  inhabitants  and  places  east."  By  this  survey 
and  extension  of  jurisdiction  the  interests  of  the  merchants 
and  traders  of  Boston  would  be  saved.  And  these  interests, 
regarded  as  paramount  to  all  other  rights  and  claims,  Massa- 
chusetts was  resolved  to  defend. 

The  General  Court  forthwith  erected  the  new  territoiy 
into  a  county,  and,  yielding  to  the  prejudices  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, named  it  Devonshire.  Governor  Leverett  immedi- 
ately informed  the  Count  de  Frontenac,  then  Governor 
of  New  France,  of  this  extension  of  Massachusetts  limits 
northward  and  eastward,  and  warned  the  Frciich  not  to  ven- 
ture therein.^  There  is  hardl)' a  bolder  and  more  daring 
act  recorded  in  the  annals  of  Massachusetts.  Who  ever, 
before  or  since,  heard  of  a  remote  and  infant  colony  attempt- 
ing thus  to  set  the  limits  of  empire  between  two  proud  and 
powerful  nations  ? 

On  taking  possession  of  Acadie  in  1670,  the  French  re- 
paired the  forts  which  the  English  had  built,  and  also  those 
built  by  themselves  previous  to  the  English  conquest.  A 
small  military  force  was  placed  in  each  of  them,  to  protect 
the  country  and  its  commercial  interests.    A  provincial  gov- 

'  Mass.  Archives,  Ixi.  514. 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


135 


enior^  was  sent  there,  whose  chief  residence  was  Pcntagoet, 
now  Castine.  Thus  stood  affairs  between  Massachusetts 
and  Acadie,  —  between  England  and  France, —  in  the 
year  1674,  when  the  Dutch  came  and  made  conquest  of 
Acadie. 

The  strife  in  Europe  had  already  begun  when  England 
and  France  publicly  proclaimed  war  with  the  United  Prov- 
inces.^ France  was  to  bring  armies  into  the  field,  and  Eng- 
land was  to  cope  with  the  Dutch  on  the  sea.  The  Dutch 
navy  was  large  and  powerful,  and  commanded  by  able  and 
experienced  admirals.  The  fame  of  De  Ruyter  and  Van 
Tromp  was  already  spread  through  the  maritime  world ; 
and  with  such  opponents  on  the  sea  the  enemies  of  the 
United  Provinces  might  well  have  fears  for  the  issue. 
From  the  Dutch  navy  the  English  justly  expected  much 
injury,  especially  in  her  numerous  American  colonies. 

The  King  forthwith  wrote  ^  to  the  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, announcing  his  declaration  of  war,  and  direct- 
ing that  proclamation  be  made  there,  and  also  issued  like 
orders  to  the  other  English  colonies.  He  also  said  that 
there  was  a  report  that  a  considerable  ntmiber  of  men-of-war 
were  fitting  out  in  Zealand,  designed  to  annoy  the  English 
planters  in  the  West  Indies. 

The  King's  letter  and  declaration  reached  Boston  the 
last  week  in  May,  while  the  General  Court  was  in  session. 
The  Court  immediatfly  ordered  "That  the  King's  declara- 
tion sent  to  us  agaiubt  the  States  General  of  the  United 
Provinces  be  published  by  the  Marshal  General  in  the  three 

1  Hubert  d'Andigny,  Chevalier  d^^  '■^  War  was  declared  by  the  King, 
Grandfontainc.  March  7,  1672. 

'  See  Appendix,  No.  4. 


( 


is 


%: 


(^ 


) 


136 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


m 


usual  places  in  Boston  by  sound  of  trumpet."^  This  is 
said  to  be  the  first  instance  of  a  public  declaration!  of  war 
in  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts;^  and  because  that  Colony 
had  not  been  accustomed  to  pay  very  prompt  respect  to 
either  the  orders  or  the  requests  of  the  sovereign,  it  may 
be  inferred  that  the  quick  compliance  with  the  King's  order 
in  this  case  was  due  to  a  hostile  feeling  towards  the  Dutch. 

In  the  Spring  of  1673  the  Zealand  and  Holland  fleets,  of 
which  King  Charles  had  advertised  the  Colonies,  accidentally 
met  at  Martinico  in  the  West  Indies,  —  both  sailing  under 
the  colors  of  their  enemies,  the  one  wearing  a  French  en- 
sign, the  other  an  English.  They  prepared  to  fight,  each 
believing  the  other  to  be,  what  its  colors  represented,  an 
enemy.  But  an  accident  occurred,  just  as  the  conflict  was 
to  begin,  which  discovered  their  true  character  to  each 
other,  and  saved  them  from  mutual  destruction.^ 

Without  doing  anything  memorable  in  those  waters,  the 
two  squadrons  united  and  sailed  for  Virginia  about  midsum- 
mer. They  seized  many  English  vessels  there,  and  one 
from  New  York,  by  which  they  gained  the  information  of 
the  weak  state  of  the  defences  of  that  Province.  Although 
they  had  not  contemplated  making  a  rc-conquest  of  their 
ancient  Province  of  New  Netherlands,  they  now  resolved 
on  it;  and  the  end  of  July,  1673,  saw  the  colors  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange  waving  over  Manhattan  Island,  to  the 
great  joy  of  the  Dutch  inhabitants.  The  conquest  soon 
extended  over  every  part  of  the  Province  of  New  York. 
A  Dutch  government  was  established,  and  the  name  New 


1  Mass.  Records,  v.  517.  *  Hutclvnson's  History,!,  259,  note. 

'  Hutchinson's  History,  i.  258,  note. 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


137 


Netherlands  restored  to  the  Province ;  while,  in  honor  of 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  now  at  the  head  of  affairs  iti  the 
United  Provinces,  the  name  New  Orange  was  given  to 
Manhattan,  or  New  York,  formerly  New  Amsterdam.^ 

While  this  news  sent  a  thrill  of  joy  throughout  the  United 
Provinces,  it  sent  a  thrill  of  sorrow  and  mortification  over 
England  and  her  American  colonies.  Upon  information  of 
the  operations  of  the  Dutch  fleet  in  the  waters  of  Virginia, 
the  authorities  of  Massachusetts  at  once  took  measures  to 
defend  the  Colony  from  attack  or  injury.'' 

The  people  of  England  were  already  weary  of  this  war 
when  this  event  happened.  Parliament  now  forced  King 
Charles  and  his  ministers  to  make  peace  with  the  United 
Provinces.  The  Treaty  of  Westminster  was  signed  F'eb. 
9,  1674,  nearly  two  years  after  the  war  began,  and  six 
months  after  the  Dutch  conquest  of  New  York.  It  was 
agreed  by  the  parties  to  this  treaty  that  the  Dutch  might 
retain  possession  of  New  Netherlands  until  ihe  English 
were  ready  to  assume  the  government.  It  was  not  until 
the  last  ('ay  of  October,  1674,  that  Sir  Edmund  Andros 
personally  received  the  surrender. 

About  midsummer,  1674,  Capt.  Jurriaen  Aernouts,  com- 
mander of  the  Dutch  frigate  Flying  Horse,  being  at  Cura- 
coa  in  the  West  Indies,  received  a  commission  from  the 
Dutch  Governor  of  those  islands,  authorizing  him,  in  the 
name  of  the  great  Prince  of  Orange,  "to  take,  plunder, 
spoil,  and  possess   any  of    the  garrisons,  towns,  territories, 

'  This  change  of  name  was  made  the  re-conquest  of  this  Province,  aid  of 
Aug.  12,  1673  (N.  S.).  The  Dutch  now  the  proceedings  of  the  Dutch  authorities 
again  introduced  the  New  Style  of  reck-  thereupon,  see  I'.rodhcad's  History  of 
cning  time  into  New  Nethcrhands.  For  the  State  of  New  Yorli,  ii.  206-271.  —  H. 
a  condensed  and  interesting  history  of         *  See  Appendix,  No.  5. 

18 


^m 


!■■  ' 


138 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


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privileges,  ships,  persons,  or  estates  of  any  of  the  enemies 
of  the  great  States  of  Holland."  His  commission  ex- 
pressly named  England  and  France  as  public  enemies  of 
his  great  master.^  The  news  of  the  Peace  of  Westminster, 
made  a  few  months  before,  had  not  reached  Curacoa  when 
this  authority  was  granted. 

With  this  provincial  commission,  Captain  Aernouts  sailed 
for  New  Orange,  little  dreaming  of  so  memorable  an  affair 
in  future  as  the  conquest  of  a  rich  province  of  France  in  a 
few  months.  The  Flying  Horse  arrived  at  New  Orange  in 
the  fore  part  of  July.  There  her  commander  was  surprised 
to  hear  that  peace  was  proclaimed  between  England  and  the 
United  Provinces,  made  nearly  six  months  before ;  and  that 
New  Orange  was  to  be  surrendered  to  the  English.  He 
found  that  his  commission  was  now  of  no  force  against 
the  English,  it  having  been  granted  before  the  treaty  of 
peace  ;  but  that  it  was  good  authority  to  proceed  against 
the  French,  peace  not  having  been  made  with  them. 

While  the  Flying  Horse  was  recruiting  and  preparing 
for  sea  in  New  York,  —  or  New  Orange,  as  the  Dutch 
loved  to  call  it,  —  Capt.  John  Rhoade,  of  Boston,  an  adven- 
turous character,  a  pilot  of  some  experience,  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Captain  Aernouts.  He  told  the  captain 
that  he  was  well  acquainted  with  Acadie  and  all  the  French 
defences  therein  ;  that  it  would  be  an  easy  conquest  with  his 
force,  if  taken  by  surprise ;  that  it  was  a  great  fur  country, 
and  would  make  a  fine  Dutch  province.  Rhoade  had  re- 
cently been  at  Pentagoet,  and  had  exact  knowledge  of  the 
strength  of  the  F"rench  garrison  there.    After  considering 

'  See  Appendix,  No.  17. 


1'"'' 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


39 


this  scheme  of  conquest  presented  by  Rhoade,  and  remem- 
bering what  glory  the  conquest  of  New  York  not  two  years 
before  shed  on  Dutch  arms,  Captain  Aernouts  submitted 
the  plan  to  his  officers  and  crew,  and  they  were  unani- 
mously in  favor  of  it. 

Captain  Aernouts  now  resolved  to  attempt  the  conquest. 
Rhoade  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
and  was  made  chief  pilot  of  the  Flying  Horse.  With  a 
company  of  one  hundred  and  ten  men  he  sailed  from  New 
York,  and  reached  Pentagoet  the  ist  of  August.  He  forth- 
with landed,  and  attacked  the  French  fort,  commanded  by 
the  veteran  M.  de  Chambly  with  a  small  force  of  thirty 
men,  and  was  soon  master  of  it.^  Chambly  was  wounucu. 
The  garrison  surrendered  to  the  Prince  of  Orange.  The 
Dutch  captain  could  not  spare  any  of  his  force  to  garrison 
the  fort,  and  he  thereupon  destroyed  it,  and  also  several 
houses,  taking  the  cannon,  ammunition,  and  other  articles 
oi  value  away  with  him.  The  French  inhabitants  of  the  hum- 
bler sort  submitted  to  be  subjects  to  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
and  were  allowed  to  remain  and  trade,  and  keep  possession 
till  further  orders,  or  some  of  the  captors  should  return. 

M.  de  Chambly,  who  was  Governor  of  Acadie,  and  his 
principal  officers  were  taken  on  board  the  Flying  Horse. 
A  thousand  beavers  were  demanded  as  the  price  of  his 
ransom ;  but  he  was  unable  to  furnish  thom.  He  was  al- 
lowed to  despatch  his  ensign,  with  Indian  guides,  to  Que- 
bec, to  acquaint  Count  Frontenac  of  his  unhappy  situation, 
and  to  request  ransom  from  his  captors.     This  ensign  was 

'  This    occurred   August    lo.      See    i^\\  Murdocb's  Nova  Scotia,   i.    154; 
Charlevoix  (Shea's  ed.),   iii-   1S7.    1S8,     Williamson's  Maine,  i.  580.  —  H. 
lirodhead's    History  of   New  York,  ii. 


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140 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


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no  less  a  person  than  the  young  Baron  St.  Castine,  famous 
in  later  history. 

Before  leaving  Pcntagoet,  the  Dutch  commander  placed 
a  copy  of  his  commission,  with  a  brief  account  of  his  con- 
quest made  in  the  name  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  in  two 
glass  bottles  and  buried  them  in  the  earth,  as  a  memorial 
of  his  seizure. 

The  Flying  Horse  then  proceeded  eastward,  making  con- 
quest of  every  French  fort  and  trading-place  to  the  St.  John 
River  in  the  Bay  of  Fundy.  The  last  considerable  fort  taken 
was  at  Gemesic,^  in  this  river,  commanded  by  M.  de  Marson, 
lieutenant  to  M.  dc  Chambly.  This  fort  was  destroyed  and 
its  officers  made  prisoners.  The  poorer  inhabitants  having 
submitted  were  allowed  to  remain  and  trade,  under  condi- 
tions similar  to  those  imposed  at  Pentagoet. 

Bottles  were  here  also  buried  in  the  earth,  containing:  a 
copy  of  the  captain's  commission,  and  a  brief  account  of 
the  Dutch  conquest  made  in  the  name  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange.  Acadie  was  now  proclaimed  to  bear  the  name 
of  New  Holland,  another  European  name  hitherto  un- 
known in  the  annals  of  that  region.  No  attempt  was 
made  on  Port  Royal,  probably  on  account  of  its  capacity 
to  defend  itself. 

Thus  was  Acadie,  lying  between  the  Penobscot  and  St. 
John  rivers,  a  favorite  Province,  again  wrested  from  the 
French,  after  having  been  held  by  them  only  four  years. 
The  French  had  only  got  well  established  there  and  begun 
to  enjoy  a  large  revenue  from  the  fur  trade  and  fisheries; 
when  this  calamity  befell  them. 

^  This  name  is  variously  spelled  in  the  histories.  —  H. 


I 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


141 


Count  Frontcnac  received  the  news  of  the  capture  of 
M.  de  Chambly,  and  of  the  conquest  of  Acadie,  near  the 
end  of  September,  with  mingled  feelings  of  surprise  and 
mortification.  Both  had  been  but  a  short  time  in  these  high 
stations.  The  former  was  appointed  in  1672  and  the  latter 
in  1673.  Frontcnac  hastened  to  provide  a  ransom  for  the 
Governor  of  Acadie  out  of  his  own  private  fortune.  The 
equivalent  of  a  thousand  beavers  was  subsequently  nego- 
tiated at  Boston,  and  Chambly  was  released.^ 

Only  one  month  of  navigation  remained  when  this  un- 
happy intelligLiice  reached  Quebec.  Even  had  it  been 
otherwise,  Frontcnac  was  not  in  condition  to  send  help  to 
Acadie.  He  however  despatched  some  persons  in  canoes 
to  discover  what  further  calamities  had  befallen  Acadie,  to 
bring  away  some  of  the  family  of  M.  de  Marson,  and  others 
of  the  garrison  in  the  St.  John  River,  and  to  carry  letters  to 
Boston.'^  In  his  letter  to  Governor  Leverett  of  Massachu- 
setts, Frontcnac  stated  his  belief  that  Boston,  being  jealous 
of  the  proximity  of  the  French,  and  offended  at  the  re- 
straints which  had  been  put  on  the  English  trade  and  fish- 
ing in  Acadie,  had  employed  this  Dutch  expedition  against 
them,  and  furnished  the  pilot.  He  condemned  in  strong 
language  the  action  of  Boston  in  suffering  the  Dutch  to 
return  there  with  their  French  prisoners  and  plunder  while 
peace  existed  between  England  and  France.^ 

The  Flying  Horse,  laden  with  the  plunder  of  Acadie, 
and  having  its  Governor  and  his  chief  officers  on  board, 

1  See  Appendix,  No.  6,  for  orders  14,   1674   (N.  Y.  Coll.   Dec,  ix.   119, 

and  letters  of  Frontcnac  in  regard  to  120). —  H. 
this  affair.  — H.  "  See  Appendix,  No.  6. 

*  Frontenac's  letter  to  Colbert,  Nov. 


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Conquest  of  Acadie. 


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sailed  for  Boston,  reaching  that  place  some  time  in  Septem- 
ber. Captain  Aernouts  applied  for  leave  to  come  up  to 
town  to  repair  his  ship  and  dispose  of  his  plunder.  He 
showed  Governor  Leverett  his  commission,  which  author- 
ized him  to  make  conquest  of  French  territory  and  to  make 
prize  of  French  goods.  Governor  Leverett  had  already 
some  weeks  before  been  made  acquainted  with  the  conquest 
of  Acadie.^  He  sufifercd  Aernouts  to  bring  the  Flying 
Horse  into  the  inner  harbor.  The  Colony  gladly  purchased 
the  cannon  taken  from  the  ruined  forts  of  Acadie  for  the 
castle  in  the  harbor,  which  had  been  destroyed  by  fire  a  few 
months  before.^  The  inhabitants  or  traders  of  Boston  pur- 
cha'   d  the  rest  of  the  plunder. 

No  sooner  had  Captain  Aernouts  reached  Boston  than 
.  the  fur  traders  applied  to  him  for  leave  to  trade  in  Acadie, 
now  New  Holland.  This  was  refused.  The  subordinate 
Dutch  officers  and  men  claimed  that  the  conquest  had  been 
made  by  the  sword,  at  the  hazard  of  their  lives,  and  that  the 
trade,  which  was  valuable,  belonged  to  them.  The  Boston 
traders,  however,  hurried  away  their  vessels  to  Acadie  with- 
out leave  or  license,  and  without  paying  therefor.  The 
French  had  always  exacted  large  customs  for  this  liberty. 

When  Captain  Aernouts  was  ready  to  sail,  about  the  last 
of  October  or  the  first  of  November,  he  went  to  take  leave 
of  Governor  Leverett.  The  Governor  boldly  asked  him  if 
he  had  left  any  of  his  men  to  keep  possession  of  Acadie,  or 
New  Holland.     The  captain  replied  that  he  had  not.     The 

'  Governor  Leveictt's  letter  to  John  on  fire  and  was  burned  ;  only  the  pow- 

Collins,    Aufj.   24,    1674    (Hutchinson's  der  saved,  and  most  of  the  officers' and 

Coll.,  Prince  Soc.  Ed.,  ii.  465''.  soldiers'  goods"  (Hull's  Diary,  in  Ar- 

*  March  21,  1673-4,  "  Our  Castle  fell  choeol.  Amer.,  iii.  235).  — H. 


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Conquest  of  Acadie. 


143 


Governor  then  asked  him  \i  he  had  given  a  copy  of  his  com- 
mission to  any  one ;  and  he  said  he  had  not,  nor  would  he, 
for  he  would  not  be  responsible  for  the  actions  of  others. 
This  is  Leverett's  version  of  this  conversation. 

The  Flyinf^  Horse  sailed  from  Boston,  and  I  have  no 
further  account  of  her  or  of  her  commander.  She  left  in 
Boston  two  of  her  men,  afterwards  styled  Dutch  ofificers, 
—  Peter  Roderigo  and  Cornelis  Andreson, —  both  destined 
to  have  a  notable  career  during  the  next  twelve  months. 
Capt.  John  Rhoade,  the  pilot,  and  John  Williams,  a  Cor- 
nishman,  were  also  left  behind.  Before  sailing,  Captain 
Aernouts  gave  these  men  and  their  associates  authority  to 
return  to  New  Holland,  and  there  trade  and  keep  posses- 
sion till  further  order  from  their  great  master  in  Holland, 
or  from  himself.  The  two  Dutch  ofificers  and  Rhoade  re- 
solved to  proceed  to  New  Holland  and  keep  possession 
and  carry  on  trade  with  the  Indians  till  a  Dutch  force  and 
government  should  be  sent  there.  They  purchased  one 
vessel  and  hired  another,  and  armed  as  well  as  they  could. 
They  persuaded  four  or  five  Englishmen  to  join  them  in 
this  enterprise.  Governor  Leverett  suspected  the  design  of 
these  men,  and  sent  for  Rhoade  and  demanded  of  him  what 
he  intended.  Rhoade  told  him  he  was  going  eastward  to 
trade.  The  Governor  then  asked  him  whether  he  or  any  of 
his  company  did  not  go  there  to  take  vessels  that  were 
coasting  and  trading.  Rhoade  replied  that  they  did  not ; 
that  they  had  no  commission  to  do  so.  This  is  the  Gov- 
ernor's report  of  the  conversation.^ 

^  Answer  of  the  Governor  and  Council,  Oct.  5,  1676,  to  the  King's  letter  of 
Feb.  i8,  1675-6.     See  Appendix,  No.  16. 


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Conquest  of  Acadie. 


By  the  ist  of  December  following,  the  flag  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange  waved  from  the  topmast  of  these  two  vessels 
making  their  way  into  the  Penobscot  Bay.  They  visited 
Pentagoet,  where  they  had  the  first  struggle  with  the 
French  four  months  previous.  They  found  the  French 
inhabitants  still  quietly  submitting  to  the  authority  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange.  The  English  at  Pemaquid  had  been 
there  during  the  absence  of  the  Dutch,  and  treated  the 
inhabitants  with  some  insolence,  and  carried  away  the  iron 
and  other  articles  found  in  the  ruins  of  the  fort.  Proceed- 
ing farther  eastward,  they  soon  met  some  of  the  Boston 
vessels  that  had  been  trading  in  Acadie.  They  recognized 
some  persons  who  had  been  refused  in  Boston  leave  to 
come  there.  They  seized  these  vessels,  and  took  from 
them  the  peltry  and  other  articles  that  had  come  from 
Acadie.  They  then  dismissed  the  officers  and  crews,  and 
bade  them  begone  out  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  for  the  trade  and  possesion  there  belonged 
to  the  Dutch. 

Of  the  four  vessels  seized  and  released,  two  were  of 
Boston,  one  was  of  Salem,  and  one  of  Pascataqua.  Both 
Boston  vessels  had  been  warned  by  the  Dutch  officer 
while  in  Boston  not  to  go  to  New  Holland  under  penalty 
of  seizure  and  forfeiture. 

At  Machias  they  set  up  an  establishment  for  trade,  but 
it  had  not  been  there  long  when  a  Boston  vessel  put  in, 
and,  being  the  strongest,  overcame  the  Dutch,  pulled  down 
the  flag  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  plundered  and  destroyed 
their  house,  and  made  prisoners  of  their  men.  Proceeding 
onward  towards  the  St.  John  River,  they  met  with  iuforma- 


Conqttesi  of  Acadie. 


145 

tion  that  the  French  at  Gemesic  had  revolted  and  returned 
to  their  former  allegiance,  and  that  a  Boston  vessel  had 
transported  thither  a  French  force  from  Port  Royal.  The 
two  Dutch  vessels  appear  to  have  kept  away  all  traders  that 
came  there  afterwards,  and  the  Dutch  continued  their  trade 
for  the  next  four  months  without  further  disturbance. 

Meantime  news  was  carried  to  Boston  of  the  seizure  of 
Boston  vessels  at  the  eastward  by  persons  under  Dutch 
co.ors,  and   was   attracting  public   attention   in    the    New 
England  metropolis.    The  bark  Philip,-an  ominous  name, 
—  seized  by  them,  belonged  to  John  Freake  and  Samuel 
Shnmpton,  merchants  of  Boston.     Freake  complained   to 
Governor    Leverett    that   his   vessel    had    been    piratically 
seized    by   John    Rhoade   and    his    associates,   and    asked 
that  a  force  might  be  sent    to  seize  'them   and   to  brino- 
them  to  Boston.     He  desired  that  Capt.  Samuel   Mosle^ 
a  person    destined   to    achieve   great   eminence    in    Indian 
warfare  in  a  few  months,  might   be  put   in  command  of 
the  force  to  be  sent  out.^     Mosley  had   recently   been   in 
command   of   an   armed   vessel   which    had   cruised   about 
Nantucket,  by  order  of  the   Massachusetts  authorities,  to 
protect  Boston  interests  against  suspected  hostilities  by 'the 
Dutch  of  New  Orange.     He  was  an  able  and  experienced 
ofncer. 

The  Governor  and  Assistants,  after  considering  this 
application,  and  seeing  the  advantage  it  would  oe  to  have 
Acadie  open  to  Boston  trade,  and  not  favoring  the  Dutch 
foj  neighbors,  ordered  Captain  Mosley  to  proceed  there 
with  sufficient  force,  and  to  "seize  and'surprise,  and  bring 

>  His  vessel  was  seized  Dec.  4,  i6;4.    See  Appendix,  No.  7. 

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Conquest  of  Acadie. 


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them  forthwith  to  Boston."  All  ships  in  Boston  harbor 
bound  eastward  were  ordered  to  stay  till  Captain  Mosley 
had  sailed ;  and  great  care  was  taken  to  prevent  intelli- 
gence of  the  expedition  getting  abroad.  This  was  the  mid- 
dle of  February,  1674-5.^  The  master  of  Freake's  vessel, 
the  Philip,  was  George  Manning ;  he  was  wounded  at  the 
time  he  was  captured  by  the  Dutch.  After  being  taken  he 
attempted  to  get  away,  and  offered  some  violence  to  his 
captors.  They  proposed  to  set  him  adrift  in  a  boat,  and 
to  keep  his  vessel.  At  length  he  offered  to  join  them, 
and  to  let  them  have  his  vessel  and  crew  at  eight  pounds 
per  month.  Thev  agreed,  and  hired  his  men;  Dutch  colors 
were  immediately  hung  out  on  the  Philip,  the  Puritan 
trader.^ 

The  first  Spring  month  of  the  memorable  year  1675 
found  everything  going  smoothly  in  New  Holland.  A 
brisk  trade  had  been  carried  on  with  the  Indians,  and 
great  gains  were  assurtd.  The  southern  and  eastern  hori- 
zon was  watched  daily  to  discover  the  tricolored  flag  of  the 
United  Provinces  over  a  fleet  coming  to  the  assistance  of 
the  men  who  were  holding  the  territory  against  the  French. 
Happy  dreams  of  the  future  of  this  new  and  rich  Province 
annexed  to  the  Fatherland  cheered  this  little  company  in 
their  wintry  toils.  At  length  there  suddenly  appeared  an 
armed  vessel  wearing  an  English  flag,  bearing  down  on 
them. 

Captain  Mosley  had  taken  a  French  vessel  to  his 
assistance,  and   provided  her  with   men  and  ammunition. 


^  See  Appendix,  No.  8. 

^  See  Manning's  Deposition,  Appendix,  No.  9. 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


147 


Manning,  who  had  gone  into  the  Dutch  service,  at  once 
revolted,  and  while  yet  the  Dutch  flag  waved  from  his 
topmast,  poured  a  fire  into  the  Dutch  vessels.  The 
French  vessel  wore  her  national  colors.  The  Dutch  were 
thoroughly  confused  by  the  attack  on  them  by  vessels 
under  different  colors,  and  after  a  short  and  sharp  con- 
flict  they  surrendered  to  Captain  Mosley. 

The  Dutch  force  were  made  close  prisoners,  and  their 
vessels  were  plundered  of  the  peltry  gained  by  a  winter 
trade,  and  of  all  the  goods  that  remained  for  future  use. 
These  trade  goods  were  taken  by  Boston  traders  of 
Captain  Mosley 's  company,  and  the  Indian  traffic  was 
continued  by  them. 

Captain  Mosley  immediately  sailed  for  Boston,  with  his 
captives  and  their  vessels,  where  he  arrived  April  2,  1675. 
The  prisoners  were  at  once  put  in  close  confinement.  The 
Governor  and  Assistants  assembled  in  Cambridge  on  the 
7th  of  the  same  month,  to  consider  what  should  now 
be  done  in  this  matter.  They  ordered  that  four  of  the 
pirates,  as  the)  termed  the  captives,  be  confined  in  the 
prison  at  Cambridge ;  and  that  the  Dutch  vessels  with 
their  furniture  be  appraised  and  left  in  the  hands  of  Mr. 
John  Freake,  the  Boston  merchant,  who  had  made  com- 
plaint of  the  alleged  piratical  acts  of  the  Dutch  in  Acadie, 
and  had  suffered  loss  thereby.^  All  the  prisoners  were 
next  examined  as  to  their  connection  with  the  affair  com- 
plained of,  and  their  answers  reduced  to  writing.  They 
frankly  declared  what  they  had  done,  and  justified  their 
acts.^     A    special    Court   of   Admiralty,   consisting   of   the 


'I     :' 


>  Mass.  Arch.,  Ixi.  80. 


'  See  Appendix,  No.  10. 


■9«B 


148 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


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Governor,  Deputy-Governor,  and  Board  of  Assistants,  was 
thereupon  summoned  to  meet  in  Boston  on  the  17th  of 
May,  to  try  these  men. 

While  the  prisoners  were  waiting  for  trial,  a  dreadful 
calamity  happened  in  Boston  and  saddened  the  whole  com- 
munity. On  the  fourth  day  of  May,  two  weeks  before  the 
Court  of  Admiralty  assembled,  an  English  vessel  arrived 
in  the  harbor  from  Virginia.  While  John  Freake,  the 
merchant  who  had  set  on  fooc  the  expedition  against 
the  Dutch  in  Acadie,  and  Captain  Scarlett,  a  distinguished 
shipmaster  and  merchant,  one  of  the  appraisers  of  the 
Dutch  vessels,  were  in  the  great  cabin  of  this  English 
vessel,  she  was  sudder.iy  blown  up.  Freake  was  taken  up 
dead,  and  the  supercargo  survived  only  a  few  hours.  Cap- 
tain Scarlett  died  next  day.  Nine  others  were  wounded.^ 
The  great  Increase  Mather  preached  a  sermon,  which  is 
printed,  "Occasioned  by  this  awful  Providence."^ 

On  the  day  appointed,  May  17,  the  Court  assembled 
in  Boston  to  try  the  prisoners.  The  Governor,  Deputy- 
Governor,  and  the  Assistants,  ten  in  number,  were  pres- 
ent on  the  Bench.  Every  member  of  this  judicial  assembly 
bore  a  name  that  is  historic  in  the  annals  of  Massachu- 
setts. At  the  head  of  the  Court  sat  the  venerable  Governor 
Leverett,  many  years  Major-General  of  the  Colony,  experi- 
enced in  war  and  in  civil  affairs,  the  ablest  chief  magistrate 
the  Colony  ever  had.     As  before  stated,  he  had   been  a 


I    " 


1  Hull's  Diary  (ArchcTol.  Amer.,  iii.  the  Colony  had  been  done  at  Cambiidge. 

240) ;  Bradstreet's  Journal  (New  Eng.  Mather  was  at  this  time  one  of  the  li- 

Hist.  &  Gene.  Reg.,  viii.  329).  ctasers  of  the  Press.     For  the  full  title 

'■^  This  was  one  of  the  first  two  works  of  this  sermon,  see  Sibley's    Harvard 

printed  in  Boston.    Hitherto,  printing  in  Graduates,  i.  440.  —  H. 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


149 


joint  commander  of  the  English  fleet  that  made  conquest 
of  Acadie  in  1654,  and  for  many  years  was  military  gov- 
ernor of  that  Province.  Next  to  him  sat  Samuel  Symonds, 
the  Deputy-Governor.  Of  the  Assistants,  the  highest  in 
public  regard  was  Simon  Bradstreet,  destined  not  only  to 
succeed  Leverett  in  the  office  of  chief  magistrate,  but  to 
live  to  be  the  Nestor  of  the  Colony.  Although  then  more 
than  threescore  and  ten  years  of  age,  it  may.be  said  that 
in  a  larg  degree  his  eye  was  undimmed  and  his  natural 
force  unabated.  The  other  Assistants  also  were  able  and 
venerable  men  known  all  over  New  England.^ 

This  Court  quickly  declared  the  two  Dutch  vessels 
seized  by  Captain  Mosley,  and  their  cargoes,  lawful  prize, 
and  decreed  that  they  be  delivered  to  the  heirs  of  Freake 
in  satisfaction  for  the  injury  done  to  the  Philip,  the  heirs 
first  paying  th^»  charges  of  the  Court,  officers'  fees,  etc. 
The  Court  then  adjourned  one  week. 

When  the  Court  reassembled,  the  grand  jury  presented 
indictments  against  all  the  prisoners,  Dutch  and  English, 
charging  them  with  having  committed  acts  of  piracy  on 
the  high  seas,  and  specifying  their  dealings  with  the  cap- 
tured vessels.^  The  trial  proceeded  against  Peter  Roderigo 
and  Cornells  Andreson,  the  two  Dutch  officers,  chiefs  of  the 
party.  The  foreman  of  the  trial  jury  first  named  was  John 
Checkley,  brother  of  Anthony  Checkley,  the  first  Attorney- 
General  of  Massachusetts  under  the  Charter  of  1692  ;  but  on 
objection  by  the  prisoners  Benjamin  Gillam  was  substituted. 

1  Daniel  Gookin,  Daniel  Denison,  son,  John  Rhoade,  Peter  Grant,  Rich- 
Richard  Russell,  Thomas  Danforth,  ard  Fulford  {alias  Fowler),  Randall 
William  Hathorne,  Simon  VVillard,  Judson,  John  Williams,  and  John 
Edward  Tynjr,  William  Stoughton,  and  Thomas.  For  the  indictment  in  the 
Thomas  Clarke.  case  of  Roderigo,  and  other  papers, 

2  Peter  Rjderigo,   Cornelis   Andre-  see  Appendix,  No.   i  r. 


V'/llfe 


m\ 


M\ 


\h 


1 

i. 


i)   ' 


s 


150 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


The  jury  returned  a  verdict  of  guilty  against  Roderi- 
go,  and  the  Court  sentenced  him  to  death.  He  prayed 
for  leave  to  ask  the  General  Court,  then  in  session, 
for  his  life,  and  his  petition  was  allowed.^  A  full  par- 
don was  granted  to  him  before  the  end  of  the  May 
session.^ 

Cornells  Andreson  was  found  not  guilty  of  piracy,  as 
charged  in  the  indictment.  The  Court,  however,  was  not 
satisfied  with  this  verdict,  and  sent  the  jury  out  again 
with  these  instructions,  —  "to  find  what  they  could  against 
him"!  The  jury  found  him  guilty  of  "  theft  and  robbery," 
on  the  evidence  that  he  had  taken  several  moose,  beaver, 
and  marten  skins  from  one  of  the  Boston  vessels.  He  too 
was  subsequently  pardoned.^ 

This  Cornelis  Andreson  is  without  much  doubt  that 
mysterious  Dutchman  mentioned  by  all  our  old  historians 
and  writers  of  that  period,  who  figured  so  conspicuously  in 
King  Philip's  War  under  Captain  Mosley.  Some  of  his  ex- 
ploits were  heroic.  Who  he  was  or  whence  he  came  has 
not  been  known  till  now.  It  is  not  improbable  that  these 
men  are  the  "  Buccaneers "  referred  to  by  historians  as 
going  with  Captain  Mosley  against  Philip  near  the  end  of 
June. 

The  defence  of  these  men  before  the  Court  was  set  down 
in  writing,  and  fortunately  the  manuscript  is  preserved. 
The  whole  subject  is  handled  with  skill  and  learning,  and 
with  an  enlightened  and  comprehensive  view  of  the  public 
law  of  that  day.  The  facts  are  stated  with  clearness,  and 
the  arguments  are  both  forcible  and  luminous. 


^  Records  of  Court  of  Admiralty  in 
the  files  of  the  County  of  SulTolk. 


1*  May  12,  167s  (Mass.  Re:;,,  v.  40). 
"  Mass.  Arch.,  Ixi.  109. 


Conqtiest  of  Acadie. 


151 


The  main  defence  was  that  Captain  Acrnouts  had  law- 
ful authority  to  make  conquest  of  Acadie,  and  to  hold  the 
same  for  the  States-General  of  the  United  Provinces;  that 
Massachusetts  had  recognized  the  validity  of  this  authority 
by  permitting  Captain  Aernouts  to  Sring  the  French  pris- 
oners and  plunder  to  Boston  after  ihe  conquest,  and  that 
in  keeping  possession  and  driving  away  intruders  from 
Boston  and  elsewhere  they  acted  as  lawful  agents  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  who  was  their  superior,  and  to  whom 
any  person  or  government  should  look  for  reparation  for 
injuries.  Under  the  circumstances  of  tho  case  they  rightly 
contended  that  they  were  not  guilty  of  piracy,  and  that  this 
was  a  matter  of  diplomacy  to  be  settled  between  the  gov- 
ernments of  England  and  the  United  Provinces.  Who 
prepared  this  defence  I  cannot  even  find  ground  for  con- 
jecture. Whoever  it  was,  I  should  judge  his  vernacular 
was  not  English.  Roderigo  and  Andreson  were  both  illit- 
erate men,  and  their  English  associates,  except  Fulford, 
were  not  much  better.^ 

The  Court  adjourned  —  for  what  reason  does  not  appear 
—  to  the  17th  of  June,  and  then  look  up  the  charges 
against  the  remaining  six  prisoners.  On  being  brought  to 
the  bar  each  put  in  a  plea  of  not  guilty,  and  presented  the 
written  defence  made  in  behalf  of  Roderigo  and  Andreson 
as  his  own,  expecting,  of  course,  an  acquittal,  or  a  pardon 
in  case  of  conviction,  as  had  been  granted  to  the  Dutch 
officers. 

Richard  Fulford,  John  Rhoade  the  Dutch  pilot,  Peter 
Grant,   and    Randall    Judson    were   each    found   guilty   of 

1  For  the  full  text  of  this  defence  see  Appendix  No.  12. 


■i:; 

I- 


I  k  '.«?■ 


«.t  f 


f  " 


[All 


M 


152 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


piracy;  and  the  Court  at  once  passed  sentence,  directing 
them  to  be  executed  on  the  first  day  of  July,  "presently 
after  the  lecture,"  and  ordered  warrants  to  issue  accord- 
ingly. The  other  two  prisoners,  John  Thomas  and  John 
Williams,  were  acquitted  and  discharged. 

When  the  day  of  execution  of  the  four  Englishmen 
arrived,  the  Massachusetts  Government  was  wholly  un- 
fitted for  the  task  it  had  assumed.  King  Philip  had  been 
one  week  on  the  war-path,  and  every  person  in  eastern 
Massachusetts  stood  fearful  of  the  awful  issue  presented 
by  the  enraged  red  man.  Their  execution  was  respited 
from  time  to  time,  till  near  the  end  of  the  year,  when  they 
were  set  free  on  hard  conditions.  Fulford  was,  however, 
early  released  without  conditions.  He  belonged  in  Mus- 
congus,  and  had  married  a  daughter  of  Richard  Pearce. 
I  suppose  him  to  have  been  origmally  of  Devonshire,  Eng- 
land, and  of  an  ancient  and  illustrious  fa  ..ily.^ 

Rhoade,  Grant,  and  Judson  were  required  to  pay  prison 
charges,  and  find  sureties  that  they  would  leave  Massachu- 
setts and  rot  return.  If  they  failed  in  this  they  were  to 
be  executed  on  the  last  day  of  December,  1675.^  They 
complied,  and  went  into  banishment. 

When  the  Directors  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company, 
in  Amsterdam,  heard  of  this  conquest  of  the  Dutch  arms 
in  Acadie,  they  awoke  to  new  enterprises.  Their  first  ac- 
tion, Sept.  II,  1676,  was  to  recognize  the  services  of  John 
Rhoade  of  Boston,  the  famous  pilot  of  the  Dutch  cruiser, 

^  Fulford  was  indicted,  tried,  sen-  Tuttle  had  fully  satisfied  himself  that 

tenced,  and  pardoned,  under  the  name  "Fowler"  was  an  assumed  name.  —  H. 
of  Fowler,  and  under  this  name  he  pe-         *  Mass.  Rec,  v.  66. 
titioned  the  General  Court;   but  Mr. 


Conquest  of  Acadie.  153 

in  making   the  conquest.     They  authorized   him  to  hold 
possession  of  Acadie,  and  to  carry  on  unlimited  trade  with 
the  natives.^     A  month  later  the  Directors  commissioned 
Cornelis  Steenwyck,  distinguished  for  eminent  services  in 
the  late  Dutch  government  of  New  York,  to  be  Governor 
of  Acadie.'^     More  than  two  years  had  elapsed  since  the 
conquest  was  made,  anr'  the  French  had  now  fully  repos- 
sessed themselves  of  Acadie.     The  return  of  the  French 
was   not   probably   then   known    in    Amsterdam.     Besides, 
peace  had  not  been  concluded   between    France  and   the 
United  Provinces.     If  the  West  India  Company  indulged 
any  expectation  that  Acadie  would  remain  to  Holland  by 
the  express  terms  of  any  treaty  of  peace,  they  were  mis- 
taken.     The  Treaty  of  Nimeguen  was  signed  a  year  after 
issuing  these  commissions,  and  no  mention  is  therein  made 
of  the  Dutch  conquest  of  Acadie. 

The  action  of  Massachusetts  in  this  affair  was  prompted 
by  a  selfish  policy,  and  a  constant  dislike  of  the  French 
and  Dutch  for  neighbors.  Both  these  nations  understood 
this,  and  then  and  there  declared  it  to  be  their  belief.  While 
Massachusetts  was  separated  from  the  Dutch  by  other 
English  Colonies,  she  was  content  to  let  them  alone ;  but 
when  they  removed  into  a  district  adjoining  her  at  the 
eastward,  she  was  not  content  till  they  were  dislodged. 

It  was  a  monstrous  thing  to  charge  persons  acting ^under 
the  commission  and  flag  of  a  foreign  prince  with  acts  of 
piracy,  and  hold  them  amenable  to  municipal  laws.  It  was 
as  if  some  foreign  State  should  make  the  acts  of  the  offi- 
cers and  men  of  one  of  our  public  vessels,  done  in  pursu- 


See  Appendix,  No.  13. 


'  See  Appendix,  No.  13. 


I 


'II 


i  It 


20 


It 


154 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


ance  of  a  commission  or  instructions  from  their  superiors, 
piracy,  and  undertake  to  punish  them  in  a  foreign  juris- 
diction. Acts  done  in  the  manner  of  these  Dutch  officers 
and  their  associates  were  clearly  a  matter  between  the 
United  Provinces  and  England,  and  so  the  matter  was 
regarded  outside  Massachusetts  Bay. 

The  Government  of  Massachusetts  was  sure  to  act  on 
the  safe  side.  Although  there  was  peace  between  the 
Dutch  and  English,  the  former  were  still  in  a  death  strug- 
gle in  Europe  with  the  French,  and  hence  had  neither  fleet 
nor  army  to  spare,  to  avenge  the  act  of  Massachusetts. 
Besides,  it  knew  well  the  indifference  of  Charles  II.  to  any 
wrongs  that  might  be  inflicted  on  the  Dutch. 

But  this  affair  did  not  end  in  Boston,  nor  with  the  trial 
and  condemnation  of  the  Dutch  officers  and  their  associates 
in  the  early  Summer  of  1675.  When  news  of  the  capture 
of  these  persons  by  Captain  Mosley  under  the  authority 
of  Massachusetts,  and  of  their  imprisonment  in  Boston, 
reached  the  States-General,  they  immediately  instructed 
their  ambassador  in  England  to  lay  their  complaint  before 
the  King,  to  demand  that  he  visit  the  offenders  with  exem- 
plary punishment,  give  orders  for  the  release  of  the  pris- 
oners, and  for  the  restoration  to  the  Dutch  of  the  forts 
captured  by  Captain  Aernouts  in  1674.  The  ambassador 
of  the  States-General  accordingly,  on  the  5th  of  August 
following,  obeyed  the  instructions  given  him.^  It  does  not 
appear  that  immediate  attention  was  paid  to  the  complaint 
of  the  States-General,  and  it  would  seem  that  their  am- 
bassador renewed  his  presentation  of  the  complaint  on  the 

*  See  Appendix,  No.  14. 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


155 


2 2d  of  January,  1676.  Thereupon,  and  perhaps  for  the 
first  time,  the  complaint  was  considered  by  the  King  in 
Council;  and  on  the  i8th  of  February  the  King,  through 
Secretary  Williamson,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Governor 
and  Council  of  Massachusetts,  inclosing  a  copy  of  the  com- 
plaint, and  required  them  "  to  return  a  speedy  answer." ' 

The  Kincr's  letter  came  to  the  hands  of  the  Governor 
and  Council  Sept.  3,  1676.  At  a  session  of  the  General 
Court  held  on  the  5th  of  October  it  was  ordered  that  a 
reply  be  sent  to  the  King  in  answer  to  the  complaint  of  the 
Dutch  ambassador. 

The  answer  of  the  Governor  and  Council,  probably  drawn 
up  by  Governor  Leverctt,  was  characterized  by  assurance 
and  indifference.  It  recited  the  principal  facts,  and  claimed 
that  the  authority  given  to  the  Dut'^h  ofificers  by  Captain 
Aernouts  was  restricted  "to  trade  and  keep  the  country 
and  sail  upon  the  coast,  for  doing  which  they  were  not 
seized  and  imprisoned,  but  for  piratically  seizing  the  ves- 
sels and  goods  that  belonged  to  his  Majesty's  subjects." 
They  said  also  that  Cornells  Andreson  was  the  only 
Dutchman  of  the  party,  and  he  was  not  found  guilty  of 
piracy ;  that  Roderigo  was  a  Flanderkin,  and  the  others 
English;  that  they  all  had  "  acknowledged  the  justness  of 
the  Court's  proceedings,"  and  had  their  lives  granted  to 
them,  and  had  been  banished  the  Colony  on  pain  of  death ; 
that  what  had  been  done  was  not  because  the  English 
would  not  suffer  any  Hollanders  to  be  near  them  (as  was 
alleged  in  the  said  complaint),  but  to  suppress  piratical 
practices  of  English,  Dutch,  and  other  nations.     The  an- 


1«i 


^m. 


% 


1  See  Appendix,  No.  15. 


■56 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


;i  ' 


swer  concluded  by  protesting  that  there  had  not  been  any 
violation  of  the  peace  between  the  two  nations.^ 

This  answer  was  sent  to  the  King  by  the  hands  of  two 
agents  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony.^  It  is  probable  that 
there  was  no  further  correspondence  on  this  subject  for  a 
year  or  more.  The  States-General  could  not  hope  for  any 
nice  justice  from  the  English  Court  at  that  time;  and  had 
the  authorities  of  Massachusetts  executed  the  sentences  of 
the  Court  upon  the  Dutch  officers  and  their  associates,  the 
result  would  not  probably  have  been  different. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  soon  after  the  Dutch 
West  India  Ccmpc<ny  learned  of  the  capture  of  Acadie  by 
Captain  Aernouts  in  1674,  they  commissioned  Cornelis 
Steenvv-yck,  of  New  York,  to  be  Governor  of  Nova  Scotia 
and  Acadie.  His  commission  bears  date  Oct.  27,  1676. 
It  has  also  been  stated  that  on  the  nth  of  September  of 
the  same  year  the  Company,  recognizing  the  services  of 
the  aforesaid  John  Rhoade,  in  connection  with  the  pro- 
ceedings of  Captain  Aernouts  m  1674,  had  given  him  a 
commission  "to  take  possession  of  the  coasts  and  coun- 
tries of  Nova  Scotia  and  Acadie,  to  trade  with  the  natives, 
and  all  others  with  whom  the  aforesaid  Company  is  in 
peace  and  alliance."  Steenwyck  was  furnished  with  a 
copy  of  the  commission  given  to  Rhoade,  and  was  in- 
structed to  respect  it.^ 

It  does  not  appear  that  anything  was  done  by  Steenwyck 
under  his  commission.  Rhoade,  however,  undertook  to  use 
the  privilege  and  authority  confeired  upon  him,  and  got 

*  See  /Appendix,  No   i6.  *  F.r  the  commissions  tc  Aernouts, 

^  William  Stoughton  and  Peter  Steenwyck,  and  Rhoade,  respectively, 
Bulkeley.  see  Appendix,  No.  13. 


m 


^^"^ 


flf 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


157 


into  trouble.  In  the  course  of  his  proceedings  he  entered 
with  a  vessel  and  goods  into  the  river  St.  George,  it  was 
alleged,  which  was  in  the  territory  claimed  by  the  Duke  of 
York,  and  undertook  to  trade  there.  For  this  he  was  taken 
prisoner  by  Capt.  Caesar  Knapton,  a  relative  of  Sir  Ed- 
mund Andros,  then  in  command  of  that  region,  and  to- 
gether with  his  vessel  and  goods  was  sent  to  New  Yoik. 

When  the 'news  of  this  proceeding  reached  the  Dutch 
West  India  Company,  they  laid  the  matter  before  the 
Lords  of  the  States-General.  The  latter  instructed  their 
atnbassador  at  the  Englisii  Court  to  demand  the  release 
and  indemnification  of  said  Rhoade,  and  that  the  King's 
subjects  in  America  be  interdicted  from  interfering  with 
the  Dutch  commerce  and  other  rights  of  the  Staies-General 
in  Acadie.  This  was  on  the  21st  of  May.  1679.  This 
complaint  and  demr.nd  were  renewed  in  Ar.gust.  The 
King  responded,  August  8,  that  he  had  directed  an  inquiry 
to  be  made  into  the  affair,  and  when  he  had  received  a 
report  he  would  then  take  such  further  measures  as  justice 
and  the  good  correspondence  between  the  two  nations  re- 
quired. The  correspondence  on  this  subject  was  continued 
for  some  time,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  any  results 
followed. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  if  competent  Dutch  forces  had 
promptly  occupied  the  forts  and  coasts  of  Acadie  after  their 
conquest  in  1674,  the  French  of  New  France  could  not  have 
expelled  them.  France  herself  was  then  too  much  occu- 
pied in  her  struggle  in  Europe  with  the  United  Provinces, 
to  send  aid  to  New  France.  It  is  highly  probable;,  how- 
ever, that  Massachusetts  would  have  joined  the  French  in 


% 


158 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


1^1 


i  I 


!ii 


C! 


ill! 


1 

1 

rhe  recovery  of  Acadie  rather  than  have  permitted  the 
Dutch  to  secure  a  permanent  foothold  there.  The  prover- 
bial industry  and  thrift  of  the  Dutch  people  would  soon 
have  made  their  New  Holland  a  great  Province,  and  wor- 
thy of  its  renowned  namesake  in  the  Old  World.  It  would 
have  been  a  formidable  rival  of  Massachusetts  and  greatly 
lessened  her  supremacy  in  New  England.  Danforth,  a 
leading  man  in  the  Colony,  expressed  Massachusetts  views 
accurately  when,  a  few  years  later,  he  wrote  as  follows :  — 

There  being  no  wars  between  Holland  and  France,  some  are 
fearful  lest  the  Hollanders  should  essay  the  possessing  themselves 
of  Canada ;  and  though  it  is  hopeful  they  may  prove  better  neigh- 
bors than  the  French,  yet,  considering  the  damage  that  will  thereby 
be  sustained  by  the  Crown  of  England,  in  loss  of  fishery,  masting, 
furs,  etc.,  it  were  better  to  expend  two  or  three  thousand  pounds  for 
the  gaining  that  place,  than  that  the  French,  or  Dutch  either,  should 
have  it.^ 

These  events,  which  stretched  over  the  whole  period  of 
King  Philip's  Indian  War,  and  involved  the  interests  of 
three  great  nations,  have  received  but  little  attention  from 
our  historians.  The  magnitude  of  the  war  in  Europe  threw 
into  the  shade  all  other  and  more  remote  transactions  of 
that  time.  Hutchinson  mentions  this  affair  in  a  note  of 
four  lines,  in  his  history,  and  blunders  by  making  two  con- 
quests of  Acadie,  —  one  in  1674  and  another  in  1676. 
Williamson  adds  nothing  to  Hutchinson.  Neither  Ban- 
croft nor  Palfrey  refers  to  it.  Munro,  in  his  History  of 
Nova  Scotia,  sets  it  down  as  one  of  Captain  Pvidd's  ad- 
ventures.     Charlevoix   mentions   it,   giving   some   particu- 

'  Letter,  April  i,  1690,  to  Sir  H.  Asliurst  (Hutchinson's  Hist.,  i.  353). 


|y 


Conquest  of  Acadie. 


159 


lars,  but  errs  in  some  of  his  conclusions,  not  knowing  all 
the  facts. 

About  twenty  years  ago  the  commissions  to  Aernouts 
and  Steenwyck,  with  a  copy  of  the  commission  to  Rhoade,^ 
came  into  the  possession  of  the  New  York  Historical  Soci- 
ety. General  De  Peyster,  of  New  York,  an  able  writer, 
then  read  a  paper  before  the  Society  on  "  The  Dutch  at  the 
North  Pole  and  the  Dutch  in  Maine."  He  brought  to- 
gether from  the  historians  above  named  whatever  facts  they 
relate  bearing  on  this  Dutch  conquest,  but  he  was  obliged 
to  leave  to  conjecture  the  nature  of  the  transaction.  The 
archives  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts  contain  a  large  mass 
of  papers  relating  to  this  subject,  and  from  these  I  have 
gathered  the  principal  details  in  the  foregoing  narrative.  I 
have  been  fortunate  also  in  obtaining  from  the  British 
state-paper  office  copies  of  important  papers,  and  a  still 
larger  number  from  the  archives  of  Holland,  and  the  most 
important  of  these  papers  will  be  found  in  this  volume.'^ 

In  conclusion,  it  may  be  said  that  if  the  occupancy  of 
Acadie  by  the  Dutch  had  been  .iiaintained,  't  is  not  improb- 
able that  that  Province  would  have  passed  permanently  into 
the  possession  of  the  United  Provinces.  The  terms  of  the 
Treaty  of  Nimeguen  are  certainly  broad  enough  to  cover 
and  protect  all  the  rights  which  the  Dutch  had  acquired  by 
this  conquest.  If  this  result  had  followed,  it  is  not  difficult 
to  imagine  how  different  would  have  been  the  history  of 
Acadie  and  possibly  of  all  New  France. 


I 


^  See  Appendix,  No.  13. 


*  See  Appendix,  No.  17. 


t 


t 

■ 

i  i 

Pi 

) 

■ 

If 

(  I 

i 

i 

'•1 

1 

It    L  >' 


sssrssnenH 


THE    REPORT 

OF  AN 

INDIAN    MASSACRE 


AT 


FOX   POINT,  NEWiNGTON,   NEW 

May,  1690. 


HAMPSHIRE, 


21 


m 


1 

i  ,i 


il 


m 


I  if - 


J ' 


mmmmm 


±-^«Li}m 


i  1 

h 

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f. 

i 

■  i 

■i    ■ 

!   i 

"  :■   ■ 

THE    REPORT 

OF   AN 

INDIAN     MASSACRE 

AT 

FOX   POINT,  NEWINGTON,  NEW  HAMPSHIRE 

May,  1690. 


411 


T  FEAR  that  I  have  too  long  delayed  to  make  public*- 
-*■  that,  while  examining  the  early  records  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, both  printed  and  manuscript,  several  years  ago,  I 
most  unexpectedly  discovered  substantial  grounds  for  doubt- 
ing the  destruction  of  Fox  Point  ^  by  a  party  of  Indians  in 
May,  1690,  as  alleged  by  Cotton  Mather  in  his  Magnalia. 
Mather  says :  — 

But   the  Arrival  of  Orders  and  Soldiers  from  the  Government 
stopt  them  from  retiring  any  further  ;  and  Hope-Hood,  with  a  Party 


'  Printed,  by  permission,  from  the 
Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  His- 
torical Society,  June,  1879.  —  H. 

*  Fox  Point  is  the  northwest  angle 
of  Newington  where  Little  Bay  and  the 
Pascataqua  River  join.  It  is  about  half 
a  mile  long,  ending  in  the  river  and 
forming  a  prominent  headland  on  that 


side  of  the  river  and  bay.  Tradition 
says  the  name  originated  from  the  use 
formerly  made  of  this  point  to  snare 
foxes.  Reynard,  being  once  driven 
there,  could  not  escape  his  pursuers 
without  swimming  the  river  or  bay, 
much  too  wide  for  his  cunning. 


mmmmt 


II     P    "^ 


164 


Report  of  an  Indian  Massacre 


ji 


IF: 


that  staid  for  further  Mischief  meeting  with  some  resistence  here, 
tiirn'd  about  and  having  first  had  a  Skirmish  with  Captain  Sher- 
born,  they  appcar'd  the  next  Lord's-Day  at  Ncwichawaunick  or  Ber- 
wick,  where  they  Burnt  some  Houses,  and  Slew  a  Man.  Three 
Days  after  they  came  upon  a  small  Hamlet  on  the  South  side  of 
Piscataqita  River,  called  Fox  Point,  and  besides  the  Burning  of 
several  Houses,  they  took  half  a  Dozen  and  killed  more  than  a 
Dozen  of  the  too  Securely  Ungarrisoned  People ;  which  it  was  as 
easie  to  do  as  to  have  Spoiled  an  ordinary  Hen-Roost} 

For  nearly  two  centuries  this  account  of  the  massacre 
has  circulated  in  our  histories,  unchallenged  in  any  respect, 
and  always  on  the  authority  of  Mather.  My  inquiries  led 
me  to  look  for  the  names  of  the  slain  in  this  reported  mas- 
sacre, not  doubting  but  that  I  should  find  some,  if  not 
all.  After  much  research,  covering  a  period  of  many  years, 
I  have  not  discovered  anything  whatever  relating  to  this 
tragedy,  beyond  what  is  contained  in  the  following  letter 
written  in  the  night  by  William  Vaughan  at  Portsmouth, 
and  despatched  to  Governor  Bradstreet  and  the  Council 
in  Boston. 

PoRTSf  28*''  May  1690,  ten  at  night." 

Much  Hon"."  I  have  Soe  long  &  often  Informed  of  the  approach 
of  y^  Enemy  &  Danger  to  w"""  wee  are  expos'd  for  want  of  releif  that 
am  not  like  to  be  in  a  Capacity  much  longer  to  doe  it.  Cap!  Ger- 
rish,  Heard,  &  Cap!  Woodman  the  Frontier  Garrisons  of  Cochecha 
&  Oyster  river  have  Stood  their  ground  w'!*  longing  Expectation 
of  helpe  but  none  Appearing  Cap'  Woodman  was  forc'd  to  break 
up  Yesterday  &  forthw'  the  enemy  came  down  that  way  &  by 
Canooes  pass't  over  the  river  to  our  Side  &  this  afternoon  have 
been  killing  burning  &  Destroying  wi"'in  3  or  4  miles  of  Straw- 

^  Magnalia,  Book  vii.  Art.  ix.  73.     London  Ed.,  1702. 
*  Mass.  Archives,  xxxvi.  87. 


at  Fox  Pointy  New  Hainp shire. 


165 


berry  bank.  Bloody  Point  &  the  houses  above  &  below  are  all 
burnt  &  the  people  most  destroyed  :  One  that  Escap'd  out  of  a 
house  after  it  was  burning  saw  8  or  9  dead  belon^^'ing  to  that 
familie,  &  the  Succour  we  Sent  to  VVeles  for  that  Exigents  has 
render'd  us  uncapable  of  relieving  o'  Neighbours  or  defending 
o'selves.  Want  of  Assista^.e  will  make  all  o'  Neighbours  round 
us  run  away  &  Portsm"  will  quickly  follow  their  lilxample  unlesse 
pres"'  Supply  of  men,  prov-^lon  &  Amunition  be  Sent  to  encourage 
their  Standing. 

As  for  that  120  men  you  were  pleased  to  Ad  wise  mee  were  com- 
ing this  way  understand  they  are  wholly  order'd  to  y"  Province  of 
Main  &  not  a  man  to  our  Province  who  are  not  lesse  Expos'd  to  the 
enemy  than  they,  but  neither  those  120  men  nor  Cap'.  Wiswall 
(wh'''  you  have  Soe  often  Advis'd  oflf)  have  appeared  to  this  day  as  I 
can  hear,  Save  onley  about  20  or  30  men  that  pass'd  the  great  Hand 
this  morning  into  the  Province  of  Main. 

The  Ind'"  left  Ncchowonuck  after  having  Dangerously  wounded 
one  man  burn'd  Sundry  houses  &c.  Suppose  they  are  the  Same  now 
upon  us  whose  attempt  is  bold  &  Daring  &  wee  not  able  to  oppose 
itt.  I  can  doe  noe  more  than  give  Ace"'  hereof  &  Soe  leave  it.  Re- 
maining Much  Hon"', 

Yo'  Most  humble  Ser' 

W^!  Vaughan.i 

All  the  evidence  of  this  reported  massacre  that  I  can  find 
is  contained  in  this  letter  and  in  Mather's  narrative  quoted 
above.  The  letter  was  preserved  in  the  public  archives 
when  Mather  vi^rote  in  the  year  1698.  It  seems  likely  that 
he  obtained  the  substance  of  his  information  from  it,  not- 
withstanding he  is  more  circumstantial  in  some  matters,  and 
limits  the  extent  of  the  destruction  of  life  and  property. 

1  William  Vauglian  was  a  rich  and     council  of  President  Cutt  and  Lieuten- 

Erominent  merchant  in  Portsmouth,  and    ant-Governor  Cranfield. 
ad  been  a  member  of  the  provincial 


\  !: 


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1 66 


Report  of  an  Indian  Massacre 


Both  agree  that  the  date  of  the  event  was  May  28,  1690.^ 
Vaughan  undoubtedly  wrote  in  some  haste,  under  much  ex- 
citement, and  with  no  better  information  than  what  cou!  i 
be  gathered  from  the  flying  reports  on  the  tongues  of  an 
alarmed  people  around  him.  The  expectation  of  an  attack 
prepared  him  to  receive  such  intelligence,  and  to  communi- 
cate it  forthwith  to  the  chiefs  of  the  government  of  Massa- 
chusetts, under  whose  jurisdiction  the  Province  of  New 
Hampshire  had  again  been  placed  a  few  months  before. 
According  to  this  letter  it  was  believed  in  Portsmouth  that 
the  whole  collection  of  houses  and  nearly  all  the  inhabi- 
tants were  destroyed,  a  calamity  too  dreadful  ever  to  be 
forgotten. 

The  settlement  reported  to  have  been  ravaged  was  an 
ancient  one,  stretching  along  the  south  side  of  the  river 
from  Fox  Point  to  Bloody  Point  and  beyond.*^  Many  of 
the  inhabitants  were  leading  citizens  of  Dover,  and  their 
posterity  are  there  to  this  day.  The  public  road  to  Bloody 
Point  ferry  passed  through  it,  making  it  known  to  travel- 
lers, by  whom  it  is  not  unfrequently  mentioned  in  ancient 
records.  The  settlements  of  Oyster  River,  Dover  Neck, 
and  Strawberry  Bank,  now  Portsmouth,  lie  around  it,  only  a 


1  Dr.  Belknap  says,  "  Sometime  in 
May."  Farmer  places  this  event  after 
Aug.  22,  1690.  So  little  was  known  of 
it  among  the  best-informed  writers  in 
former  times.  See  Belknap's  Hist,  of 
New  Hamp.,  Farmer's  Ed.,  133,  144. 

2  AH  that  territory  now  forming  the 
northern  half  of  Newington,  bounded 
northerly  and  easterly  on  the  Pascataqua 
River,  was  within  the  limits  of  Dover 
till  1 71 4,  and  was  generally  known  by 
the  sanguinary  name,  "Bloody  Point." 


The  inhabitants,  however,  even  to  this 
day,  restrict  the  application  of  this  name 
to  that  part  of  it  along  the  river  oppo- 
site Hilton's  Point,  now  called,  very  im- 
properly, Dover  Point,  more  than  a 
mile  southensterly  of  Fox  Point.  The 
historian  Huboard  says  that  this  "for- 
midable name  of  Bloody  Point"  came 
from  an  occurrence  there  as  early  as 
1633.  It  is  certain  that  it  has  been  in 
use  there  ever  since.  Coll.  Mass.  Hist. 
Soc,  XV.  217. 


I'* 


L.      1 


at  Fox  Point,  Ne^u  Hamp^iire.  167 


few  milt  s  distant.  Mather  speaks  of  the  comparative  secu- 
rity of  it    position. 

Only  a  week  before  this  reported  massacre  a  force  com- 
posed of  French  and  Indians  had  utterly  destroyed  Casco, 
now  Portland.  A  party  of  the  Indians  concerned  in  that 
affair  was  reported  to  be  advancing  toward  the  Pascataqua 
settlements,  killing  and  destroying  on  iheir  way.  Hun- 
dreds of  persons  had  fled  from  the  east  into  Portsmouth.* 
The  inhabitants  of  that  whole  region,  remembering  the 
dreadful  fate  of  Cocheco,  and  the  still  more  recent  one  of 
Salmon  Falls,  were  terrified,  and  put  themselves  in  the  best 
state  of  defence  they  could,  carefully  watching  the  approach 
of  the  Indians.  In  such  an  excited  state  of  the  public 
mind,  a  rumor  easily  started  and  soon  became  reported  as 
a  fact. 

No  one  acquainted  with  the  Indian  mode  of  attacking 
settlements  will  readily  believe  the  statement  in  the  letter 
that  this  massacre  took  place  in  the  afternoon  ;  for  the 
inhabitants  were  at  such  a  time  not  only  prepared  to  de- 
fend themselves,  but  to  spread  an  alarm  to  other  places, 
so  as  to  cut  off  the  escape  of  the  Indians,  then  in  the 
heart  of  the  English  settlements.  The  smoke  of  burn- 
ing buildings  would  instantly  spread  information  of  the  pres- 
ence of  the  Indians  to  the  neighboring  settlements.  There 
is  hardly  an  instance  recorded  in  the  history  of  Indian 
warfare  in  New  England  where  such  attacks  were  not 
made  in  the  morning,  at  daybreak  or  just  before,  taking 
the  inhabitants  by  surprise  and  when   least  able  to  resist 


and  give  an  alarm. 


M    I 


I 


1-1    1 


*  Mass.  Archives,  xxxvi.  77. 


\ 

1 

i*':': 

1 

-     ..  ILL. 


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1 68 


Report  of  an  Indian  Massacre 


.The  leading,  if  not  the  sole,  object  of  the  In.Jians  in  these 
attacks  was  to  secure  captives  for  the  ransom  to  be  had  for 
surrendering  them  ':o  their  friends,  and  to  seize  and  carry 
away  as  much  pluvider  as  they  could  with  convenience  and 
safety.  Any  frontier  settlement  contained  all  they  desired, 
besides  affording  them  great  advantages  of  attack,  and  also 
of  escape.  In  executing  their  wicked  design  they  killed 
only  such  English  as  actually  opposed  them.  But  accord- 
ing to  this  letter  the  Indians,  in  this  instance,  took  an 
entirely  different  course  from  what  they  ever  did  before  or 
since.  They  passed  a  frontier  settlement  whose  garrison 
they  knew  had  withdrawn,  crossed  a  broad  river  or  bay  with 
houses  along  the  shores,  and  in  the  daytime  destroyed  an 
old  settlement,  and  massacred  the  inhabitants  with  whom  it 
docs  not  appear  they  ever  had  the  least  difference. 

Mather's  account  is  brief  and  in  general  terms,  too  much 
so  to  have  a  real  transaction  for  a  basis.  He  does  not  give 
the  name  of  a  captive,  or  the  name  of  one  of  the  slain,  nor 
mention  the  age  and  sex.  Neither  does  he  give  the  number 
slain.  That  he  made  Fox  Point  the  scene  of  the  massacre 
may  be  owing  to  his  ignorance  ot  the  extent  of  the  applica- 
tion of  the  local  names  in  that  region.  Vaughan,  who  was 
well  acquainted  there,  says  that  "  Bloody  Point  and  the 
houses  above  and  below"  were  destroyed.  This  would 
include  Fox  Point. 

It  seems  impossible  that  a  tragedy  of  this  magnitude 
should  have  happened,  then  and  there,  without  leaving  in 
the  records  of  the  time  more  direct  evidence  than  a  mere 
rumor,  —  for  such  the  statement  in  this  letter  must  be  re- 
garded.    It  is  hardly  possible  that  a  family  of  eight  or  nine 


i'^ 


m] 


at  Fox  Point,  New  Hampshire. 


169 


persons  should  be  slain,  and  the  name  not  preserved.  So 
memorable  an  event  ought  to  be  found  among  the  oral  tra- 
ditions of  the  present  inhabitants  of  that  region,  many  of 
whom  arc  descended  from  the  slain  or  their  kindred,  if  the 
repct  be  true. 

I  made  inquiries  for  records  and  oral  traditions  of  this 
reported  massacre,  and  others  did  for  me,  of  persons  now 
living  at  Fox  Point  and  the  region  around,  without  finding 
either.  There  is  a  belief  among  them  that  it  actually  oc- 
curred, because,  as  many  said,  it  is  related  by  historians, 
and  the  region  has  been  known  ever  sine*  as  "  Bloody 
Point " !  No  one  there  could  give,  or  ever  remembered  to 
have  heard,  the  name  of  any  person  slain  or  made  captive ; 
nor  had  they  ever  heard  that  any  of  their  ancestors  or  kin- 
dred were  among  the  slain  or  captive. 

It  is  fair  to  presume  that  Dr.  Belknap,  who  lived  many 
years  near  the  site  of  the  reported  massacre,  and  only  three 
quarters  of  a  century  after  it  is  said  to  have  occurred,  never 
found  any  evidence  of  it  during  his  extensive  historical  re- 
searches, since  he  relates  the  affair  wholly  on  the  authority 
of  Mather.  Other  historians  before  and  since  Belknap 
have  related  the  story  always  on  the  same  authority.  Some 
have  indulged  in  a  little  variation  as  to  the  sex  and  number 
killed,  Mather  having  said  nothing  as  to  the  former,  and 
left  the  whole  number  killed  indefinite,  showing  how  slen- 
der his  information  must  have  been  on  these  points. 

The  negative  evidence  seems  to  me  strong.  On  the  30th 
of  May  Governor  Bradstreet,  to  whom  the  letter  was  de- 
spatched on  the  night  of  the  28th  of  May,  giving  notice  o*^ 
the  attack  on  Bloody  Point,  wrote  a  letter  from  Boston  to 


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1 70  Report  of  an  Indian  Massacre 

Jacob  Leisler,  then  at  the  head  of  the  government  of  New 
York,  explaining  the  recall  of  the  military  force  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  while  on  its  way  to  Albany  to  join  the  army 
designed  for  the  conquest  of  Canada.  He  says  this  was 
done  to  protect  the  eastern  inhabitants  from  the  Indians, 
who  had  already  destroyed  Cacco,  and  made  assaults  on 
Wells  and  Kittery.  He  makes  no  mention  of  the  destruc- 
tion of  Bloody  Point,  of  which  he  had  been  informed  the 
day  before/  This  makes  it  quite  certain  that  contradiction 
followed  upon  the  heels  of  Vaughan's  letter. 

Judge  Sewall  of  Boston  kept  a  diary  in  which  most  con- 
siderable matters  ot  public  concern  are  set  down,  particu- 
larly Indian  massacres.  He  makes  no  mention  of  this 
affair,  although  he  had  often  been  at  Bloody  Point.  Cap- 
tain Lawrence  Hammond  of  Charlestown,  experienced  in 
military  affairs,  also  kept  a  diary  at  that  time,  in  which  no 
mention  is  made  of  this  massacre.  Both  these  original 
diaries  are  in  the  archives  of  this  Society. 

I  will  cite  but  one  more  authority,  and  that  is  conclusive, 
that  no  such  destruction  of  Fox  Point  as  Mather  relates, 
ever  occurred. 

At  the  time  of  the  reported  massacre,  the  Rev.  John  Pike 
was  living  in  Portsmouth,  only  four  miles  distant  from  the 
scene  of  the  massacre,  and  was  keeping  a  diary  of  current 
local  events.  This  diary  is  now  printed  in  the  Proceedings 
of  this  Society.^  Mr.  Pike  had  only  the  year  before  removed 
from  Dover,  where  he  had  been  minister  for  many  years. 
He  afterwards  returned,  and  was  living  there  when  Mather 

*  Documentary     History    of     New  ^  Proceedings     Mass.    Hist.     Soc, 

York,  ii.  259,  260.  Sept.   1875,   121-152. 


M 


at  Fox  Point,  New  Hmnpshire. 

wrote.  Fox  Point  as  well  as  Bloody  Point  was  in  his  par- 
ish,  httle  more  than  a  mile  from  his  residence,  and  in  plain 
view.  He  must  have  known  every  inhabitant  there.  Yet 
Mr.  Pike  makes  no  mention  whatever  in  his  diary  of  this 
Indian  attack,  while  his  habit  of  recording  events  warrants 
the  mention  of  the  least  injury  done  by  Indians  to  any  of 
his  former  parish.  Mather  says  he  was  indebted  to  Mr. 
Pike  for  many  passages  in  his  history  of  that  war^  Cer- 
tainly  he  did  not  furnish  the  facts  for  the  lame  account  in 
Mather  s  narrative,  and  omit  to  make  record  of  such  an 
event  in  his  diary. 

I  may  add  that  I  find  no  mention  of  this  massacre  in  any 
of  the  French  histories  of  that  period. 

'  Magnalia,  Book  vii.  65. 


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ESTABLISHMENT 


OF  THE 


ROYAL   PROVINCIAL   GOVERNMENT 
OF   NEW   HAMPSHIRE. 


1680. 


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ESTABLISHMENT 

OF  THE 

ROYAL    PROVINCIAL    GOVERNMENT 
OF   NEW   HAMPSHIRE.' 

1680. 


■■^.^  M 

1 

HE  event  which  we  commemorate  on  this  occa- 
sion is  the  most  memorable  in  the  annals  of 
New  Hampshire.  This  event  is  no  less  than 
the  organization  of  the  first  lawful  government 
over  the  Province  of  New  Hampshire,  the  es- 
tablishment of  a  political  existence  which  has  now  endured 
for  two  centuries.  It  is  no  less  an  event  than  the  emancipa- 
tion of  the  first  generation  of  settlers  on  this  soil  from  the 
bondage  of  an  usurper,  and  the  recovery  of  their  birthright 
and  independence.  The  year  1680  is  commonly  regarded 
as  the  end  of  the  first  period  of  New  Hampshire  history.     It 


1  This  address  was  delivered  before 
the  Historical  Society  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, at  a  special  meeting  convened  at 
Portsmouth,  Dec.  29,  18S0,  —  the  two 
hundredth  anniversary  of  the  establish- 
ment of  a  royal  provincial  government 
over   New  Hampshire.     The  address 


has  been  printed  by  that  Society  in 
vol.  i.  of  their  Proceedings,  1876-1888, 
and  is  here  reproduced  with  their  con- 
sent. The  author  had  intended  to  en- 
large the  address  berbre  its  publication 
by  the  Society,  but  was  prevented  by  his 
failing  health  and  sudden  death.  —  H. 


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176    Establishment  of  the  Royal  Provincial 

seems  to  me  this  period  is  properly  divided  into  two :  The 
first,  beginning  in  1623,  and  ending  in  1641,  during  which 
the  first  settlements  were  made,  and  four  towns  had  arrived 
at  maturity;  the  second  period  beginning  with  the  extension 
of  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts  over  the  towns  and  the 
entire  Province,  and  ending  with  the  establishment  of  a 
government  over  New  Hampshire,  raising  it  to  the  dig- 
nity of  a  British  Province  in  the  year  1680.  I  shall  now 
briefly  consider  the  events  of  these  two  periods,  particu- 
larly those  leading  to  the  establishment  of  a  royal  govern- 
ment in  1680. 

In  the  year  1620  James  I.  of  England  granted  to  forty 
persons,  consisting  of  nobles,  knights,  and  gentlemen,  all  the 
territory  in  North  America  lying  between  the  40th  and  the 
48th  degree  of  north  latitude,  and  between  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  Oceans,  with  power  to  govern  the  same.  This  asso- 
ciation was  styled  "  The  Council  established  at  Plymouth, 
in  the  county  of  Devon,  for  the  planting,  ordering,  ruling, 
and  governing  of  New  England  in  America."  To  this  vast 
extent  of  territory  was  given  the  name  New  England.  Ex- 
cept a  few  scattered  English  settlements  on  the  coast  of 
Maine,  it  was  still  an  unbroken  wilderness  throughout. 
The  Council  proceeded  to  make  small  grants  of  their  terri- 
tory along  the  Atlantic  coast  to  such  Englishmen  as  desired 
to  make  plantations  in  America.  In  1622  this  Council 
granted  to  Capt.  John  Mason,  who  had  just  returned  to 
England  from  Newfoundland,  where  he  had  been  governor 
of  a  colony  of  English  for  seven  years,  all  the  land  lying 
along  the  Atlantic  from  Naumkeag  River  to  the  Merrimack 
River,  and  extending  back   to  the  heads  of    those   rivers. 


Government  of  New  Hampshire.  177 

This  tract  of  land  was  then  and  there  named  Mariana,  and, 
I  submit,  in  compliment  to  the  Spanish  Infanta,  to  whom 
Prince  Charles  of  England  was  then  affianced,  and  not  in 
compliment  to  the  Princess  Henrietta  Maria,  as  historians 
will  have  it.  In  1622  the  Council  granted  to  Captain  Mason 
and  Sir  Ferdinand©  Gorges  all  the  land  lying  between  the 
Merrimack  River  and  the  Kennebec  River,  extending  sixty 
miles,  inland,  and  this  was  called  the  Province  of  Maine. 
This  grant  included  what  was  afterward  New  Hampshire. 
Seven  years  later,  in  1629,  Mason  and  Gorges  divided  their 
grant  of  the  Province  of  Maine,  Mason  taking  that  part  ly- 
ing between  the  Merrimack  River  and  the  Pascataqua  River, 
and  naming  it  New  Hampshire.  The  Council  confirmed 
this  to  him  by  a  grant.  This  is  the  first  appearance  of  the 
name  New  Hampshire  in  New  England,  and  it  survives  to- 
day, the  only  name  of  an  English  county  applied  to  any  of 
the  States.^ 

In  1628  the  Council  granted  to  several  persons  or  asso- 
ciates, known  afterwards  as  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  a  tract  of  land  lying  between  Charles  River  on  the 
south  and  the  Merrimack  River  on  the  north,  and  extending 
three  miles  beyond  these  two  rivers,  and  east  and  west  from 
the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  The  Council  had  never 
hitherto  made  a  grant  of  such  an  enormous  extent  of  terri- 
tory and  of  limits  extending  beyond  the  rivers  that  bounded 
it.  A  patent  so  am.ple  was  regarded  with  astonishment, 
especially  as  it  covered  Masons  patent,  Mariana,  and  also 
Capt.  Robert  Gorges'  patent  of  Massachusetts  Bay.     This 

>  The  State  of  New  York  was  so  named  in  honor  of  the  Duke  of  York, 
afterwards  James  II.  —  H. 

23 


idi   * 


I      » 


,i    1 


if  ' 


/     I 


1 78    Establishment  of  the  Royal  Provincial 

mischievous  grant  not  only  broke  up  the  Council  at  last,  but 
gave  trouble  for  one  hundred  years  to  all  the  Colonies  that 
bounded  on  it. 

In  the  Spring  of  1623,  David  Thomson,  with  a  small 
company,  established  himself  at  Little  Harbor,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Pascataqua  River,  on  the  large  grant  that 
had  been  made  to  Mason  and  Gorges  only  the  year  be- 
fore. So  far  as  known,  this  was  the  first  settlement  i«  this 
State.  About  the  same  time  a  settlement  was  made  at 
Dover.^  For  fourteen  years  these  were  the  only  settlements 
in  New  Hampshire.  Hampton  was  settled  in  1637  by  peo- 
ple from  Massachusetts;  Exeter  in  1638  by  Wheelwright 
and  others  banished  from  Massachusetts.  Captain  Mason 
had  great  expectations  of  making  his  Province  worthy  of 
his  efforts.  His  employment  at  home  as  paymaster  and 
treasurer  of  the  army  in  the  wars  with  Spain  and  France 
had  prevented  his  visiting  his  American  Province.  He  had 
sent  agents  and  servants  with  all  necessary  articles  to  make 
a  plantation  and  look  for  mines.  In  1635  he  was  made 
Vice-Admiral  of  New  England,  and  was  preparing  to  come 
hither  when  he  fell  ill  and  died,  to  the  great  comfort  of 


^  It  is  not  possible,  with  our  present 
information,  to  fix  the  date  of  tlie  first 
settlement  of  Dover,  or  more  properly 
Hilton's  Point,  now  called  Dover  Neck. 
It  was  probably  at  least  four  or  five 
years  after  the  settlement  made  in  1623 
by  David  Thomson  and  others  at  Pan- 
naway.  or  Little  Harbor,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Pascataqua.  See  Declaration  of 
Allen,  Shaplei.!j;h,  and  Lake,  in  Belknap 
(Farmer's  ed.),  435,  and  Prov.  Papers 
of  New  Hamp.,  i.  159;  Notes  on  an  In- 
denture of  David  Thomson  and  others, 
by  Charles  Deane,  LL.D.,  in  Proceed- 


ings of  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  for  May,  T876; 
Jenness's  Notes  on  the  First  Plant- 
ing of  New  Hampshire,  14-24;  and 
Tuttle's  Memoir  of  Capt.  John  Ma- 
son, 18.  All  these  authorities  discredit 
the  vague  statement  of  Hubbard,  from 
which  it  has  been  inferred  that  lie  as- 
signed the  year  1623  as  the  date  of  the 
settlement  at  Hilton's  Point.  Hut  see 
note  18  in  Tuttle's  Memoir  o^  Mason, 
by  the  editor  of  that  work,  showing  that 
for  some  time  before  his  death  Mr. 
Tuttle  was  inclined  to  place  more  reli- 
ance on  Hubbard's  statements.  —  H. 


ii   i 


'    1 

m 

1 . 1 1 

m 

Government  of  New  Hampshire. 


179 


Massachusetts  Bay.  He  was  an  unflinching  royalist  and 
churchman,  —  a  neighbor  that  the  Bay  much  disliked.^ 

No  sooner  was  Mason  dead,  than  dreams  of  aggrandize- 
ment visited  the  leading  minds  of  the  Bay.  They  had  dis- 
covered that  the  Merrimack  River,  after  running  southerly 
fifty  or  sixty  miles,  turned  and  ran  easterly  thirty  or  forty 
miles  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  They  construed  their  patent 
to  mean  that  their  northern  bounds  should  be  three  miles 
north  of  the  northernmost  point  of  Merrimack  River,  and 
from  that  point  run  east  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean  and  west  to 
the  Pacific.  It  was  plain  enough  to  see  that  such  a  con- 
struction would  not  only  take  into  their  jurisdiction  all 
Mason's  patent,  but  most  of  Gorges'  in  Maine.  Their  east 
line  ran  into  Casco  Bay,  and  all  south  of  it,  to  the  Fucific 
Ocean,  was  Massachusetts.  They  notified  the  people  of 
New  Hampshire  that  they  were  living  within  the  Massa- 
chusetts patent,  and  threatened  them  that  they  would  look 
into  their  northern  boundaries,  and  would  see  how  far  north 
the  Merrimack  River  extended. 

The  first  thing  was  to  seize  upon  the  fair  lands  in  Mason's 
patent,  called  by  the  Indians  Winnicowitt,  and  grant  it  to 
their  people.  In  1639  they  incoq^orated  it  a  town,  by  the 
name  of  Hampton,  and  its  allegiance  was  always  claimed 
by  the  Massachusetts  government.  Massachusetts  had  re- 
solved to  get  the  three  other  towns  under  her  jurisdiction 
by  her  policy  of  intrigue,  without  actual  force.  Portsmouth 
was  strongly  Episcopalian,  and  Episcopalians  were  royal- 
ists.    Dover  was  divided,  part  Episcopalian  and  part  Puri- 

i  For  a  complete  presentation  of  all  moir  of  Capt.  John  Mason,  edited  by 
known  facts  in  regard  to  Mason's  inter-  John  Ward  Dean,  A.M.,  and  publislied 
ests  in  New  England,  see  Tuttle's  Me-    by  the  Prince  Society,  1887.  —  H. 


i\ 


■H 


mmmmmmsi 


^srae^^mmiwmma 


Is 
It  li 
I'  . 


Mt   ; 


It 


11 


|i- 


1 80    Establishment  of  the  Royal  Provincial 

tan.  The  settlers  of  Exeter  and  Hampton  were  Puritans. 
Massachusetts  began  to  intrigue  with  Dover,  and  the  Puri- 
tan element  fell  into  her  embrace,  taking  along  with  them 
the  royalists.  Portsmouth  was  persuaded  to  follow  Dover, 
some  of  the  leading  loyalists  having  been  first  tampered 
with  by  the  Puritan  agents  of  Massachusetts.  Portsmouth 
and  Dover  yielded  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts  in 
1641 ;  Hampton  was  already  there,  but  Exeter  held  out 
till   1643. 

New  Hampshire,  or  Mason's  patent,  as  it  was  frequently 
called,  was  now  entirely  wiped  out  from  the  political  map  of 
New  England.  The  only  power  to  remedy  this  great  abuse 
was  in  the  King  of  England.  He  was  now  in  arms  and 
about  to  enter  into  a  death  struggle  with  the  Puritan  parlia- 
ment. The  heirs  of  Capt.  John  Mason  were  young,  the 
eldest  not  above  ten  years  of  age.  Massachusetts,  having 
gotten  these  four  towns  into  her  jurisdiction,  then  made  her 
territory  into  counties.  She  formed  all  the  towns  north  of 
the  Merrimack  River,  including  Portsmouth,  Dover,  Exeter, 
and  Hampton,  into  one  county,  and  named  it  Norfolk. 

Prior  to  1641  no  general  government  had  ever  been 
placed  over  the  towns.  Each  settlement,  except  Hamp- 
ton, had  associated  and  agreed  upon  articles  by  which  they 
would  be  governed  till  the  King  should  otherwise  direct. 
The  Jura  regalia  were  in  the  King.  Captain  Mason  was 
expecting  the  destruction  of  the  charter  of  Massachusetts, 
and  that  a  general  governor  would  be  placed  over  New 
England.  This  would  have  secured  to  his  Province  all  the 
government  that  was  needed.  A  period  of  nearly  forty 
years  now  followed,  during  which  the  name  of  New  Hamp- 


t 


.'.1 


Government  of  New  HampsJiire.  i8i 

shire  was  seldom  if  ever  heard.'  New  generations  had 
come  upon  the  soil,  and  the  people  had  become  hardened 
into  Puritan  usages. 

The  restoration  of  Charles  II.  to  the  throne  of  England, 
in  May,  1660,  was  received  in  all  the  New  Hampshire  towns 
with  joy  by  the  Royalists  that  remained,  and  by  all  those 
who  longed  for  emancipation  from  the  yoke  of  Massachu- 
setts. The  Puritan  element  joined  Massachusetts  in  de- 
ploring the  event.  In  the  month  of  July  that  Colony 
received  authentic  information  that  the  King  was  on  the 
throne  of  his  ancestors,  and  immediately  received  into  its 
bosom  two  of  the  flying  regicides.  More  than  a  year 
elapsed  before  His  Majesty  was  proclaimed  King  in  that 
jurisdiction.  The  time  had  now  arrived  when  those  per- 
sons, and  those  colonies  in  New  England  which  had  been 
aggrieved  by  the  acts  of  Massachusetts,  could  apply  for 
redress  in  England.  The  King  was  ready  to  heur  the  com- 
plaints of  his  loyal  subjects  and  do  them  justice.  No  one 
having  interests  in  New  Hampshire  had  greater  and  longer 
grievances  than  Robert  Mason,  grandson  and  heir  of  Capt. 
John  Mason,  the  founder  and  proprietor  of  the  Province. 
His  estate  extended  from  the  waters  of  the  Pascataqua  to 
the  Naumkeag  River,  and  every  inch  was  then  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts.  The  first  step  towards  re- 
covering his  estate  was  to  get  rid  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Mas- 
sachusetts and  restore  to  the  King  his  jura  regalia.  The 
sympathy  and  good  wishes  of  all  the  inhabitants  impatient 
of  Puritan  rule  went  with  him,  but  they  were  unable  to 

*  See  Notes  on  an  Indenture  of  Da-     Deane,  LL.D.,  in  Proceedings  of  Mass. 
vid  Thomson  and  otiiers,  by   Charles     Hist.  Soc.  for  May,  1876.  —  H. 


!       I. 


% 


1^ 


r 
it. 


It 

It' 


182    Establishment  of  the  Royal  Provincial 

assist  him  beyond  expressing  their  wishes.  A  great  poh'ti- 
cal  question  was  involved  in  Mason's  undertaking.  His 
action,  if  successful,  miglit  lead  not  only  to  the  recov- 
ery of  his  estate,  but  to  the  independence  of  New  Hamp- 
shire; but  if  unsuccessful,  then  farewell  to  the  Province 
forever.  What  had  been  designed  for  a  British  Province 
in  New  England  had  been  for  many  years  converted  into  a 
frontier  county  of  Massachusetts.  The  name  New  Hamp- 
shire could  not  be  found  on  any  political  map  of  New 
England. 

Robert  Mason  set  about  his  designs  with  a  spirit  worthy 
of  his  ancestors.  He  suffered  nothing  to  turn  him  aside. 
Before  the  end  of  the  first  year  of  His  Majesty's  reign  he 
presented  his  claim  for  the  territory  of  New  Hampshire,  in 
its  fullest  extent,  to  the  King.  His  Majesty  submitted  its 
legal  aspect  to  his  attorney-general,  who  soon  reported  that 
"  Robert  Mason,  grandson  and  heir  of  Capt.  John  Mason, 
had  a  good  and  legal  title  to  the  Province  of  New  Hamp- 
shire." All  well  so  far;  but  how  was  Mason  to  get  pos- 
session of  it?  Massachusetts,  the  most  powerful  Colony  in 
New  England,  had  long  been  in  possession  of  the  Province, 
claiming  it  to  be  within  her  patent  and  jurisdiction.  Here 
was  a  new  and  untried  difiRculty,  and  before  any  solution 
had  been  reached.  His  M;'.n  sty  had  been  advised  to  send 
commissioners  to  New  iv.r^land,  with  authority  to  examine 
the  many  complaints  which  had  been  made  to  him,  deter- 
mine them  where  they  could,  and  where  they  could  not, 
report  the  facts  to  His  Majesty  for  his  determination.  Four 
commissioners  were  sent  in  1664  and  were  well  received  in 
all  the  Colonies  except  Massachusetts,  where  they  met  with 


M^alHammtmmt 


Government  of  New  Hampshire. 


■83 


steady  opposition.^  The  King  gave  them  no  directions  con- 
cerning Mason's  claim  to  the  territory  of  New  Hampshire, 
neither  did  he  forbid  their  attempting  to  compose  the  diffi- 
cnlty.  MassacliLisetts  having  refused  to  treat  with  them  on 
any  question  where  she  was  concerned,  nothing  was  accom- 
pHshcd  by  way  of  negotiation. 

In  June,  1665,  the  royal  commissioners  passed  into  New 
Hampshire  on  their  way  to  Maine.  The  inhabitants  re- 
ceived them  kindly,  and  those  opposed  to  the  rule  of  Massa- 
chusetts pra^'ed  the  commissioners  to  deliver  them  from 
that  Colony.  They  received  a  petition  signed  by  about 
thirty  inhabitants  of  Portsmouth,  among  whom  were  Cham- 
pernowne,  Pickering,  Sherburne,  H unking,  and  many  other 
well-known  persons,  setting  forth  their  grievances  under 
Massachusetts  laws  and  fanaticism,  which  had  become  op- 
pressive, and  praying  for  relief.  Another  petition,  addressed 
to  the  King,  was  placed  in  their  hands.  It  was  signed  by 
inhabitants  of  the  four  towns,  praying  His  Majesty  to  take 
New  Hampshire  under  his  royal  protection,  that  they  might 
be  governed  by  the  laws  of  England.^  The  commissioners, 
being  satisfied  that  Massachusetts  was  but  an  usurper  in 
that  Province,  appointed  justices  of  the  peace,  in  the  King's 
name,  with  power  to  act  under  the  laws  of  England,  and  to 
continue  until  the  King's  pleasure  should  be  made  known, 
and  departed  intt  IVIaine.  Massachusetts  hastened  to  undo 
all  that  the  commissioners  had  done  in  New  Hampshire. 

That  Colony,  seeing  that  Mason  was  persistent  in  seeking 
to  recover  from  its  grasp  the  Province  of  New  Hampshire, 


'\ 


If} 


m 


•  See  pages  115,  116.  ments  relating  to  New  Hampshire,  48, 

*  These  petitions  are  printed  in  Jen-     49.  —  H. 
ness's  Transcripts   of   Original  Docu- 


>    T 


h 


■  **'SMi^*-~'^ 


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lii 


^i: 


i'i 


184     Establishment  of  the  Royal  Provincial 

now  resorted  to  intrigue  with  Mason's  relative  and  agent, 
Joseph  Mason,  living  at  Portsmouth.  For  this  purpose 
they  first  despatched  their  secretary,  Edward  Rawson,  and 
afterwards  Robert  Pike.  Their  final  proposition  \vas  to 
surrender  to  Robert  Mason  his  lands  if  he  would  consent 
thn^  Massachusetts  jurisdiction  might  continue  over  them. 
Rojert  Mason  unhesitatingly  rejected  the  proposition  when 
it  was  communicated  to  him.  He  had  no  wish  to  live  under 
that  government ;  he  desired  to  restore  his  Province  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  English  laws.  Had  Mason  then  and  there 
yielded,  there  had  been  an  end  to  New  Hampshire.  After 
some  years,  no  progress  having  been  made  with  the  adjust- 
ment of  the  claim,  Mason  presented  a  petition  to  the  King, 
stating  that  he  had  received  no  satisfaction  and  was  wearied 
with  the  dela}'.  Gorges  had  been  equally  unsuccessfial  in 
recovering  out  of  the  grasp  of  Massachusetts  his  Province 
of  Maine.  The  King  despatched  copies  of  these  complaints 
by  the  hands  of  Edward  Randolph  to  the  magistrates  of 
Boston,  and  required  from  them  an  answer  to  Gorges'  and 
Mason's  claims.  The  Colony  sent  agents  to  England  to 
make  answer.  The  matte  r  was  referred  to  the  Lord  Chief 
Justices  of  England  to  hear  and  determine.  To  the  sur- 
prise of  all,  the  Massachusetts  agents  disclaimed  title  to  the 
soil,  but  contended  for  jurisdiction  over  the  Province.  The 
judges  decided  that  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts  went 
no  farther  than  the  boundaries  expressed  in  the  patent,  and 
those  boundaries,  the  judges  said,  cannot  be  construed  to 
extend  fartlier  northward  along  the  river  Merrimack  than 
three  English  miles.  This  decision  was  approved  by  the 
King,  and  there  was  an  end  to  Massachusetts  jurisdiction 
over  so  much  of  New  Hampshire. 


Government  of  New  Hampshire.  185 

No  sooner  was  this  decision  reached  than  the  Massachu- 
setts agents  made  application  to  tlie  King  to  settle  the  four 
towns,  Portsmouth,  Dover,  Exeter,  and  Hampton,  under 
Massachusetts,  at  the  same  time  stigmatizing  the  "  inhabi- 
tants of  those  towns  as  few  and  of  mean  estate,"  and  there- 
fore of  little  consequence  to  any  one.  Massachusetts 
bestirred  herself  and  procured  petitions  to  be  signed  by 
some  inhabitants  in  all  the  towns,  requesting  this  to  be 
done,  and  forwarded  the  same  to  their  agents  in  London, 
who  presented  them  to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  for 
Trade  and  Plantations,  but  it  was  to  no  purpose ;  the  King 
had  resolved  that  Massachusetts  should  have  no  more  terri- 
tory or  jurisdiction.  The  Colony  agents  had  approached 
Mason  to  buy  his  interest  in  the  Province  while  the  matter 
was  pending  before  the  Lord  Chief  Justices,  and  he  refused 
to  sell  to  them.     They  were  more  successful  with  Gorges.^ 

Mason  was  bound  to  stand  by  his  interests  in  the  Prov- 
ince. He  had  now  pursued  them  since  the  restoration  of 
King  Charles  H.,  eighteen  years  before.  It  was  his  earnest 
desire  that  the  King  should  establish  his  government  over 
the  Province,  and  at  length  his  wishes  were  gratified.  In 
July,  1679,  the  King  wrcte  to  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts, 
rebuking  them  for  having  purchased,  without  his  knowledge 
or  consent.  Gorges'  Province  of  Maine,  and  bade  them  pre- 
pare to  deliver  it  to  him,  when  he  should  be  ready  to  receive 
it.  He  told  them  they  need  not  expect  the  Province  of 
New  Hampshire  would  be  annexed  to  that  Colony;  that 
he  had  in  view  the  establishing  there  such  method  as  would 
benefit  and  satisfy  the  people  of  that  place.     He  ordered  the 

'  See  page  117  and  note  3. 
24 


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li 


„;    I 


IT 

1 

.  1 

1 86    Establishment  of  the  Royal  Provincial 

Colony  to  recall  all  the  commissions  they  had  granted  for 
governing  New  Hampshire,  and  thus  prepared  the  way  for 
his  royal  government.  The  four  towns  in  the  Province  now 
awaiting  the  new  government  contained  only  about  four 
thousand  inhabitants,  although  Portsmouth  and  Dover  had 
been  settled  nearly  sixty  years  before,  and  Hampton  and 
Exeter  forty  years.  No  new  settlement  had  been  made  while 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts,  —  proof  enough 
of  the  blighting  effect  of  Puritan  rule  over  this  Province. 
Most  of  the  present  inhabitants  never  knew  any  other  gov- 
ernment than  Massachusetts,  having  been  born  and  rearer! 
under  it.  But  among  the  aged,  forty  years'  captivity  had 
not  entirely  destroyed  their  love  and  reverence  for  the  Eng- 
lish Church  aud  the  English  laws. 

It  is  a  notable  fact  that  the  chief  trade  of  the  Province  at 
this  time  was  m  masts,  planks,  boards,  and  staves.  Fishing 
seems  to  have  been  laid  aside  altogether.  The  new  gov- 
ernment immediately  urged  His  Majesty  to  make  the  Pas- 
cataqua  River  a  free  port,  and  annex  the  south  half  of  the 
Isles  of   Shoals. 

Charles  II.  and  his  ministers  had  now  resolved  to  estab- 
lish a  government  over  that  part  of  the  Province  of  New 
Hampshire,  which  had  been  determined  to  lie  outside  the 
northern  bounds  of  Massachusetts  jurisdiction,  and  which 
contained  within  its  limits  only  four  towns;  namely,  Ports- 
mouth, Dover,  Hampton,  and  Exeter.  Among  the  consid- 
erations that  led  His  Majesty  to  this  undertaking  were  the 
petitions  of  the  loyal  inhabitants  sent  to  him  from  time  to 
time,  asking  to  be  taken  into  his  immediate  care  and  pro- 
tection ;  the  determination  to  see  that  his  faithful  subject. 


\'4 


'  'fl'imrr-^" 


"•   I 


Government  of  New  Hampshire. 


187 


r4 


Robert  Mason,  had  that  justice  done  him  wliich  he  had  so 
long  prayed  for;  and  the  preservation  of  those  forests  in 
the  Province  which  had  yielded  for  the  royal  navy  during 
many  years  the  finest  masts  in  the  world. 

At  that  time  three  species  of  colonial  government  were  in 
vogue  among  the  British  Colonies  in  America.  There  were 
chartered  governments,  like  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut ; 
proprietary  governments,  like  the  Provinces  of  Maine  and 
Maryland ;  and  provincial  governments,  like  New  York  and 
Virginia.  A  provincial  or  royal  government  consisted  of 
three  branchv^s,  —  a  governor  or  president  and  a  council,  both 
nominated  and  appointed  by  the  King,  and  an  assembly 
chosen  by  the  people.  It  is  manifest  that  in  this  form 
of  government  the  just  prerogatives  of  the  Crown  and  the 
constitutional  privileges  of  the  people  are  equally  attended 
to.  Such  a  government  had  been  established  in  Virginia 
as  early  as  16 19,  and  was  hailed  with  applause.  It  has  the 
distinction  of  being  the  first  legislative  assembly  in  Amer- 
ica. It  was  an  auspicious  day  for  New  Hampshire  when 
Charles  II.  adopted  for  it  a  provincial  government,  —  a  gov- 
ernment that  continued  over  it  for  almost  a  hundred  years. 
There  had  never  been  in  New  England,  and  there  never 
was  afterwards,  a  government  of  this  kind.  New  Hampshire 
has  the  distinction  of  being  the  only  royal  government  this 
side  of  the  Hudson  River, —  a  government  administered 
by  the  King's  commission,  in  the  hands  of  his  lieutenant. 

The  royal  commission  for  the  government  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  New  Hampshire  is  dated  Westminster,  Sept.  18, 
1679.  It  is  in  the  form  of  other  commissions  for  govern- 
ment, and  is  briefly   as  follows :  "  It  inhibits  and  restrains 


|Vi 


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I 


I    \ 


If- 


J  ' 


1 88     Establishment  of  the  Royal  Provincial 

the  jurisdiction  exercised  by  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts 
over  the  towns  of  Portsmouth,  Dover,  Exeter,  and  Hamp- 
ton, and  all  other  lands  extending  from  three  miles  to  the 
northward  of  the  river  Merrimack,  and  of  any  and  every 
part  thereof  to  the  Province  of  Maine ;  constitutes  a  presi- 
dent and  council  to  govern  the  Province ;  appoints  John 
Cutt,  Esq.,  president,  to  continue  one  year,  and  till  another 
be  appointed  by  the  same  authority ;  Richard  Martyn,  Wil- 
liam Vaugliar.  and  Thomas  Daniel  of  Portsmouth,  John 
Gilman  of  E>xu;r,  Christopher  Hussey  of  Hampton,  and 
Richard  Waldron  of  Dover,  Esquires,  to  be  of  the  council, 
who  were  authorized  to  choose  three  otlicr  qualified  persons 
out  of  the  several  parts  of  the  Province,  to  be  added  to 
them.  The  said  president,  and  every  succeeding  one,  to 
appoint  a  deputy  to  preside  in  his  absence ;  the  president  or 
his  deputy,  with  any  five,  to  be  a  quorum.  They  were  to 
meet  at  Portsmouth  in  twenty  days  after  the  arrival  of  the 
commission,  and  publish  it.  They  were  constituted  a  court 
of  record  for  the  administration  of  justice,  according  to  the 
laws  of  England,  so  far  as  circumstances  would  permit,  re- 
serving a  right  of  appeal  to  the  King  in  Council  for  actions 
of  fifty  pounds  value.  They  were  empowered  to  appoint 
military  officers  and  take  all  needful  measures  for  defence 
against  enemies.  Liberty  of  conscience  was  allowed  to  all 
Protestants,  those  of  the  Church  of  England  to  be  particu- 
larly encouraged.  For  the  support  of  government,  they 
were  to  continue  the  present  taxes  till  an  assembly  could 
be  called;  to  which  end  they  were  within  three  months  to 
issue  writs  under  the  Province  seal  for  calling  an  assembly, 
to  whom  the  president  should  recommend  the  passing  of 


Government  of  New  Hampshire.  189 


such  laws  as  should  establish  their  allegiance,  good  order, 
and  defence,  and  the  raising  taxes  in  such  manner  and  pro- 
portion as  they  should  see  fit.  All  laws  to  be  approved  by 
the  president  and  council,  and  then  to  remain  in  force  till 
the  King's  pleasure  should  be  known,  for  which  purpose 
they  should  be  sent  to  England  by  the  first  ships.  In  case 
of  the  president's  death,  his  deputy  to  succeed,  and  on  the 
death  of  a  councillor,  the  remainder  to  elect  another  and 
send  over  his  name,  with  the  names  of  two  other  meet  per- 
sons, that  the  King  might  appoint  one  of  the  three.  The 
King  engaged  for  himself  and  successors  to  continue  the 
privilege  of  an  assembly  in  the  same  manner  and  form, 
unless  by  inconvenience  arising  therefrom  he  or  his  heirs 
should  see  cause  to  alter  the  same.  If  any  of  the  inhabi- 
tants should  refuse  to  agree  with  Mason  or  his  agents,  on 
the  terms  stated  in  the  commission,  the  president  and  coun- 
cil were  directed  to  reconcile  the  difference,  or  send  the 
case,  stated  in  writing,  with  their  own  opinions,  to  the  King, 
that  he,  with  his  Privy  Council,  might  determine  it  accord- 
ing to  equity."^ 

The  King  was  extremely  desirous  to  compose  the  differ- 
ences likely  to  arise  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  Province 
and  Mason,  the  proprietor.  He  points  out,  in  the  commis- 
sion, with  some  detail,  what  he  wishes  the  president  and 
council  to  do  in  the  matter. 

Who  suggested  to  the  King  the  names  for  president  and 
council  does  not  appear,^  but  there  were  not  in  the  whole 


in 


'  Belknap's  Hi:  *jrv  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, Farmer's  eil.,  HC,  89.  For  the 
commission  to  President  Ciitt.  sec  C(  11. 
Hist.  Snc.  of  New  Hampsliire,  viii. 
1-9. —H. 


*  It  is  prol)al)le  the  suijgestion  ori<;i- 
nated  with  Robert  Mason  or  Edward 
Randolph.— H. 


qqp 


If 


:! 


:(  ■•  \\ 


190     Establishment  of  the  Royal  Provincial 

Province  straighter  Puritans  or  firmer  friends  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Colony.  They  were  avowed  enemies  of  the  Angli- 
can Church,  and  they  loved  the  laws  and  jurisprudence  of 
England  none  too  well.  Every  one  had  been  in  office 
under  Massachusetts  during  the  usurpation,  and  every  one 
had  signed  the  recent  petitions  sent  to  the  King,  praying 
to  remain  under  the  jurisdiction  of  that  Colony.  They 
hated  Mason  for  detaching  the  Province  from  Massachu- 
setts, and  they  hated  his  claim  to  the  soil  more.  All  had 
gained  considerable  estates,  mainly  by  commercial  transac- 
tions. The  planters  of  New  Hampshire  had  no  representa- 
tive in  the  executive  part  of  this  new  government.  The 
Massachusetts  Puritans  must  have  smiled  grimly  when  they 
saw  the  names  of  their  partisans  in  the  royal  commission. 

Charles  II.  and  his  ministers  had  been  completely  duped ;^ 
and  they  found  it  out  before  the  first  year  of  the  administra- 
tion had  ended.  All  the  members  of  the  executive  govern- 
ment were  born  in  England,  and  were  now  advanced  in 
years.  They  had  lived  in  the  Province  between  thirty  and 
forty  years,  and  were  well  known  in  every  part  of  it.  John 
Cutt,  named  president  in  the  commission,  was  one  of  three 
enterprising  brothers  whose  names  were  already  conspicu- 
ous in  the  commercial  annals  of  Portsmouth.  His  whole 
life  had  been  passed  in  commercial  adventures.    The  sails  of 


1  It  does  not  appear  that  any  decej> 
tion  or  duplicity  was  used  in  procuring 
the  nomination  of  Cutt  and  his  council- 
lors. They  were  leadinj;  men  in  the 
Province,  and  most  capable  of  organiz- 
ing the  new  government:  and  uniloubt- 
edly  it  was  chieHy  for  this  reason  that 
they  were  selected.  They  expressly  de- 
clared their  reluctance  to  accept  office 
under  the  commission.     I'resident  Cutt 


was  an  honest  and  fair-minded  man,  and 
while  he  lived  exerted  his  influence  to 
have  the  King's  wislies  and  commands, 
as  expressed  in  tlic  commission,  faith- 
fully observed.  But  his  death,  which 
occurred  soon  after  the  government  was 
organized,  put  the  control  of  nffairs  into 
the  hands  of  men  less  wise  and  less 
moderate.    -  H. 


i\ 


Government  of  New  Hampshire. 


191 


his  vessels  had  whitened  every  sea  known  to  the  commerce 
of  New  England.  He  had  long  been  known  as  an  eminent 
and  opulent  merchant.  He  was  now  well  advanced  in 
years,  and  lived  in  Portsmouth,  the  commercial  metropolis 
of  the  Province.  His  spacious  homestead  on  Stravvbefry 
Bank  was  part  of  the  lands  which  had  been  reduced  to  cul- 
tivation by  the  agents  of  Captain  Mason  half  a  century  ago. 
President  Cutt  had  not  seen  much  of  public  life.  He  ap- 
pears to  have  avoided  it.  Once  only  had  he  been  a  mem- 
ber of  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  and  after  a  few 
days'  service  he  got  excused  from  further  attendance.  Oc- 
casionally he  was  a  commissioner  of  the  county  court,  and 
often  a  selectman  of  Portsmouth.  In  1663  'le  town  elected 
him  constable,  but  he  refused  to  accept,  and  paid  his  fine, 
five  pounds.  He  was  an  active  and  a  conspicuous  member 
of  the  Rev.  Joshua  Moody's  church.  His  name  stands  with 
the  original  members.' 

Richard  Waldron,  one  of  the  council,  had  no  equal  for 
ability  and  force  of  character  in  the  whole  Province.  He 
had  been  longer  a  resident  than  any  other  member  of  the 
board,  and  was  a  steadv  adherent  to  Massachusetts.  He 
had  been  many  years  a  member  of  the  General  Court  and 
seven  years  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Deputies.  He  was 
strongly  opposed  to  Mason's  interest,  and  his  influence  in 
New  Hampshire  had  always  been  great.  The  other  five 
members  of  the  council  named  in  the  commission,  Richard 
Martyn,  William  Vaughan,  Thomas  Daniel,  John  Gilman, 
and  Christopher  Hussey,  had  had  considerable  experience 
in  the  local  government  under  Massachusetts. 

'  See  note  2,  p.  120 


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It 


II 


192     Estahlishment  of  the  Royal  Provincial 

The  royal  commission  having  passed  the  seals,  the  King 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  president  and  council,  and  ^ 
both,  with  the  provincial  seal,  in  the  hands  of  Edward 
Randolph,  to  carry  to  the  Province  of  New  Hampshire. 
The  King  also  gave  Randolph  a  portrait  of  His  Majesty, 
and  the  royal  arms  to  be  set  up  at  the  seat  of  government. 
Randolph  placed  these  somewhat  bulky  articles  on  a  New 
England  vessel  which  never  reached  its  destination,  and 
thus  New  Hampshire  was  deprived  of  these  memorials 
of  royalty. 

Randolph's  route  lay  by  the  way  of  New  York.  He 
sailed  from  England  the  last  of  October,  and  arrived  in 
Portsmouth  on  the  27th  of  December,  1679,  little  more 
than  three  months  after  the  royal  commission  had  passed 
the  seals.  Randolph  at  once  presented  himself  to  Mr.  John 
Cutt,  "a  very  just  and  honest  man,"  says  Randolph,  and 
acquainted  him  with  his  royal  errand.  Cutt  lost  no  time  in 
sending  summons  to  the  members  of  the  council  named  in 
the  commission  to  meet  at  his  house  and  receive  from  Ran- 
dolph His  Majesty's  communications.  On  the  first  day  of 
January,  1680,  the  council  assembled,  and  Randolph  placed 
in  their  hands  His  Majesty's  letter,  and  the  royal  commis- 
sion for  the  government  of  the  Province.  The  letter  and 
commission  being  read,  most  of  the  council  desired  time  to 
consider  whether  they  would  accept.  Waldron  and  Martyn 
were  decidedly  opposed  to  the  commission.  President  Cutt, 
and  John  Gilman  of  Exeter,  were  ready  to  accept  the  com- 
mission. Nearly  three  weeks  were  spent  in  deliberating  the 
matter  by  the  hesitating  members  of  the  council.  At  last, 
seeing  that  the  president  was  determined  to  organize  the 


m 


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gK;.iJ,4W'"WI— WIMip,|i,i'" 


Government  of  New  Hampshire.  193 

government  within  the  time  required  by  the  commission, 
and  that  their  places  were  likely  to  be  filled  by  others,  they 
accepted,  and  took  the  oaths  of  office  on  the  21st  of  January. 
Meantime  President  Cutt  notified  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Province  to  assemble  at  Portsmouth  on  the  2 2d  day  of  Jan- 
uary, and  hear  His  Majesty's  commission  read  and  proclama- 
tion made  of  His  Majesty's  havirg  received  the  Province 
of  New  Hampshire  under  his  gracious  favor  and  protection. 
This  must  have  been  a  memorable  day  in  Portsmouth,  for 
it  is  recorded  that  great  acclamation  and  firing  of  cannon 
followed  the  announcement  that  they  were  under  His  Maj- 
esty's government.^ 

On  that  day  the  organization  of  the  executive  government 
was  completed.  The  president  made  choice  of  Richard 
Waldron  as  deputy  president,  and  the  number  of  the  coun- 
cil was  made  complete  by  the  election  of  three  new  mem- 
bers. Proclamation  was  then  made  that  all  persons  holding 
office  in  the  Province  should  continue  in  their  places  until 
further  orders  be  taken  by  His  Majesty's  government.  The 
next  step  was  to  summon  an  assembly.  A  warrant  was 
despatched  to  the  selectmen  of  all  the  towns,  then  only  four 
in  number,  requesting  them  to  send  to  the  president  and 
council  a  list  of  the  names  and  estates  of  the  inhabitants. 
This  being  done,  the  council  selected  from  the  selectmen's 
list  the  names  of  such  persons  as  they  judged  qualified  to 
vote  for  assemblymen,  and   returned  these    names  to  the 

1  Belknap's  History  of  New  Hamp-     and    Bibliographical  on   the    Laws   of 

New  Hampshire,  by  Albert  H.  Hoyt,  in 
Proceedings  of  American  Antiquarian 
Soc,  1876;  and  Jenness's  Transcripts 
of  Original  Documents  relating  to  New 
Hampshire.  —  H. 


shire,  Farmer's  ed.,  90-96 ;  Paper  by 
Charles  Ueane,  LL.D.,  on  the  Records 
of  the  President  and  Council  of  New 
Hampshire,  in  Proceedings  Mass.  Hist. 
Soc,   xvi.   256-260 ;    Notes  Historical 


ll 


25 


'■fmfmmmumvfmfic 


HP 


t 


194         The  Royal  Provincial  Government. 

selectmen.  Great  complaint  was  made  that  many  fit  per- 
sons were  deprived  of  the  elective  franchise.  It  is  easy  to 
see  that  the  council  had  an  opportunity  to  make  the  assem- 
bly, and  probably  did  so  The  election  was  ordered  to  take 
place  March  9,  and  not  above  three  persons  for  the  assem- 
bly were  to  be  chosen  in  any  one  town. 

The  members  of  the  assembly  were  summoned  to  appear 
at  Portsmouth,  on  March  16,  to  attend  to  His  Majesty's 
service.  On  that  day  the  first  legislature  in  New  Hamp- 
shire assembled  and  was  organized.  It  consisted  of  eleven 
persons,  two  from  Exeter,  and  three  from  each  of  the  other 
towns,  l^hus,  in  two  and  one  half  months  after  the  arrival 
of  the  royal  messenger  with  the  commission,  the  govern- 
ment was  completely  organized  over  the  Province,  —  a 
government  that  was  destined  to  continue,  with  but  few 
interruptions,  for  a  hundred  years.  New  Hampshire  was 
restored  to  her  place  on  the  political  map  of  New  England, 
never  again  to  disappear.  She  was  raised  to  the  dignity  of 
a  British  Province  in  America. 

Portsmouth  had  the  honor  to  be  the  seat^  of  government 
during  the  entire  period  of  the  royal  government.  Here 
were  the  scenes  of  all  that  was  splendid  in  a  provincial 
court.  Portsmouth  gave  of  her  citizens  the  chief  of  the 
new  government,  John  Cutt,  and  she  also  gave  the  hst 
royal  governor,  Sir  John  Wcntworth.  The  provincial  gov- 
ernment was  succeeded  by  a  republican  government,  whose 
centenary  is  at  hand.     Esto  Perpctiia. 

^  The  principal  officers  of  the  gov-  Castle),  which  until  1693  was  included 
ernment  resided,  and  the  assemlily  con-  in  the  town  of  Portsmouth.  See  note  2, 
vened,   on    Great    Island    (now    New    p.  103 — H. 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE  WITHOUT  PROVIN- 
CIAL  GOVERNMENT. 

1 689-1 690. 


■^W 


m 


1 


iIm 


i 


:ii 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE  WITHOUT  PROVIN- 
CIAL GOVERNMENT. 

1689-1690. 


npHE  political  condition  of  the  royal  Province  of  New 
■^  Hampshire  during  the  short  period  it  was  without 
government,  beginning  with  the  deposition  of  Sir  Edmund 
Andros  on  the  i8th  day  of  April,  1689,  and  ending  with 
the  re-annexation  of  that  Province  to  Massachusetts  on  the 
19th  of  March,  1690,  —  eleven  months,  —  has  received  but 
little  attention  from  historians.^  Dr.  Belknap  gives  but  little 
space,  —  less  than  twenty  lines,  —  in  his  admirable  history 
of  New  Hampshire,  to  the  consideration  of  the  civil  affairs 
of  this  period,  and  is  not  entirely  accurate  in  this.  His  re- 
lation of  other  events  is  more  extended  and  correct.'^ 

The  fall  of  the  government  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros  over 
New  England,  an  event  in  which  neither  the  Province  nor 
the  people  of  New  Hampshire  had  any  part,  left  that  Prov- 

*  This   paper  is   reprinted,  by  per-  '  Mass.  Records,  vi.  i,  3,  127,  128  ; 

mission,  from  the  Proceedings  of  the  Belknap's  Hist  of  New  Hamp.,  Fanner's 

Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  Oct.  ed.,  I2i,  122. 
1879.  — H. 


It 

Iff 

life 


I 


u\\ 


198 


New  H amp  shire 


ince  w''hout  any  government.  The  provincial  officers  of 
his  appointment,  civil  and  military,  had  no  authority  to  act 
after  his  overthrow  by  the  action  of  the  people  of'  Mas- 
sachusetts. Tlic  four  ancient  towns,  Portsmouth,  Dover, 
Hampton,  and  Exeter,  which  then  constituted  that  entire 
Province,  were  again  in  a  state  of  independence,  as  they 
were  wheii  annexed  to  Massachusetts  in  the  year  1641. 
They  were  now  stronger  in  population  and  in  political 
organization.  Fifty  years'  experience  had  given  them  an 
almost  perfect  system  of  domestic  self-government.  But  for 
the  exigencies  of  the  times,  which  required  a  bond  of  politi- 
cal union,  and  unity  of  action,  they  might  have  remained 
in  their  independent  state  without  inconvenience;  so  well 
regulated  were  their  domestic  concerns,  and  orderly  their 
inhabitants. 

The  people  of  the  other  Colonies  and  Provinces  in  New 
England,  under  the  government  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros, 
were  likewise  left  without  government;  but  they  had  sys- 
tems of  government  under  which  they  had  long  been  accus- 
tomed to  live,  and  which  they  could  readily  resume.  In 
less  than  one  month  after  the  overthrow  of  Andros,  the 
Colonies  of  Massachu?otts,  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  and 
Plymouth  returned  quietly  to  their  former  governments,  and 
recalled  their  former  magistrates.^ 

New  Hampshire  had  been  a  royal  Province  little  more 
than  nine  years  when  the  revolution  in  New  England  oc- 
curred. During  this  period  it  had  been  governed  by  royal 
commissions  in  the  hands  of  officers  appointed  by  the  King 
of  England.     Two  entirely  different  systems  of  government 

1  Palfrey's  Hist.  New  England,  iii.  596,  597. 


A' 


\  m 


Hi 


ivithout  Provincial  Government. 


199 


had  been  set  over  the  Province,  neither  of  which  suited  the 
genius  and  v/ants  of  the  whole  people.  They  were  there- 
fore without  any  system  of  government,  suited  to  their  de- 
sires, to  fall  back  upon.  The  four  towns  remained  eleven 
months  without  union,  or  any  provincial  government. 

The  war  with  the  eastern  Indians,  begun  in  the  Province 
of  Maine  in  the  summer  of  16SS,  was  only  slumbering  when 
the  government  of  Sir  Edmund  Andi'os  was  overthrown  in 
April,  1689.  It  was  destined  to  break  forth  with  great  and 
terrible  energy,  supported  by  the  moral  strength,  at  least,  of 
a  new  foe,  before  the  summer  ended,  and  to  rage  with  little 
interruption  till  the  Peace  of  Ryswick,  more  than  seven 
years  later.^ 

To  add  greater  calamities  to  New  England,  on  the  7th  of 
May  England  declared  war  against  France,  —  an  act  that 
finally  led  to  a  fierce  and  bloody  conflict  between  their 
American  Colonies,  notwithstanding  the  treaty  of  colonial 
neutrality  made  between  these  two  crowns  less  than  three 
years  before.  This  unhappy  event  in  Europe  encouraged 
the  Indians  in  their  war  on  the  English,  and  darkened  the 
prospect  of  all  New  England.''^ 

A  mighty  scheme  for  the  conquest  of  New  York  and  of 
Hudson's  Bay  was  already  devised  in  France,  although  the 
treaty  of  colonial  neutrality  provided  that,  if  the  two  crowns 
should  break  friendship  in  Europe,  their  colonies  in  America 
should  remain  in  peace  and  neutrality.  Actual  collision 
with  the  French  did  not  take  place  before  November,  —  a 
delay  more  on  account  of  Boston  trade  than  on  account  of 

1  Belknap's    Hist,  of  New  Hamp.,  *  Brodliead's    Hist,    New   York,   ii. 

Fanner's  ed.,  131-143.  475,  S4S  i  Mass.  Hist.  Soc  Coll.,  xxxi. 

99. 


1 .'  ( 


u 

"it 

% 

200 


New  Hampshire 


the  treaty  stipulations.  The  blow  then  came  from  a  squad- 
ron on  the  coast  of  Acadie,  recently  from  France,  and  said 
to  be  designed  to  surprise  Boston.^ 

The  four  towns  in  New  Hampshire,  nestling  between 
Massachusetts  and  the  Province  of  Maine,  again  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Bay  Colony,  seemed  far  enough  removed 
from  either  of  the  enemies  of  the  English. 

Suddenly,  in  the  darkness  of  the  morning  of  the  28th  day 
of  June,  the  third  month  after  their  government  had  been 
withdrawn,  a  body  of  Indians  swooped  down  like  a  bird  of 
prey  on  the  frontier  village  of  Cocheco,  in  Dover,  and  de- 
stroyed it;  killing  a  large  number  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
carrying  away  into  captivity  as  many  more.  Among  the 
slain  was  the  venerable  Richard  Waldron,  for  more  than 
forty  years  the  admitted  chief  in  civil  and  military  affairs 
in  the  Province.  Within  one  week  after  the  overthrow  of 
Andros,  he  had  been  appointed  by  the  Council  of  Safety,  in 
Massachusetts,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  New  Hampshire 
Resriment.^ 

A  few  hours  after  this  memorable  tragedy  had  ended,  six 
of  the  principal  gentlemen  of  Portsmouth  received  from 
Richard  Waldron,  Jr.,  a  brief  account  in  writing  of  what 
had  befallen  his  venerable  father  and  others  at  Cocheco,  by 
the  hands  of  the  barbarous  Indians.  They  immediately 
wrote  a  joint  letter  to  Major  Pike  at  Salisbury,  the  nearest 


*  Documentary  Hist,  of  New  York, 
ii.  47  ;  Murdoch's  Nova  Scotia,  i.  17S, 
179;  Urodhearl's  Hist.  New  York,  ii. 
547  ;  Mass.  Arciiives,  xxxv.  106. 

"  Wliat  political  relation  the  Council 
of  Safety  rep;arded  tlie  Province  to  have 
to  Massachusetts  when   this   act  was 


done  does  not  appear.  Nor  does  it 
appear  that  Major  Waldron  exercised 
over  the  militia  any  functions  of  this 
commission.  Belknap's  Hist,  of  New 
Hamp.,  Farmer's  ed.,  126,  129;  Pike's 
Journal  in  Proceedings  Mass.  Hist.  Soa 
(Sept.  1875),  124;  Mass.  Records,  vi.  6. 


without  Provincial  Government. 


201 


military  commander  in  Massachusetts,  enclosing  this  account 
of  the  disaster,  for  the  Governor  and  Council,  and  request- 
ing assistance  in  this  exigency  of  affairs,  "wherein  the  whole 
country  is  concerned." 

Major  Pike  wrote  a  short  letter  to  the  Governor,  request- 
ing speedy  orders  and  advice,  and  forwarded  it  with  the 
others  to  Boston. 

Governor  Bradstreet  received  the  letters  at  midnight  the 
same  day  of  the  massacre,  and  next  day  laid  them  before  the 
General  Court.  Their  contents  were  quickly  considered, 
and  a  letter  to  the  gentlemen  of  Portsmouth  was  prepared 
and  forwarded.  The  Court  expressed  concern  for  their 
friends  and  neighbors,  looking  upon  the  affair  as  concern- 
ing all,  but  declined  "  to  exert  any  authority  in  your  Prov- 
ince." The  letter  concluded  with  advice  to  them  to  "fall 
into  some  form  or  constitution  for  the  exercise  of  govern- 
ment for  your  safety  and  convenience."^ 

A  few  days  later,  the  2d  day  of  July,  seeing  the  defence- 
less condition  of  the  'rovince,  the  General  Court  ordered 
that  "  drums  be  beaten  up  in  Boston  and  the  adjacent 
towns  for  volunteers  to  go  forthwith  for  the  succor  and 
relief  of  our  neighbor  friends  at  Pascataqua,  distressed  by 
the  Indian  enemies."  To  encourage  volunteers,  the  court 
offered  to  provide  their  sustenance,  and  gave  them  liberty 
to  nominate  their  own  officers.  They  were  also  authorized 
to  receive  from  "the  public  treasury  eight  pounds  for  every 
fighting  man's  head  or  scalp  that  they  shall  bring  in,"  and 
also  to  share  all  plunder  taken  from  the  Indians.^ 

This  dreadful  massacre  —  the  greatest,  in  all  points  of 

*  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  xxi.  88-90.         "  Mass.  Records,  vi.  53. 

26 


r^l* 


If! 


Til 


ill 


II 


» 1 


I 


'       :l 


J 

1 

:i 


202 


New  Hampshire 


view,  in  the  annals  of  the  Province  —  spread  terror  among 
the  inhabitants,  and  weakened  their  strength.  It  opened 
their  eyes  to  the  fact  that  their  geographical  position  offered 
them  no  security  from  the  blows  of  the  barbarous  enemy. 
It  brought  freshly  before  them  their  helpless  condition  by 
reason  of  the  want  of  provincial  government.  Executive 
authority  to  raise  military  forces  and  provide  for  them,  by 
impressment  if  necessary ;  to  construct  public  defences  and 
garrison  them ;  to  levy  and  collect  taxes ;  and,  above  all,  to 
make  a  treaty  with  other  Colonies  for  joining  in  a  common 
defence  against  common  enemies,  was  now  needed  more 
than  ever. 

The  magistrates  and  military  officers  in  the  Province, 
appointed  by  Andros,  had  undoubtedly  exercised  a  feeble 
sway.  The  questioii  had  long  been  debated  by  the  inhabi- 
tants whether  their  functions  were  wholly  suspended.  At 
length  they  generally  concluded,  "  that  we  had  no  Governor 
nor  authority  in  this  Province  so  as  to  answer  the  ends  of 
government,  and  to  command  and  do  in  defence  of  their 
Majesties'  subjects  against  the  common  enemy."  ^ 

The  refusal  of  the  General  Court  to  exercise  in  the  Prov- 
ince any  of  the  functions  of  government,  now  so  much 
needed  there,  the  advice  to  form  a  government  among 
themselves,  and  the  great  and  pressing  need  of  one  at  this 
juncture  of  affairs  led  to  the  first  attempt  to  that  end  since 
the  fall  of  Andros.  Several  gentlemen  of  Portsmouth  and 
Great  Island  sent  letters  to  the  several  towns  in  the  Prov- 
ince, requesting  them  to  make  choice  of  fit  persons  to  meet 

1  Nathaniel  Weare's  Letter  to  Robert  Pike,  in  Coll.  N.  H.  Hist.  See,  i. 
135-140. 


without  Provincial  Goveynment. 


203 


on  the  nth  day  of  July,  and  to  "consider  of  what  shall  be 
adjudged  meet  and  convenient  to  be  done  by  the  several 
towns  in  the  Province  for  their  peace  and  safety,  until  we 
shall  have  orders  from  the  crown  of  England."  Whatever 
should  be  agreed  on  by  this  convention  was  to  be  submitted 
to  the  towns  for  their  approval.  Nothing  appears  to  have 
come  of  this.^ 

While  the  matter  of  provincial  government  was  under 
consideration  and  debate  in  the  towns,  Massachusetts 
was  actively  preparing  for  the  common  defence  of  all  the 
New  England  Colonies,  against  the  French  as  well  as  the 
Indians. 

On  the  17th  of  July  she  summoned  her  ancient  allies,  the 
Colonies  of  Connecticut  and  Plymouth,  to  send  commission- 
ers to  Boston,  "  according  to  the  rules  of  our  ancient  union 
and  confederation,"  to  consider  measures  for  "  a  joint  and 
vigorous  prosecution  of  the  common  enemy,"  The  com- 
missioners assembled  on  the  i6th  day  of  September,  and 
carefully  examined  the  causes  of  the  Indian  war.  They 
formally  declared  "  the  same  to  be  just  and  necessary  on  the 
part  of  the  English,  and  ought  to  be  jointly  prosecuted  by 
all  the  Colonies."  They  directed  notice  to  be  sent  to  the 
towns  in  New  Hampshire  of  their  meeting  and  action,  with 
a  request  for  their  "  concurrence  and  assistance  in  a  joint 
management  of  the  war,"  and  adjourned  to  meet  again  on 
the  1 8th  day  of  October.^ 

With  the  first  month  of  autumn  came  another  attack  of 
the  barbarians  on  the  Province.     On  the  13th  of  September, 

1  Coll.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc,  viii.  399;  cvii.  244 ;  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  xxxv. 
Weare's  Letter.  203,212;   Bradstreet's  Letter  to  Gov- 

^  Mass.  Archives,  xxxv.   50  ;   Ibid.,     ernor  Treat,  Connecticut  Archives. 


li     n      f 


irl 


m 


1:^    fi 


1^ 


I     i 


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«p 


It 


Ihi 


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i  I 


f 


if; 


!' 


J  '1 , 


m 


204 


New  Hampshire 


the  settlement  on  Oyster  River  —  a  place  fated  to  feel  the 
stroke  of  savage  vengeance  oftener  and  more  severely  than 
any  other  in  the  Province  —  was  attacked  by  Indians,  and 
eighteen  persons  were  slain.^ 

On  the  loth  day  of  October,  Governor  Bradstreet  carried 
out  the  request  of  the  commissioners  by  direction  of  the 
General  Court.  He  wrote  a  letter  to  Richard  Martyn,  Wil- 
liam Vaughan,  and  Richard  Waldron,  principal  persons  in 
New  Hampshire,  acquainting  them  of  what  had  been  done 
by  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  and  request- 
ing a  commissioner  to  be  sent  from  that  Province  to  meet 
the  commissioners  at  their  next  meeting.  On  the  16th 
these  gentlemen  sent  a  joint  answer,  wherein  they  ex- 
pressed their  thanks  for  what  had  already  been  done  for 
the  defence  of  the  country,  and  regretted  that  there  was 
insufficient  time  for  the  towns  to  assemble  and  make  choice 
of  a  commissioner  before  the  next  meeting  of  the  commis- 
sioners. They  declared  their  determination  to  communi- 
cate the  request  to  the  several  towns  forthwith,  so  that  a 
commissioner  might  be  chosen  for  any  later  meeting  of  the 
commissioners.^ 

Near  the  end  of  October  the  several  towns  held  meetinsfs 


^  Manuscript  Letter  of  Mnj.  Robert 
Pike,  in  Mass.  Archives,  cvii.  314  ;  Coll. 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  xxxv.  212;  Mather's 
Magnalia,  lib.  vii.  67 ;  Belknap.  Farmer's 
ed.,  131.  Major  Pike  says  the  garri- 
son attacked  was  Langstaff's ;  and 
that  the  number  slain  and  carried  cap- 
tive was  nineteen.  Mather  sajs  it  was 
Lieutenant  Huckin's  garrison  that  was 
attacked  ;  and  that  "  Captain  Garner  " 
pursued  the  Indians.  His  statement 
has   been   accepted   by   all   historians. 


Capt.  Andrew  Gr.rdner,  of  Boston, 
of  the  forces  of  Major  Swayne  lately 
sent  into  those  parts,  had  a  company 
of  soldiers  scouting  there,  whose  head- 
quarters were  at  Salmon  Falls.  Pike 
in  his  journal  says  it  was  James  Hug- 
gin's  garrison,  and  carries  the  event 
back  into  August,  which  is  clearly 
wrong.  The  date  of  this  attack  has 
never  before  been  fixed. 

2  Mass.  Archives,  xxxv.  50,  57. 


I  ' 


W'' 


II   n 


without  Provincial  Government. 


205 


and  voted  for  a  commissioner  of  the  United  Colonies  of 
New  England,  —  an  act  that  gives  the  Province  new  impor- 
tance in  history.  The  votes  of  the  towns  were  sent  to  Ports- 
mouth, and  it  appeared  that  William  Vaughan  was  elected 
commissioner.^  Dover  appointed  John  Tuttle  agent  to 
take  the  vote  of  the  town  to  Portsmouth  to  be  counted 
with  the  votes  of  the  other  towns,  and  to  assist  in  giving 
instructions  to  the  commissioner  chosen  as  to  the  manage- 
ment of  the  war.'^ 

The  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  now  assumed 
the  direction  of  the  war,  which  was  carried  on  at  the  joint 
expense  of  all.  Connecticut  had  strongly  hinted  that 
Rhode  Island  should  be  invited  to  join  the  confederation. 
Governor  Bradstrcet  was  prevailed  on  to  write  to  Gover- 
nor Clark  on  the  2d  day  of  August,  setting  out  the  ne- 
cessity of  making  a  joint  defence  against  the  common 
enemies  of  the  English,  and  requesting  advice  and  assist- 
ance. It  does  not  appear  that  any  ever  came.  Rhode 
Island  had  not  been  admitted  to  the  confederation  in 
former  years.^ 

On  the  6th  of  December  the  commissioners  of  the  Colo- 
nies, Vaughan  with  them,  assembled  in  Boston  to  consider 
the  war  with  the  French.  Althoucjh  this  war  had  been 
declared  seven  months  before  in  Europe,  no  considerable 
injury  had  been  inflicted  on  New  England  till  recently. 
Intelligence  had  now  arrived  that  war  had  been  publicly  de- 
clared against  the  English  at  Port  Royal,  and  thit  English 

^  N.   H.   Prov.    Papers,  ii.  30,  32;  Ibid.,  cvii.    247;    Colony   Records  of 

Mass.  Archives,  xxxv.  106.  Conn.,  1689-1706,  p.  3  ;  Church's  V\\\\- 

^  Coll.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc,  viii.  398.  ip's  War,  pt.  ii.  55,  58;  Arnold's  Hist. 

B  Mass.   Archives,    xxxv.  63,    106;  Rhode  Island,  i.  156,  157. 


* 


I 


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V 


■  v^ 


li  i  i 


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1,.. 

.  '    f 

i 

i          ,  1 

1          1  ' 

i 

Vi      i 


206 


A^(?2£;  Hampshire 


fishing  vessels  in  that  quarter  had  been  seized,  some  kept 
and  others  sent  to  France ;  that  the  French  were  aiding 
and  assisting  the  Indian  enemy  with  arms  and  ammunition, 
thereby  showing  their  'iitcntion,  by  all  ways  and  means,  to 
hurt  and  destroy  their  Majesties'  subjects,  —  a  thing  they  will 
continue  to  do  so  long  as  they  have  any  considerable  forti- 
fied fort  or  harbor  near  us.  The  commissioners  therefore 
recom.iend  that  in  the  United  Colonies  and  Provinces  in 
these  parts  his  Majesty's  declaration  of  war  against  France 
be  forthwith  published,  and  that  care  be  taken  that  the 
militia  be  well  setded,  and  the  fortifications  in  seaport 
towns  be  made  serviceable.  They  also  recommend  that 
a  committee  of  fit  persons  be  appointed  to  inquire  into 
the  present  condition  of  our  French  neighbors,  and  to  find 
what  measures  need  be  taken  in  regard  to  them,  so  as  to 
prevent  their  doing  further  injury,  and  giving  further  assist- 
ance to  the  Indians,  and  make  report.^ 

On  the  1 8th  of  December,  Hampton  was  so  sensible 
of  the  want  of  government  that  three  of  its  principal 
inhabitants,  namely,  Nathaniel  Weare,  Samuel  Sherburne, 
and  Henry  Dow,  were  selected  to  meet  persons  chosen 
by  other  towns,  and  consider  and  debate  this  matter  of 
government,  and  make  report  at  the  next  town  meeting. 
Nothing,  however,  seems  to  have  come  of  this,  except 
that  Hampton  now  began  to  be  very  jealous  of  the  other 
towns.^ 

When  the  memorable  year  1689  ended,  the  four  towns  in 


ifr  ■• 


flf 


1  Mass.  Archives,  xxxv.  io6;  Doc.  Colonies  and  their  actioi.,  as   related 

Hist.  N.  Y.,  ii.  47.  here. 

Our  historians  have  omitted  to  men-         2  jsj   pj   Prov.  Papers,  ii.  31,  43,  44  ; 

tion  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Weare's  Letter. 


.J 


I 


without  Provincial  Government. 


207 


New  Hampshire  were  still  without  union  and  without  gov- 
ernment. The  prospect  of  having  a  provincial  government 
set  over  them  by  William  and  Mary  was  no  better  than 
when  the  government  of  Andros  was  withdrawn  from  them, 
more  than  eight  months  before.  A  conflict  of  arms  with 
the  French  was  impending.  The  veteran  Frontenac,  the 
greatest  soldier  in  the  New  World,  now  again  the  military 
chief  of  New  France,  had  been  ihree  months  in  Canada, 
and  was  preparing  to  crush  the  English  settlements  in  New 
England.^ 

At  this  juncture  of  affairs,  Portsmouth,  Dover,  and 
Exeter  came  to  an  understanding  that  each  should  choose 
commissioners  with  full  power  to  meet  in  joint  convention 
and  devise  "some  method  of  government  in  order  to  their 
defence  against  the  common  enemy." 

Hampton  seems  to  have  been  unreasonably  jealous  of  the 
other  towns,  and  to  have  delayed  action  in  the  matter  of 
providing  a  provincial  government.  This  applies  to  part, 
not  all  the  inhabitants.  Portsmouth,  Dover,  and  Exeter 
elected  ^heir  commissioners  to  the  Convention  ;  and  the 
commissioners  of  Hie  two  former  towns  were  forced  to  re- 
quest Hampton  to  elect  her  commissioners.  She  delayed 
action  nearly  three  weeks  in  a-  matter  of  so  much  conse- 
quence, and  finally  brought  all  to  nought. 

Exeter  sent  four  delegates,  and  the  other  towns  six  each, 
to  the  Convetition,  making  twenty-two  in  all.  They  were 
the  chief  persons  in  the  four  towns  of  the  Province,  and 
heads  of  families.  The  commissioners  met  in  Convention 
in  Portsmouth,  the  metropolis  of  the  Province,  on  the  ?  *h 

^  Brodhead's  New  York,  ii.  603,606;  Belknap,  Farmer's  ed.,  132. 


!  !!1 


I 


\  II  i 


"Tm* 


1 1 


i       : 


m  I 


208 


New  Hampshire 


of  January,  1690.  How  they  organized,  or  who  their  officers 
were,  is  unknown.  The  Convention  unanimously  adopted  a 
simple  form  of  self-government,  substantially  like  that  set 
over  the  Province  by  the  royal  Commissions  of  Charles  II. 
to  President  Cutt  and  also  Lieutenant-Governor  Cranfield. 
To  give  their  act  the  greatest  force  and  authority,  each  and 
every  member  of  the  Convention  set  his  hand  to  the  instru- 
ment  in  which  was  drawn  the  form  of  the  new  provincial 
government.  This  celebrated  document,  the  only  remain- 
ing record  of  the  Convention  now  known,  is  in  the  hand- 
writing of  John  Pickering,  a  lawyer  of  Portsmouth,  and  a 
member  of  the  Convention.'  Having  finished  its  labors, 
the  Convention  adjourned  to  meet  again,  after  the  elec- 
tion of  oflficers  for  the  new  government,  and  count  the 
votcs.'^ 

This  venerable  State  document,  now  printed  here  for 
the  first  time,  came  to  my  hands  many  years  ago,  with  some 
manuscripts  of  John  Tuttle  of  Dover,  a  member  of  the 
Convention,  and  my  paternal  ancestor.^  The  Convention 
being  a  novel  proceeding,  its  records  would  not  likely  go 
with  the  public  archives  of  the  Province.  It  is  amazing 
that  so  fragile  and  homeless  a  document  should  find  its 
way  down  to  this  time  in  such  good  state  of  preservation. 
It  could  not  have  been  seen  by  Dr.  Belknap,  otherwise  he 
would  have  related  more  fully  and  accurately  the  action  of 
the  Convention. 


^  N.  H.  ProY.  Papers,  ii.  31-34; 
Weare's  Letter  above  referred  to. 
Also  the  original  record  printed  on 
pages  213,  214. 


*  Dover  Town  Records,  January, 
1690. 

3  A  biographical  sketch  of  John  Tut- 
tle is  in  the  New  England  Historical  and 
Genealogical  Register,  xxi.  135-137. 


without  Provinciat  Government. 


209 


The  new  government  was  to  consist  of  a  President,  Sec- 
retary, and  Treasurer  to  be  chosen  by  the  whole  Prov- 
ince; also  a  Council  of  ten  members  to  be  chosen  by  the 
four  towns,  —  Portsmouth  and  Hampton  having  three 
each,  and  Dover  and  Exeter  two  each, —  and  a  Legislative 
Assembly.* 

On  the  30th  day  of  January,  1690,  six  days  alter  the  adop- 
tion of  the  form  of  government,  a  town  meeting  was  held 
in  Dover  to  choose  two  members  of  the  Council,  and  to  vote 
for  President,  Secretary,  and  Treasurer.  Capt.  John  Ger- 
rish  and  Capt.  John  Woodman,  two  leading  citizens,  were 
elected  members  of  the  Council.  The  votes  for  the  other 
provincial  officers  were  given  and  sealed  up,  to  be  opened 
by  the  commissioners  and  counted  with  the  votes  of  the 
other  towns.^ 

About  the  same  time  a  town  meeting  was  held  in  Hamp- 
ton to  elect  three  members  of  the  Council,  and  to  vote  for 
President,  Secretary,  and  Treasurer  of  the  Province.  A 
majority  agreed  not  to  vote  for  any  provincial  officers,  to 
the  great  surprise  of  the  whole  Province.  The  six  commis- 
sioners  of  Hampton  had  agreed  in  Convention  to  the  form 
of  government,  and  subscribed  the  record.  This  action 
speedily  put  an  end  to  the  attempt  to  form  a  provincial 
government.^ 

The  events  of   the  war  were  thickening.     Schenectady 

^  See   the    original    record   printed  Nathaniel  Wcare,  furnish  an  outline  of 

on  pasres  213,  214.  the   political   history   of   the   Province 

^  Dover    Town    Records,   January,  during   this  period.      Portsmoutli   and 

1690.  Exeter  town  records  show  but  little  of 

^  Weare's  Letter.  It  is  worthy  of  their  action;  while  Dover  records  sup- 
note  that  the  town  records  of  Hanip-  ply  valuable  information  nowhere  else 
ton,  with  tlie  letter,  so  often  cited,  of  to  be  found. 

27 


■'■\ 


fM-r^ir^ 


2IO 


New  Hampshire 


\     ■ 


?  i/  i 


'M 


I.-,  i 


t  I 


VtM 

1 

) 

r 

t 

1  ^' 
>  * 

' 

■  I 

V 

; 

i ... 

had  been  destroyed  at  one  blow,  and  a  French  and  Indian 
force  was  already  on  its  way  from  Canada  to  the  Pascata- 
qua,  though  then  unknown  in  the  Province.  A  crisis 
had  arrived.  These  towns  must  have  a  government  over 
them. 

Some  of  the  leading  gentlemen  in  Portsmouth  drew 
up  a  petition,  addressed  to  the  Governor  and  Council 
of  Massachusetts,  praying  for  government  and  protection 
as  formerly,  till  their  Majesties'  pleasure  should  be  known, 
and  declaring  readiness  to  bear  a  proportion  of  the  charge 
for  defence  of  the  country  against  the  common  enemy. 
This  was  now  the  20th  of  February,  1690.  The  peti- 
tion was  quickly  carried  through  all  the  towns,  and  re- 
ceived three  hundred  and  seventy-two  signatures.  Fifteen 
members  of  the  Convention,  two  thirds  of  the  whole, 
signed  it,  —  all  from  Exeter,  and  all  from  Portsmouth, 
except  Robert  Elliot;  all  from  Dover,  except  John  Tut- 
tle,  John  Roberts,  and  Nicholas  Follett;  and  all  from 
Hampton,  except  Nathaniel  Weare,  Henry  Dow,  and  Henry 
Green.^  The  original  petition  is  preserved  with  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Archives. 

Nathaniel  Weare,  a  principal  inhabitant  of  Hampton, 
and  a  member  of  the  Convention,  was  much  grieved  at  the 
action  of  Hampton  in  refusing  to  elect  oflficers  and  com- 
plete the  organization  of  the  provincial  government.  He 
was  in  favor  of  the  plan  of  self-government,  and  opposed 
to  annexation  to  Massachusetts  to  the  same  extent  as  before. 
He  says  that  this  petition  was  brought  to  Hampton  on  the 

1  Coll.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc,  viii.  293-    seventh  volume  of  the  Collections  of  the 
298  ;  Mass.  Archives,  xxxv.  229.     The     New  Hampshire  Historical  Society, 
names  are  very  incorrectly  spelled  in  the 


withottt  Provincial  Government. 


21  I 


26th  day  of  February,  while  the  militia  were  assembled 
there,  and  that  many  signed  it  without  knowing  what  it 
was ;  and  also  that  many  children  and  servants  there  did 
the  same.  Hampton  now  clearly  preferred  to  remain  in  her 
independent  state.' 

This  petition  was  quickly  taken  to  Boston  by  John  Pick- 
ering and  William  Vaughan,  and  was  presented  to  the 
Governor  and  Council  on  the  28th  day  of  February.  It 
was  received,  and  the  prayer  of  the  petitioners  granted. 
The  Governor  and  Council  forthwith  appointed  William 
Vaughan,  Richard  Martyn,  and  Nathaniel  Fryer,  known 
adherents  to  the  Colony,  magistrates  over  the  Province; 
and  Vaughan  then  and  there  took  the  oath  of  office.''  Order 
was  given  for  the  towns  to  make  choice  of  civil  and  military 
officers,  to  complete  the  new  organization,  and  present  their 
names  to  the  General  Court  for  confirmation,  which  was 
quickly  done. 

In  a  few  weeks  John  Pickering  was  despatched  to  Boston 
in  behalf  of  the  Province,  with  a  full  list  of  officers,  civil 
and  military,  and  a  joint  letter  of  recommendation  from 
William  Vaughan  and  Richard  Waldron,  to  lay  the  same 
before  the  Governor  and  Council  and  the  Deputies.  On 
the  19th  day  of  March,  1690,  both  branches  approved  the 
action  of  the  Governor  and  Council  on  the  28th  of  Febru- 
ary, and  confirmed  the  list  of  officers.^  Only  the  day  be- 
fore, Frontenac's  party  of  French  and  Indians  had  fallen  on 

^  Weare's  Letter.      A  biographical         *  Mass.  Archives,  xxx.  308 ;   N.  H. 

sketch  of  Nathaniel  Weare,  by  the  late  Prov.   Papers,   ii.  40,  41;   Mass.  Rec, 

Chief-Justice  Bell,  is  in    Coll.   N.   H.  vi.  127,  128  ;    Belknap,  Farmer's   ed.. 

Hist.  Soc,  viii.  381-394.  132. 

*  Sewall   Papers,  i.   312;    Weare's 
Letter. 


i  I.    < 


.t 


^^mm 


212 


New  Hampshire 


ill 


I 


the  eastern  frontier  of  Dover,  and  destroyed  the  village  of 
Salmon  Falls. 

The  Province  was  now  again  fully  restored  to  its  former 
relations  with  Massachusetts,  and  remained  till  the  Com- 
mission of  Samuel  Allen  as  Governor  of  the  Province  was 
published  there  Aug.  13,  1692.' 

During  this  period  of  suspended  government  over  the 
Province,  only  one  act  of  violence  appears  against  any  of 
the  officers  appointed  by  Andros.  Richard  Chamberlain 
was  Secretary  from  1680  to  1686,  when  the  government  of 
Joseph  Dudley  was  extended  over  the  Province,  and  that 
omce  abolished.  He  was  then  made  clerk  of  the  judicial 
cour*--:  and  held  that  office  till  the  government  of  Andros  was 
withdrawn.  The  records  ai.d  files  of  the  Province  as  well 
as  of  the  courts  were  in  his  possession,  having  come  there 
by  virtue  of  his  official  station.  The  people  resolved  to  get 
them  from  him,  although  no  one  had  a  better  right  to  hold 
them.  Capt.  John  Pickering,  a  resolute  man,  —  the  same 
mentioned  in  these  pages,  —  with  an  armed  force  proceeded 
to  Chamberlain's  house,  and  demanded  the  records  and  files. 
Chamberlain  very  properly  refused  to  give  them  to  him 
without  some  legal  v;arrant  for  his  security  and  protection ; 
thereupon  Pickering  seized  them  with  force,  and  carried 
them  out  of  the  Province.^ 


1  N.  H.  Prov.  Papers,  ii.  71.  mer's   ed.,    149,   150.      A   Memoir  of 

2  N.  H.  Prov.  Papers,  i.  590,  600;     Capt,  John  Pickering  is  in  Coll.  N.  H. 
Ibid,t  iii.    298;    Belknap's   Hist,  Far-     Hist.  Soc,  iii.  292-297. 


without  Provincial  Government. 


213 


New  Hampshire 
IN  New  England. 


[FoTn  of  Government] 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Committee  chosen  by 
the  Inhabitants  of  the  respective  towns  within 
this  Province  for  settlement  of  a  method  of 
order  and  government  over  the   same,  until 
their  Maj''"  take  Care  thereof,  held  in  Ports- 
mouth the  24th  of  January,  1689. 
Whereas,  Since  the  late  revolution  in  the  Massachusetts  Colony, 
no  order  from  their  Maj""  has  yet  arrived  for  the  settlement  of 
government  in  this  Province,  and  no  Authority  being  left  in  the 
Province  save  that  of  the  late  Justices  of  Peace  ;  which,  consider- 
ing our  present  circumstances,  cannot  answer  the  end  of  govern- 
ment, viz.,  the  raising  men,   money,  and  so  forth,  for  our  defence 
against  the  Common  Enemy, 

Resolved,  That  a  President  and  Council,  consisting  of  ten  persons, 
as  also  a  Treasurer  and  Secretary,  be  chosen  in  the  Province,  in 
manner  and  form  following :  viz.,  for  the  Council,  three  persons  of 
the  Inhabitants  of  Portsmouth,  three  persons  of  the  Inhabitants 
of  Hampton,  two  persons  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Dover,  and  two  per- 
sons of  the  Inhabitants  of  Exeter ;  which  persons  shall  be  chosen 
by  the  major  vote  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  town  where  they  live, 
and  the  President,  Treasurer,  and  Secretary  to  be  chosen  by  the 
major  vote  of  the  whole  Province,  which  President  shall  also  have 
the  power  over  the  militia  of  the  Province  as  major,  and  the  Presi- 
dent and  Council  so  chosen,  or  the  major  part  thereof,  shall  with  all 
convenient  speed  call  an  assembly  of  the  representatives  of  the  peo- 
ple not  exceeding  three  persons  from  one  town,  which  said  Presi- 
dent and  Council,  or  the  major  part  of  them,  whereof  the  President 
or  his  Deputy  to  be  one,  together  with  the  representatives  aforesaid, 
or  the  major  part  of  them,  from  time  to  time  shall  make  such  acts 
and  orders,  and  exert  such  powers  and  authority  as  may  in  all  re- 
spects have  a  tendency  to  the  preservation  of  the  peace,  punish- 


1! 


vwemmmmmm 


iiwiijiiummi 


214 


New  Hampshire. 


mcnt  of  offenders,  and  defence  of  their  Maj""'  subjects  against  the 
common  enemy,  provided  they  exceed  not  the  bounds  his  late 
Maj"'  King  Charles  the  Second  was  graciously  pleased  to  limit 
in  his  Royal  commission  to  the  late  President  and  Council  of  this 
Province. 

RoB^  Wadleigh, 

Will"  Hilton, 

Samuell  Leauett, 

Jonathan  Thing, 


John  Woodman, 
John  Gerrish, 
John  Tuttle, 
Thomas  Edgelev, 
John  Robearts, 
NicH.  Follett, 

Henry  Green, 
Nath"^  Weare, 


Samuell  Shuebern, 

his 

Morris  X  Hobs, 

mark 

Henry  Dom^, 
Edv^tard  Goue, 


Nathanj-"-  Fryer, 
W*  Vaughan, 
Robt.  Elliot, 
Rich"  Waldron, 
John  Pickerin, 
Tho.  Cobbett.^ 


^  The  spelling  and  punctuation  of  lowed  to  remain  as  they  were  written, 

this  manuscript  have  been  made  to  con-  A  heliotype  of  the  original  manuscript 

form  with  modern  usage  in  this  printed  is  given  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Mass. 

copy.    The  names  01  persons  are  al-  Hist.  Society,  Oct.  1879. 


\ 

:      , 

i 

1  ■ 

i 

HOPE- HOOD. 


l! 


fiiii 


f       ^! 


^      h 


II 


J'   '  I 


H  o  p  E  -  H  o  o  d; 


(ii 

I 


*   '! 


Ii 


I  'I 


OEVERAL  years  ago  I  was  turning  over  the  leaves  of  a 
^  venerable  folio  volume  in  the  Registry  of  Deeds  at 
Exeter,  New  Hampshire,  when  my  eye  accidentally  fell 
upon  the  name  Hope-Hood,  or  Hope  Whood,  as  it  was 
then  written.^  On  examination,  I  found  the  name  was  in  a 
deed  conveying  land  now  in  the  County  of  Strafford,  New 
Hampshire,  executed  by  Hope-Hood  and  three  other  In- 
dians, calling  themselves  native  proprietors  of  those  parts  of 
New  England. 

Hubbard  says  that  Hope-Hood,  the  first-named  grantor  in 
the  deed,  was  son  of  Robin  Hood,  a  noted  Indian  of  an  east- 
ern Abnaki  tribe.  This  Hope-Hood  first  appears  in  history 
a  few  months  after  the  breaking  out  of  King  Philip's  war, 
leading  an  attack  on  a  house  in  Berwick,  Maine.^     Mather 


'  Reprinted,  by  permission,  from  the 
Proceedings  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Society, 
February,  1880.  — H. 

»  The  name  of  this  Indian  is  vari- 
ously spelled.  I  follow  Hubbard  the 
historian.  Hope-Hood  was  also  known 
under  the  name  Wayhamoo  (Proceed- 
ings Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  March.  1878). 
Mather's    alias  for   him   is   VVohawa. 


28 


[To  the  letters  of  John  Hogkins,  a  Pen- 
acook  sachem,  May  15,  1685  (Relknap's 
Hist.,  Farmer's  ed.,  508),  his  name  is  af- 
fixed as  Hope-Hoth.  But  the  spelling 
of  Indian  names  depended  very  much 
on  the  ear  of  the  scribe.  —  H.] 

8  Hubbard's  Narrative  of  the  Trou- 
bles with  the  Indians  in  New  England, 
from  Piscataqua  to  Pemmaquid,  14,  20. 


m 


f! 


II 


i 


I*  I 


218 


Hope-Hood. 


styles  him  a  "memorable  tygre,"^  and  says  he  was  acciden- 
tally killed  in  the  summer  of  1690.^^  Williamson  says  he 
was  "one  of  the  most  bloody  warriors  of  the  age."  He 
and  his  followers  were  with  the  French  at  the  destruction 
of  Salmon  Falls,  and  also  of  Casco,  two  months  later,  in  the 
spring  of   1690.^ 

Hope-Hood  was  one  of  the  Indian  chieftains  who  signed 
the  treaty  of  peace  made  Sept.  8,  1685,  between  His  Ma- 
jesty's subjects  inhabiting  the  Provinces  of  New  Hampshire 
and  Maine,  and  the  Indians  dwelling  in  the  same  Provinces. 
His  name  is  also  on  each  of  the  letters  written  May  15,  1685, 
by  Kankamagus,  alias  John  Hogkins,  to  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor Cranfield,  imploring  protection  from  the  Mohawk  In- 
dians. His  mark  standing  for  his  signature  to  the  treat3^ 
and  also  to  the  letters,  is  the  same  as  on  the  deed  to  Cofifin.'* 

The  names  of  his  three  Indian  associates,  grantors  in  the 
deed,  are  scarcely  known.  They  appear,  however,  with  his, 
on  the  letters  to  Cranfield.^  The  name  Ould  Robin  suggests 
a  family  connection.  Maybe  he  is  the  veritable  Robin 
Hood  mentioned  by  Hubbard. 


^  Mather  bestows  also  other  seem- 
ingly well-deserved  epithets  upon  Hope- 
Hood:  "that  hellish  fellow,"  "the 
wretch,"  "  that  hideous  loup-f^arou,'" 
"  the  villain,"  etc.  He  also  states  that 
this  savage  was  "once  a  servant  of  a 
Christian  master  in  Boston."  (Magna- 
lia,  Bk.  vii.  Appendix,  art.  x.)  —  H. 

*  Magnalia,  Bk.  vii.  Appendix,  art.  x. 
p.  74.  The  only  authority  which  supports 
Mather  in  regard  to  the  accidental  kill- 
ing of  Hope-Hood  may  be  found  in 
Public  Occurrences,  the  first  newspaper 
printed  in  Boston,  dated  Sept.  25,  1C90. 
The  circumstances  of  his  death  so  much 
resemble  those  of  the  accidental  killing 
of  Kryn,  the  "Great  Mohawk,"  about 


that  time,  as  to  make  it  somewhat 
doubtful  whether  Mather  has  not  con- 
founded these  two  Indians  (N.  Y.  Col. 
Doc,  ix.  473-479).  There  is  no  men- 
tion of  the  death  of  Hope-Hood  in  the 
French  narratives  of  that  time.  Be- 
sides, a  Hope-Hood  from  Norrid;;e- 
wock  was  present  at  the  [making  of  the] 
treaty  with  the  English  at  Falmouth 
[Maine],  in  June,  1703. 

*  Williamson's  History  of  Maine,  i. 
618-623. 

*  N.  H.  Provincial  Papers,  i. 
584,  588.  [See  note  3  on  page 
-H.] 

^  N.  H.  Provincial  Papers,  i. 
584. 


583, 
217. 

583, 


Hope-Hood. 


219 


Peter  Coffin,  the  grantee  named  in  the  deed,  was  one  of 
the  most  considerable  inhabitants  of  Dover,  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  afterward  chief  justice  of  the  Province.  How- 
ever contemptible  an  Indian  deed  may  have  appeared  at  that 
time  in  the  eyes  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  to  the  mind  of 
Peter  Coffin,  a  frontiersman,  it  was  sufficient  to  give  him 
the  right  and  title  to  so  much  of  the  wilderness  as  was 
bounded  and  described  therein.  He  was  not  a  man  to  part 
with  seven  pounds  for  a  worthless  title.^ 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  this  Indian  grant  lay  within  the 
limits  of  Captain  Mason's  patent  of  1629;  and  that  his  grand- 
son, Robert  Mason,  was  then  contending  in  the  judicial 
courts  of  New  Hampshire  for  possession  of  all  the  lands 
lying  within  the  patent,  not  granted  by  himself  or  his  ances- 
tors. Coffin's  motive  for  buying  the  Indian  title  at  this  time 
may  have  been  to  anticipate  the  issue  of  Mason's  suits. 

While  Hope-Hood  hovered  much  on  the  eastern  frontier 
of  New  Hampshire,  he  has  not  been  supposed  by  historians 
to  have  had  any  connection  with  that  Province,  except  as  a 
raider  and  an  enemy,  during  the  Indian  wars.^  There  is, 
however,  one  place  in  Dover,  on  the  western  bank  of  the 
Bellamy  River,  near  where  it  falls  into  the  Pascataqua,  which 
has  borne  the  name  "  Hope-Hood's  Point "  for  nearly  two 
centuries,  —  almost  back  to  the  date  of  this  deed  of  convey- 
ance.^    This  fact,  and  his  act  in  conveying  hereditary  lands 


1  The  author  must  here  be  understood 
as  presenting  the  view  which  Coffin  en- 
tertained. But  it  was  an  erroneous  view. 
The  title  to  the  soil  was  in  the  King  of 
England  or  his  grantees  This  was  the 
law  of  England,  and  it  was  in  harmony 
with  the  accepted  public  law  of  Europe 
at  this  period.     Hope-Hood  and  his  as- 


sociates had  received  no  grant,  and  there- 
fore could  convey  no  legal  title.  —  H. 

*  I  have  shown  that  the  (reported) 
attack  on  Fox  Point,  in  1690,  which 
Mather  charges  that  Hope-Hood  led, 
never  occurred.     Seepag's  163-171. 

8  New  Eng.  Hist,  and  Gene.  Regis- 
ter, XX.  373 ;  xxviii.  203 ;  xxxiv.  205. 


il' 


I! 


■)l 


li; 


I  ( 


ri 


220 


Hope-Hood. 


in  this  quarter  to  Coffin,  indicate  tliat  his  savage  ancestors 
or  his  tribe  had  been  possessors  of  that  region. 

The  spelling  in  the  following  deed  is  modernized,  except 
the  names  of  persons  and  places. 

To  all  Christian  people  to  whom  this  present  writing  shall  come 
and  appear:  — 

Know  ye  that  the  natives  of  New  England  or  Indians  whose 
names  are  known  in  the  English  tongue,  are  called  by  the  name  of 
Hoope  Whood,  and  Samll  Lines,  and  Ould  Robbin,  and  Kinge 
Harry,  now  we,  the  before-named  Indians  and  natives,  as  by  '^ur 
native  right,  are  the  proprietors  of  these  parts  of  New  England 
which  do  join  and  border  upon  the  rivers  called  by  the  names  of 
Newitchawanoke  River,  and  Cochechow  River,  and  Oyster  River 
and  Lamperill  River,  within  the  Province  of  New  Hampshire.  Now 
know  all  men  that  we,  the  said  Hope  Whood,  Samll  Lines,  Ould 
Robbin,  and  King  Harry,  for  and  in  consideration  of  the  sum  of 
seven  pounds  to  us  in  hand  paid  by  Mr.  Peter  Coffin  of  the  town 
of  Dover,  in  the  Province  of  New  Hampshire,  the  receipt  whereof 
we  acknowledge,  and  of  every  part  and  penny  thereof,  do  free,  ac- 
quit, and  discharge  the  said  Peter  Coffin,  his  heirs,  executors,  and 
administrators.  By  these  presents  do  give,  grant,  bargain,  and  sell 
and  confirm  unto  the  said  Mr.  Coffin  and  to  his  heirs,  executors, 
administrators,  and  assigns  for  ever,  all  our  right  and  title  which 
we,  the  said  natives  ever  had,  have,  or  ought  to  have,  unto  all  the 
marshes,  and  pine  timber  standing  or  lying,  that  is  or  shall  be  within 
the  two  branches  of  Cochecho  and  half  way  between  northernmost 
branch  of  Cochechow  River  and  Newchewanoke  River,  beginning 
at  the  run  of  water  on  the  north  side  of  Squammagonake  old  plant- 
ing ground  (anc'  between  the  two  branches)  to  begin  at  the  spring 
where  the  old  cellar  was,  and  so  to  run  ten  miles  up  into  the  coun- 
try between  the  branches  by  the  rivers,  all  which  said  marshes, 
lands,  and  timber  as  is  before  mentioned,  and  expressed  in  the 
bounds  aforesaid,  shall  be  to  the  sole  and  proper  use,  benefit,  and 


lI. 


Hope-Hood. 


behoof  of  Mr.  Peter  Coffin,  his  heirs,  executors,  administrators,  and 
assigns  for  ever,  to  have  and  to  hold  the  premises  aforesaid  and  all 
privileges  and  appurtenances  thereunto  belonging,  and  to  every  part 
and  parcel  thereof,  and  also  we  do  warrant  to  make  good,  and  main- 
tain the  before  bargained  and  sold  premises  against  all  and  all  man- 
ner of  natives  or  Indians  which  shall  lay  any  claim  or  right  or  title 
to  the  same.  In  witness  whereof  we,  the  said  Hoope  Whood,  Samll 
Lines,  Ould  Robbin,  and  Kinge  Harry,  do  bind  ourselves  and  every 
of  us  jointly  and  severally,  and  our  heirs  and  successors  firmly  by 
these  presents.  Dated  the  third  day  of  January,  in  the  second 
year  of  the  reign  of  our  sovereign  Lord  King  James  the  Second, 
over  England,  Scotland,  France,  and  Ireland,  King,  Defender  of 
the  Faith,  &c.     Annoq.  domini,  1686. 


Signed,  sealcvl,  and 
delivered  in  presence 

of  Benjamin  Herd, 
Test.    John  Evens. 


The  mark  X  of  Hoope  Whood,  [^t] 

uu      Samll  Lines,     [^0',"'] 

S        Ould  Robbin,    [■;'.■;,'] 

O       Kinge  Harry,   [■;::/] 


Benjamin  Herd  personally  appeared  this  seventh  day  of  January, 
1709-10,  and  made  oath  that  he  was  present  and  saw  these  several 
sachems  or  Indians  sign  and  seal  the  above  written  instrument  and 
set  to  his  hand  as  witness,  and  that  Jno  Evins  also  set  to  his  hand 
as  witness  at  the  same  time.  Before  me,  Nathll  Weare,  Justice 
Peace. 

Entered  and  recorded  according  to  original,  18  January,  1709. 

Wm.  Vaughan,  Recorder} 

1  Provincial  Deeds  at  Exeter,  vol.  the  northern  limits  of  Dover.  It  is 
vii.  fols.  366,  367.  The  tract  of  land  now  within  the  limits  of  Rochester, 
described  in  the  deed  lay  just  outside     Harrington,  Strafford,  and  Farmington. 


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CHRISTOPHER    KILBY. 


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CHRISTOPHER    KILBY.^ 


^  I  "HE  capacity,  public  services,  wealth,  and  liberality  of 
-^  Christopher  Kilby  place  him  among  the  worthies  of 
Boston  of  the  last  century.  While  he  lived  abroad  most 
of  his  days,  and  died  there,  and  while  most  of  his  living 
posterity  are  now  in  England  and  Scotland,  he  was  never- 
theless a  son  of  Boston,  began  his  public  life  here,^  remem- 
bered his  native  town  in  its  afHiction,  bequeathed  his  name 
to  one  of  its  most  public  streets,  and  a  few  of  his  posterity 
still  live  here.  Although  his  name  appears  frequently  in 
the  records  of  his  time,  is  mentioned  by  Hutchinson  and 
other  historians,  and  is  memorably  associated  with  his  na- 
tive city,  but  little  is  publicly  known  of  his  career  and  his 
connections.  His  personal  history  der.'es  fresh  interest 
from  the  fact  that  his  great-granddaughter  was  the  first 
wife  of  the  seventh  Duke  of  Argyll,  —  the  grandfather  of 
the  Marquis  of  Lome,  who  recently^  married  Her  Royal 
Highness  the   Princess  Louise,  of  England. 

»  Reprinted  from  tlie  New  England  published  in  1872.  Several  persons 
Historical  and  Genealogical  Register  mentioned  by  the  author  as  living  when 
for  January,  1872.  he  wrote,  have  since  then  died.     (See 

*  The  reader  will  bear  in  mind  that     page  235.) —  H. 
this  Memoir  was  written  in  Boston,  and 

29 


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226 


Christopher  Kilby. 


Christopher  Kilby  was  the  son  of  John  and  Rebecca 
(Simpkins)  Kilby,  of  Boston.  He  was  born  May  25,  1705, 
and  bred  to  commercial  pursuits.  In  1726  he  became  a 
partner  in  business  with  the  Hon.  William  Clark/  a  distin- 
guished merchant  of  Boston,  whose  eldest  daughter  he  mar- 
ried th^  same  year.  Mr.  Ciark  ca'-ried  on  an  extensive 
commercial  trade  with  England  and  the  West  Indies;  and 
Kilby  was  several  times  in  those  countries,  en  business  of 
the  firm,  during  the  continua.-ice  of  the  partnership,  which 
terminated  on  his  return  from  England  in  1735.  -^'^  ^^^i^ 
period  of  nine  years  he  passed  three  abroad,  employed  in 
commercial  undertakings.  He  now  formed  a  partnership 
witli  his  brother-in-law,  Mr.  Clark's  youngest  son,  Benjamin, 
and  continued  in  the  same  business  cutil  he  went  to  Eng- 
land in    1739  as  agent  for   Massachusetts. 


'  The  Hon.  William  Clark  was 
brother  of  the  Hon.  John  Clark,  of 
JJoston,  for  many  years  Speaker  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and 
grandson  of  Dr.  John  Clark,  an  emi- 
nent physician,  whose  portrait  is  in  the 
cabinet  of  ihe  Massachusetts  Historical 
Sr.^ieiy.  Mr.  William  Clark  was  a 
member  of  the  Horse  and  of  the  Pro- 
vincial Council.  He  was  a  merchant, 
and  acqui-ed  a  larf;e  estate.  He  lived 
in  the  largest,  most  elaborately  tinished 
and  furnished  house  in  Boston.  It 
was  a  brick  structure,  standing  on  Gar- 
den Court  Street,  leariing  from  Clark's 
Square,  so  called  ;  next  to  the  mansion- 
house  afterwards  0('(U[)ied  by  'jovernor 
Hutchinson,  at  the  North  End.  It  was 
subsequently  owned  and  occupied  liy 
.Sir  Heniy  I'rankland,  and  is  mentioned 
in  one  of  Cooper's  novels.  Mr.  Row- 
land Ellis,  now  of  Newton  Centre, 
Mass.,  who  lived  in  it  m;7ny  years,  has 
a  fine  exterior  view  of  this  famous 
liouse,  and  aho  several  elaborate  paint- 


ings taken  from  its  walls ;  he  also 
has  the  centre  part  of  a  wooden  mosaic 
floor  of  the  house,  having  the  arms  of 
Clark  wrought  therein.  The  late  Mr. 
Peter  Wainwright,  of  Boston,  had 
among  his  coll.ctirn  of  family  portraits 
one  of  the  Hon.  William  Clark,  full  size, 
p.iinted  in  1732.  These  portraits  were 
destroyed,  or  much  damaged,  by  the 
Bo. ton  lire  in  1872.  Mr.  Clark  died 
July  24,  1742.  His  first  wife,  the 
mother  of  his  children,  was  S.arah, 
daughter  of  Robert  Bronsden,  of  Bos- 
ton, to  whom  he  was  married  May  14, 
1702.  His  second  wife  was  Sarah, 
daughter  of  William  Tyler,  of  Boston. 
She  died  about  1762.  It  is  said  that 
William  and  Sarah  (Bronsden)  Clark 
had  fifteen  children.  Of  these  we 
have  the  following  names,  (i)  Sarah, 
who  married  Christopher  Kilby ;  (2) 
Robert  ;  (3)  Benjamin  ;  (4)  Rebecca, 
who  married  Samuel  Winslo'v,  June  8, 
1729;  and  (5)  Martha,  who  married 
l)ea.  Thomas  Greenough,  May  9,  1734. 


Christopher  Kilby. 


227 


In  May,  1739,  he  was  chosen  represen.  /e  to  the 
General  Court  from  Boston,  his  colleagues  being  Thomas 
Gushing,  Jr.,  Edward  Bromfield,  and  James  Allen.  The 
session  of  the  Gourt  began  near  the  end  of  May,  and  con- 
tinued, with  several  intermediate  adjournments,  to  the  end  of 
the  year,  the  domestic  affairs  of  the  Province  being  in  a 
troubled  state.  Mr.  Kilby  served  on  all  the  important  com- 
mittees, and  to  >k  an  active  part  in  the  business  of  the  ses- 
sion. Important  questions  relative  to  the  issue  of  paper 
money  and  to  the  boundaries  of  the  Province  were  dis- 
cussed and  acted  upon.  Governor  Belcher  had  received  in- 
structions from  the  King  to  limit  the  issue  of  bills  of  credit 
to  a  perirJ  not  exceeding  in  duration  those  current  at  the 
time  of  a  new  issue,  and  the  consequence  was  that  all  be- 
came payable  in  1741.  The  Governor  declined  to  recede 
from  his  instructions,  although  the  public  distress  was  great. 
The  last  of  September  the  House  of  Representatives  re- 
solved to  send  a  special  "  agent  to  appear  at  the  Court  of 
Great  Britain,  to  represent  to  His  Majesty  the  great  difficul- 
ties and  distress  the  people  of  this  Province  labor  under  by 
reason  of  thus  being  prevented  from  raising  the  necessary 
supply  to  support  the  government  and  the  protection  and 
defence  of  His  Majesty's  subjects  here."  Thomas  Gushing, 
a  distinguished  member  of  the  House,  and  formerly  its 
Speaker,  was  chosen  agent;  and  a  committee  of  eight,  Mr. 
Kilby  being  one,  was  appointed  to  draw  up  his  instructions. 
On  account  of  continued  ill  health,  Mr.  Gushing  declined 
the  office,  and  Mr.  Kilby  was,  on  the  2d  of  October,  chosen 
in  his  place.^ 


^  Hutchinson's   History  of    Masbachusetts ;  Journal  of  House  of  Represen- 
tatives, 1739. 


m 


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228 


Christopher  Kilby. 


The  Province  had  always  selected  its  ablest  men  to  act  as 
agents,  the  functions  of  the  ofifice  being  of  a  diplomatic  char- 
acter, requiring  ability,  sagacity,  prudence,  and  a  knowledge 
of  public  affairs.  T.lr.  Kilby,  then  only  thirty-four  years 
of  age,  accepted  lue  appointment,  and  Capt.  Nathaniel 
Cunningham,  an  eminent  merchant  of  Boston,  was  chosen 
to  succeed  him  in  the  House.^  Early  in  December  Kilby 
received  his  instructions,  and  immediately  sailed  for  Eng- 
land. He  presented  to  the  King  in  Council  the  petition 
of  the  House,  praying  for  a  modification  of  the  royal  in- 
structions to  Belcher  concerning  the  issue  of  bills  of  credit; 
but  the  King  could  not  be  persuaded  to  make  the  change 
asked  for.^ 

In  October,  1741,  Francis  Wilks,  long  an  agent  of 
the  Province  in  England,  was  dismissed,  and  soon  after 
died,  and  Kilby  was  chosen  in  his  place.     About  this  time 


:i 


w 


1  Capt.  Nathaniel  Cuniiinf^ham  was 
one  of  the  richest  merchants  in  Boston 
in  his  clay.  lie  died  in  London,  Sept. 
7,  174S,  leaving  wife  Susanna,  and  chil- 
dren ;  namely,  Nathaniel,  who  married 
Sarah  Kilby  ;  Kiitli,  who  married  the 
celebrated  James  Otis  ;  and  Sarah,  who 
marr'.ed  Andrew  McKenzie,  of  Boston, 
merchant,  in  1749.  His  estate  v»as 
valued  at  nearly  ^50,000.  To  each 
daughter  he  gave  ^10,000,  and  an- 
nuities for  their  sujjport  wliile  minors  ; 
to  Dr.  Sewall's  church  sixty  ounces  of 
silver,  to  l)e  made  into  a  proper  vessel 
for  the  service  of  the  Holy  Sacrament 
of  the  Lord'.s  Siipiicr,  the  expenses  of 
making  to  he  paid  out  of  his  estate  ; 
to  the  poor  of  the  church,  ^500 ;  the 
rest  of  his  large  estate  to  his  only  son 
Natiianiel.  lie  mentions  Charles  I'ax- 
ton,  Esq.,  as  his  brotiier-in-law.  Mr. 
Cunningham  was  one  of  the  proprietors 
of  the    lands    in    tiie   west    parish   of 


Leicester,  where  he  built  sev<?ral  fine 
houses.  He  gave  the  town,  now  Spen- 
cer, land  for  a  ineeting-house  and 
training-field.  (See  Hist,  of  S  icncf  .■, 
and  Suffolk  Probate  Records.  ^  Su- 
sanna Cunningliam,  relict  of  Nat.  aniel 
Cunningham,  Esq.,  and  only  sister  of 
the  Hon.  Charles  Paxton,  Esq.,  died 
Feb.  13,  1770,  in  the  69th  year  of  her 
age.  She  was  his  second  wife.  |  Capt. 
Timothy  Cunningliam,  a  brother  of  Na- 
thaniel, died  Sept.  12,  17^8,  and  by  his 
will  gave  ^200  to  the  "  South  Church  in 
Boston."  At  the  request  of  Nathaniel 
tl-.is  money  was  expended  for  the  jjur- 
chasc  of  the  bell  long  used  in  the  Oil 
South.  It  was  rec.ist  in  London  about 
1816.  and  now  hangs  in  the  tower  of 
the  New  Old  South.  — H.] 

-  Journal  House  of  Representatives; 
Hutchinson's  Hist,  of  Mass. ;  Mass. 
Archives. 


! 


^ 


Christopher  Kilby. 


110) 


Massachusetts  took  an  appeal  from  a  decision  of  the  com- 
missioners respecting  the  boundary  line  between  it  and 
Rhode  Island.  In  January,  1742,  Robert  Auchmuty — an 
able  lawyer  of  Boston  —  and  Christopher  Kilby  were  chosen 
joint  agents  to  prosecute  the  appeal  before  the  King  in 
Council.  Auchmuty  continued  in  this  service  till  April, 
1743;  and  Kilby  did  not  cease  his  exertions  in  the  matter 
of  the  appeal  till  1746.^ 

The  removal  of  Governor  Belcher  was  one  of  the  ques- 
tions which  agitated  the  people  here  and  in  New  Hamp- 
shire when  Kilby  went  to  England.  He  was  one  of  the 
strong  party  opposed  to  Belcher,  and  he  used  his  influence 
to  displace  him,  and  to  secure  the  office  for  Shirley,  who 
was  appointed  governor  in    1741.^ 

Mr.  Kilby  continued  to  act  as  standing  agent  of  the  Prov- 
ince till  the  middle  of  November,  1748,  performing  many 
important  services,  among  which  may  be  mentioned  the  pro- 
curing from  the  British  government  reimbursement  to  the 
Province  for  expenses  in  the  famous  expedition  for  the 
conquest  of  Louisburg  in  1745,  commanded  by  Lieut.- 
Gcn.  William  Pcpperrell.^  William  BoUan,  a  lawyer  of 
Boston,  son-in-law  of  Governor  Shirley,  was  chosen  joint 
agent  with  Kilby  to  prosecute  this  claim  for  expenses  in 
"  taking  and  securing  the  island  of  Cape  Breton  and  its  de- 
pendencies." In  the  prosecution  of  this  claim  Kilby  la- 
bored with  untiring  industry  and  energy.     His  official  and 


;.  \ 


1 


'  Journal  House  of  Representatives;  London,  in  1749      Sec  Parsons's  Life 

Arnold's    History    of    Rhode     Island;  of  I'eppenell,  ^22  ;  and  Papers  rclatin^r 

Mass   Arcliives.  to   Lieut. -Gen.    Pe|)i)errcll,    Lieut.-(ien 

^  Hutchinson's     History;      Kilby's  St    Clair,   and   Admiral    Knowles,    in 

Lett-irs.  New   Eng.   Hist,  and   Gene.  Register, 

"  Popperrell    resided  with    Kilny  in  xxviii.  451-466. — H. 


■H^W! 


!l! 


I|(M 


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230 


Christopher  Kilhy. 


p/'vate  letters  show  this;  and  nothing  but  ignorance  or 
jep.loLisy  has  kept  this  fact  from  being  more  publicly  known. 
In  a  letter  to  Secretary  Willard,  dated  March  10,  1747,  he 
says  :  "  No  other  affair  I  am  concerned  in  but  what  is  made 
subservient  to  this  important  and  most  necessary  point  of 
reimbursing  the  Province  and  relieving  it  from  distress 
which  is  not  possible  to  be  endured  long,  for  I  have  an  un- 
shaken and  immovable  zeal  for  the  welfare  of  my  country." 
He  writes  to  the  Speaker  of  the  House,  from  Portsmouth, 
England,  where  he  then  was  in  conference  with  Admiral  Sir 
Peter  Warren,  under  date  of  April  6,  1 748,  that  the  House 
of  Commons  passed  a  bill  on  the  4th  inst.,  "  granting  to 
Massachusetts  ^183,649  02  7I,  the  time  and  manner  of 
payment  being  left  entirely  with  the  treasury."^ 

The  Duke  of  Newcastle  promised  the  governorship  of 
New  Jersey  to  Kilby,  on  the  death  of  Morris ;  but  the 
friends  of  Belcher  persuaded  the  Duke  to  change  his  pur- 
pose at  the  last  moment,  and  Belcher  got  the  appointment. 
While  agent  of  Massachusetts  he  was  member  of  the  firm  of 
Sedgwick,  Kilby,  &  Barnard,  of  Lond  )n.  On  the  death  of 
S  ^dgwick,  the  firm  name  was  Kilby,  Barnard,  &  Parker. 
The  business  of  the  firm  was  extensive,  especially  with  the 
American   Colonies.^ 

In  1755,  Boston,  having  some  grievances  of  its  own,  ap- 
pointed Kilby  its  agent  at  the  Court  of  Great  Britain. 
He  accepted  the  appointment,  and  performed  the  duties 
required  of  him  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  his  native 
town.^ 

1  Mass.  Arcliives  ;  Kilby's  Letters,  the  town  of  Boston,  with  other  papers  re- 

"  Kill)y's  Letters.  latino;  to  his  ap;ency,  is  amonj;  the  .MSS. 

"  A  vohime  containinc;  the  oriji;inal  in  tlie  possession  of  the  New  England 

letter  of  instructions  to  Mr.  Kilby  from  Historic  Genealogical  Society.  —  H. 


Christopher  Kilby. 


231 


In  May,  1756,  England  formally  declared  war  with 
France.  John  Campbell,  fourth  Earl  of  Loudoun,  was  ap- 
pointed commander-in-chief  of  the  King's  forces  in  North 
America,  and  governor  of  Virginia.  Kilby  was  appointed 
"agent-victualler  of  the  army"  undei  the  Earl,  and  sailed 
from  Portsmouth,  England,  May  20,  for  New  York,  arriving 
there  about  the  middle  of  July.  The  Nightingale  man- 
of-war,  having  the  Earl  and  his  staff,  and  also  Thomas 
Pownall,  soon  after  appointed  governor  of  Massachusetts, 
on  board,  sailed  from  the  same  port,  and  arrived  at  New 
York  a  few  days  later  than  Kilby.  The  organization  of  the 
army  went  forward,  and  great  preparations  were  made  for 
subduing  the  French  in  Canada  and  elsewhere  on  this  con- 
tinent. Kilby  addressed  himself  to  the  furnishing  of  sup- 
plies for  the  army.^ 

In  January,  1757,  the  Earl  of  Loudoun  and  many  of  his 
ofHcers  came  to  Boston  to  meet  the  commissioners  of  the 
several  Provinces,  to  consult  about  raising  an  army,  and 
other  matters,  for  the  cairpaign  of  that  year.  The  Boston 
Gazette  of  Jan.  24,  1757,  after  speaking  of  the  arrival  of 
the  Earl  in  Boston,  adds:  — 

At  the  same  time,  and  in  company  with  the  Earl  of  Loucio[u]n, 
arrived  Christopher  Kilby,  Esq.,  who  went  from  hence  about  17 
years  past  as  Agent  for  this  Province  at  the  Court  of  Great  Britain  : 
the  warm  affection  he  has  discovered  for  his  countrymen,  and  the 
signal  services  he  has  rendered  this  Province  during  that  space,  has 
greatly  endeared  him  to  us.  The  Selectmen  of  the  Town  waited 
upon  him  as  Standing  Agent  of  the  Town  with  their  congratulations 
and  Thanks  for  the  Favors  he  has  from  Time  to  Time  shown  us.    A 


m 


p 


1  Boston  Gazette,  July  and  August,  1756  ;  Doc.  Hist,  of  New  York. 


* 


Wi 


Iff; 


232 


Christopher  Kilby. 


Committee  of  the  General  Court  has  invited  him  to  Dine  at  Concert 
Hall  this  Day  ;  and  his  townsmen  rejoice  at  the  opportunity  they 
now  have  of  testifying  the  deserved  esteem  they  have  for  him. 
With  Pleasure  we  can  acquaint  the  Publick  that  he  is  in  a  good 
measure  recovered  from  the  illness  which  attended  him  this  Fall 
while  at  Albany. 

Kilby  probably  remained  in  this  country  till  the  peace  of 
1763.  He  was  in  New  York  when  the  terrible  fire  occurred 
in  Boston,  in  March,  1760,  destroying  muny  dwelling-houses 
and  causing  much  distress.  Upon  hearing  of  this  calamity 
Kilby  sent  two  hundred  pounds  sterling  to  the  sufferers,  a 
sum  that  was  regarded  as  enormous  at  the  time.  The  dis- 
trict burnt  over  embraced  both  sides  of  "  Mackerill  Lane," 
so  called.  When  this  part  of  the  town  was  rebuilt,  and  the 
lane  widened  and  extended,  it  was  called  Kilby  Street, 
by  common  consent,  in  compliment  to  Mr.  Kilby  for  his 
generous  donation,  and  for  his  zeal  for  the  interests  of  his 
native  town.^ 

On  his  return  to  England  he  purchased  a  large  estate  in 
the  parish  of  Dorking,  co.  Surrey,  where  he  "  built  a  curious 
edifice  called  the  priory,  and  several  ornamental  seats." 
There  he  lived  many  years  prior  to  his  death,^  which  took 
place  in  October,  1771.  He  left  an  immense  estate,  which 
he  distributed  among  his  seven  grandchildren,  after  provid- 
ing for  his  wife.^ 

Mr.  Kilby  was  twice  married.  His  first  wife  was  Sarah, 
eldest  daughter  of  the  Hon.  William  Clark,  whom  he  mar- 


■  ; 


i-l 


i  » 


'  Boston  Post  Boy,  April  7,  1760.  *  Allen's    History    of     Surrey    and 

"^  "  Late  of  Tranquil  Dale,  so  c  ailed,  Sussex,  vol.  ii.  ;  Whitniore's   Heralilic 

in    the    parishes    of    Betchworlli    and  Jovjrnal. 

Buckland,  in  the  county  of  Surrey." 


ChristopJier  Kilby. 


233 


ried  Aug.  18,  1726.  Mrs.  Kilby  died  April  12,  1739,  about 
six  months  before  her  husband  was  sent  as  agent  to  Eng- 
land, leaving  two  young  daughters,  Sarah  and  Catherine.^ 
A  son  William  died  young.  In  1742  his  father-in-law, 
Clark,  died  intestate.  Kilby  being  in  England,  his  warm 
personal  friend,  Thomas  Hancock,  an  eminent  merchant, 
and  uncle  to  Gov.  John  Hancock,  was  appointed  guardian 
of  Sarah  and  Catherine  Kilby,  and  secured  for  them  their 
share  of  their  grandfather  Clark's  estate.  Five  years  later 
they  were  sent  to  England,  their  father  receiving  them  at 
Portsmouth.  Catherine  appears  to  have  died  soon  after  her 
arrival. 

Mr.  Kilby  was  now  married  again,  but  had  no  other  chil- 
dren. His  second  wife's  name  was  Martha,  and  she  sur- 
vived him.  Her  family  name  is  not  known  here.  On 
Sarah  Kilby,  his  surviving  daughter,  he  bestowed  every  ad- 
vantacfe  that  wealth  could  command.  She  received  the  best 
education  England  could  afford;  and  in  1753  was  betrothed 
to  Nathaniel,  only  son  of  Capt.  Nathaniel  Cunningham,  a 
merchant  of  the  greatest  wealth  of  any  in  Boston.  His 
daughter  Ruth  married  the  celebrated  James  Otis,  patriot 
and  orator.  Sarah  Kilby  returned  to  this  country  just  be- 
fore her  marriage,  which  took  place  June  20,  1754.  Mr. 
Cunningham  settled  in  the  fine  mansion-house  of  his  father, 
—  now  deceased,  —  situated  on  an  eminence  in  Cambridge, 
now  Brighton.  In  Price's  view  of  Boston,  taken  in  1743, 
dedicated  to  Peter  Faneuil,  this  house  is  a  conspicuous  ob- 
ject, and   designated  by  name,  being  the   finest  mansion- 

^  "Last  week  dy'd  sucklenly  Mrs.  to  the  Hon-  William  Clark,  Esq."  — 
Kilby,  Wife  of  Mr.  Christopher  Kilby  Boston  Weekly  News  Letter,  April  17, 
of  this  Town,  Merchant,  and  Daughter    1739. 

30 


I 


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!  ^ 


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234 


Christopher  Kilby. 


house  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston.  Nathaniel  Cunningham 
died  near  the  end  of  the  year  1756,  leaving  two  infant  chil- 
dren, Susanna  and  Sarah.^  His  widow  died  in  Ayrshire, 
Scotland,  July  15,  1779. 

When  the  Earl  of  Loudoun  visited  Boston,  a  few  months 
after  this  event,  there  came  with  him  his  aide-de-camp,  Capt. 
Gilbert  McAdam,  as  well  as  Kilby,  who  introduced  his 
widowed  daughter  to  Captain  McAdam.  He  was  of  an 
ancient  Ayrshire  family,  and  uncle  to  John  Loudoun  Mc- 
Adam, the  inventor  of  macadamized  roads.  In  September, 
1757,  Capt.  McAdam  married  the  widow  Sarah  Cunning- 
ham, and  took  her  and  her- two  children  to  New  York,  the 
principal  headquarters  of  the  army.  At  the  close  of  the 
war,  possibly  before,  Captain  McAdan?  returned  to  Ayr- 
shire with  his  family,^ 

Susanna  and  Sarah  Cunningham  were  the  special  objects 
of  Kilby  s  bounty  and  solicitude.  They  were  sent  to  France, 
and  there  educated  with  care.  Their  domestic  lives,  and 
the  lives  of  some  of  their  descendants,  are  invested  with 
an  air  of  romance.  Susanna  was  thrice  married.  Her  first 
husband  was  James  Dalrymple,^  of  Orangcficid,  Ayrshire, 
the  friend  and  patron  of  Robert  Burns.  By  this  marriage 
she  had  one  son,  Charles  Dalrymple,  an  officer  of  the  Brit- 
ish army.  Through  subsequent  marriages,  first  with  John 
Henry    Mills,*  and    afterwards   with  William   Cunningham, 


1  Susanna  Cunningjham,  bap.  May  i, 
'755  i  Sarah  Cunnin}i;1iam,  bap.  Aug. 
20,  1756. — Trinity  Church  Records, 
Boston. 

2  Kilhy's  Letters;  Family  Papers. 

'  In  one  of  lUirns's  letters  he  writes 
thus  of  Dalryni|)lc  :  "  I  liave  met  in  Mr. 
Dalrymple,  of  Oran^^cfield,  what    Solo- 


mon emphatically  calls  'a  friend  that 
sticketh  closer  than  a  brother,'  " 

■•  John  Henry  Mills  and  Susanna  his 
wife  had  son  John  and  daughter  Mary, 
who  came  to  lioston,  where  Mary  mar- 
ried Col.  Abraham  Moore  (H.  C, 
1R06),  and  had  .Susanna  V.arnum,  and 
Mary  Frances,  who  married  the  Hon. 


J        I 


Christopher  Kilby. 


235 


both  of  Scotland,  she  is  now  represented  in  this  country 
by  her  grahdchildrcn,  Mrs.  Frances  Maria  Spofford,  wife 
of  the  venerable  Dr.  Richard  S.  Spofford,  of  Newbiiryport, 
Mrs.  Susanna  Varnum  Mears,  of  Boston,  and  Capt.  Thomas 
Cunningham,  of  Somerville.  Her  sister,  Sarah  Cunning- 
ham,* married  William  Campbell,  of  Ayrshire,  and  had 
two  daughters,  the  eldest  of  whom,  Elizabeth,  married  the 
seventh  Duke  of  Argyll,  grandfather,  by  a  second  marriage, 
of  the  present  Marquis  of  Lome;"  and  the  other  daughter, 
Martha  Kilby  Campbell,  married  Charles  Mc Vicar. 


:![.' 


The  following  is  a  copy  of  an  original  letter  from  Chris- 
topher Kilby  to  Thomas  Hancock,  before  referred  to.^ 

Spring  Garden,  18  July,  1746. 

Dear  Hancock,  —  I  am  greatly  oblig'd  for  the  dispatch  in  Lum- 
ber and  Bricks  to  Newfoundland,  and  for  your  advice  of  the  vessels 
arrival  there.  The  Louisburg  affair  is  not  in  the  deplorable  case 
you  have  imagined.  Capt.  Bastide*  is  Engineer,  and  the  thing  lays 
with  him  and  his  officers;  and  I  think  you  cannot  fail  of  a  season- 


John  Cochran  Park  CH.  C,  1824). 
Their  daughter,  Mary  Louisa  Pari<, 
m;\rried  Charles  W.  Tuttle,  author  of 
tliis   Memoir. — H. 

^  "On  the  I9tii  current  was  married 
at  Mount  Charles,  William  Campbell, 
Esq.,  Jun.,  of  Fairfield,  to  Miss  Sally 
Cunninjjham,  second  daughter  of  the 
Lite  Nathaniel  Cunningham,  Esq.,  of 
Boston."  (London  Chronicle,  Nov.  3, 
1772,  p.  430.)  She  died  in  London, 
Dec.  31,  1781;  her  husband,  William 
Campbell,  had  died  before. 

2  Burke's  Peerage  and  Landed 
Gentry. 

*  To  the  grandchildren  of  Susanna 


Cunningham,  above  named,  I  am  in- 
debted for  permission  to  examine  letters 
and  family  papers  in  their  possession 
relating  to  the  subject  of  this  memoir. 
I  am  also  indebted  to  Charles  L.  Han- 
cock. Esq.,  for  information  contained 
in  letters  of  Kilby  and  others,  in  his 
possession. 

^  John  Henry  Basiide,  royal  engi- 
neer for  Nova  Scotia.  In  April,  1745, 
Massachusetts  granted  iiim  ^140  for 
his  services  in  the  repairs  of  the 
forts  in  this  Province.  He  was  made 
director  of  engineers  in  1748,  and 
afterward  raised  to  the  rank  of  major- 
general. 


!    i 


{ 


I 


236 


Christophey  Kilby. 


able  part  if  any  advantage  is  to  be  had ;  but  these  officers  arriving 
and  a  great  sum  of  Sterling  money  to  be  spent  amongst  you  I  should 
think  Exchange  must  be  constantly  lowering  till  this  service  is  over, 
and  however  that  may  be  you  '11  certainly  not  want  as  much  of  their 
money  as  I  should  think  you  would  be  willing  to  take.  I  have  men- 
tioned you  to  most  of  the  Staff  Officers  on  this  Expedition. ^  Mr. 
Abercrombic,^  who  is  Muster  Master  General,  having  directions  to 
you  in  his  Pocket-book,  and  if  it  should  be  necessary  will  intro- 
duce you  to  the  General,'^  to  whom  indeed  you  '11  not  need  it,  but 
apply  to  him  as  early  as  possible  with  the  use  of  my  name,  and 
I  hope  he  will  receive  you  as  my  best  Friend.  We  have  been  often 
together  since  his  rt  urn  to  Town,  and  I  believe  he  has  a  good  opin- 
ion of  my  services  in  recovering  the  Expedition  after  it  was  laid 
aside. 

Pray  do  him  all  the  service  you  can,  and  if  you  find  it  not  incon- 
venient offer  him  a  lodging  in  your  house  for  a  night  or  two,  till  he 
can  be  otherwise  accommodated.  His  Power  is  great  and  may  be 
useful  to  you;  he  is  honest,  open,  and  undissembling;  you'll  like 
him  very  well  on  increasing  your  acquaintance. 

Belcher*  has  got  the  Government  of  the  Jerseys  ;  it  was  done  by 
Duke  of  Newcastle  yesterday,  which  neither  Dr.  Avery  ^  nor  I  ex- 
pected two  days  before.  I  have  not  seen  the  Dr.  since  the  appoint- 
ment, nor  shall  till  his  return  to  Town  on  Tuseday  next.     The  vessel 


1  This  exnedition  was  designed  to 
proceed  a'^ainst  Canada.  A  .squadron 
under  Admiral  Warren  was  to  go  to 
QuebeCv  by  way  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
and  a  land  force  to  Montreal  by  way  of 
Albany  under  the  command  of  General 
St.  Cl.iir.  The  Englisli  troops  collected 
at  Portsmouth,  Engl.md,  and  sailed 
several  times,  but  returned.  They 
finally  sailed  for  France,  and  the  Can- 
ada expedition  was  abandoned.  Kilby's 
letter  indicates  that  they  were  to  come 
to  Boston,  —  at  least  the  principal 
officers. 

'■*  Gen.  James  Abercrombie ;  he  was 


next  in  command  to  the  Earl  of  Lou- 
doun in  1756;  he  commanded  the 
English  forces  sent  against  Ticonde- 
roga    in    I7SX. 

•'  Lieut. -Gen.  James  St.  Clair.  [For 
a  further  notice  of  Lieut. -Gen.  St.  Clair, 
see  New  Eng.  Hist,  and  Gene.  Register, 
xxviii.  451-466. —  H.  i 

•*  Jonathan  Belcher,  provincial  gov- 
ernor of  Massachusetts  from  1730  to 
1741. 

^  Dr.  Benjamin  Avery,  a  man  of 
the  greatest  influence  at  Court  aliout 
this  time. 


i.l 


rii: 


CJiristopher  Kilby. 


237 


that  brought  the  News  from  Boston  was  several  clays  below  before 
her  bag  of  Letters  came  up,  and  its  said  the  Advice  was  sent  in  the 
mean  time  to  Belcher's  Friends.  It's  a  shocking  affair,  and  must 
destroy  any  favorable  opinion  entertained  of  the  Duke  of  Newcastle 
by  the  People  of  the  Colonies  ;  and  I  am  of  opinion  it  will  lessen 
Gov'r  Shirley's  Influence  in  his  own  and  in  the  Neighboring  Gov- 
ernments. There  is  a  very  worthy  set  of  people  'n  the  Jerseys  that 
it  will  most  fatally  prejudice.  I  fear  they  have  been  almost  ruined 
by  Law  without  a  possibility  of  getting  so  far  thro'  it  as  to  have  an 
appeal  home,  and  I  am  mistaken  if  some  of  them  have  not  defended 
their  possessions  by  fire  and  sword  ;  they  will  be  in  fine  hands  under 
Belcher,  who  is  to  be  the  Tool  of  the  Quakers,  as  they  arc  one 
would  imagine  of  Satan.  Some  time  past  this  seemed  to  be  allotted 
for  me^  by  the  desire  of  the  Gentlemen  who  came  from  thence  who 
had  engaged  Dr.  Avery's  Interest  to  perfect  it,  and  it  was  mentioned 
to,  and  approved  of  [by],  the  Duke  of  Newcastle.  The  vacancy  has 
at  last  happened  when  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  accept  it,  and 
after  consulting  the  Doctor  we  had  laid  a  Plan  for  keeping  the  a[> 
pointment  off  till  we  could  hear  from  our  Friends,  which  neither  he 
nor  I  have  done  by  the  ships  that  bring  the  News  of  Morris's^  death, 
nor  had  many  months  before.  But  the  Duke  ^  differing  in  this  In- 
stance from  every  other  circumstance  of  this  sort  during  his  Admin- 
istration, has  fix't  the  thing  in  the  greatest  hurry  (on  some  other 
motive  certainly  than  the  Interest  of  the  Quakers).  As  the  thing 
concerns  myself  I  am  in  no  pain,  not  having  been  defeated  ;  but  as 
it  may  be  hurtful  to  the  honest  people  who  are  to  fall  under  his  Gov- 
ernment and  will  stagger  and  discountenance  the  very  best   people 


^  Provincial   sjovernor  of  New  jer-    of  New  Jersey 
sey.     Kilhy's  asiiirations  were  not  be-     1746- 
hind    tliose    of    otlier     Massachusetts 
a;;ents,  wlio    always   aspired   for   royal 
appointments  as  soon  as  they  got  fairly 
Anj^licized. 

^  Lewis  Morris,  ancestor  of  a  very 
distinguished  family,  was   chief-justice    croft's    History, 
of  Njw  York,  anil  afterwards  governor 


He    died    May   21, 


■*  Duke  of  Newcastle,  minister  of 
British  America  from  1724  to  174.S. 
"  Newcastle  was  of  so  fickle  a  head  and 
so  treacherous  a  heart  that  VValpole 
called     his    name    'Perfidy.'"  —  lian- 


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238 


Christopher  Kilby. 


in  our  own  and  the  neighboring  Colonies,  it  gives  me  much  concern. 
This  Letter  must  be  broke  off  here  to  go  to  Portsmouth,  where  the 
Ships  tarry,  and  [if]  anything  occurs  I  shall  back  it  by  another, 
being,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  sincere  Friend  and  obliged  humble  Servant, 

T,   ,,    _  „  Chris.  Kilby. 

To  Mr.  Thomas  Hancock, 

Merchant  in  Boston. 


i-  h 


HUGH     PERCY. 


i  1* 


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if 


■PS^SBSSSSO 


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-m-' 

HUGH    PERCY, 


DUKE    OF    NORTPIUMBERLAND,     LIEUTENANT- 
GENERAL   IN  THE  BRITISH   ARMY.^ 


it 


QNE  hundred  and  twenty  years  ago  the  din  of  war  and 

-lash  of  arms  still  resounded  along  the  frontiers  of 
New  England  and  New  France.  The  fleets  and  armies  of 
England  were  in  deadly  conflict  with  the  fleets  and  armies 
of  France,  contending  for  empire  in  America.  In  1760  this 
great  and  memcTable  strife  had  been  going  on  with  varying 
success,  marked  from  time  to  time  by  dreadful  barbarities 
of  savage  allies,  five  long  and  weary  years.  Throughout  all 
the  land, — 

"  Each  new  morn, 
New  widows  howl ;  new  orphans  cry ;  new 
Sorrows  strike  heaven  in  the  face." 

At  length  England  put  forth  anew  her  military  and  naval 
strength,  and  supported  by  her  American  Colonies  moved 

'  By  the  invitation  of  a  number  of    riav    Anrii  ,n   iqq^       .1  1       ,     , 

promi„,„,  d.iz™,  of  „„„„„   M,  %:i    ^  4'h '  nS,  SS^O  ''  ,  ™BrS"' 

31 


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mm. 


242 


Hugh  Percy. 


\\ 


'Nil  [if 


'!   I 


against  the  fleets  and  armies  of  France,  which  soon  melted 
away.  Wolfe  and  Amherst  and  Boscawen  won  immortal 
renown.  The  frontiers  of  the  British  Empire  rolled  west- 
ward to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  northward  to  the  frozen 
seas.  The  name  of  New  France  disappeared  forever  from 
among  the  Provinces  of  North  America.  The  conquest 
was  complete,  and  England  rose  to  the  highest  pitch  of 
renown  and  greatness.  The  end  ot  this  great  and  memo- 
rable conflict,  known  in  our  annals  as  the  last  French  and 
Indian  War,  but  in  Europe  as  the  Seven  Years'  War,  was 
sealed  with  the  Peace  of  Paris,  in  the  year  1763. 

At  this  great  epoch  in  our  history  the  English  Colonies 
were  as  much  attached  to  the  English  monarchy  and  gov- 
ernment as  were  any  of  the  shires  and  counties  between  the 
Humber  and  Land's  End.  The  people  of  the  Colonies, 
grateful  for  the  sacrifices  made  by  England  in  crushing  for- 
ever their  ancient  hereditary  foe  in  America,  felt  a  new  at- 
tachment to  the  mother  country.  But  in  this  victory,  so 
glorious  and  so  memorable,  there  lay  concealed  from  mortal 
vision  the  germ  of  an  internal  political  strife  that  ten  years 
later  led  to  a  fratricidal  war,  dismembering  the  English  Em- 
pire, and  turned  the  fruits  of  victory  to  bitterness  and  to 
ashes. 

The  expense  of  this  great^  conquest  in  America  had 
drained  the  English  Exchequer;  and  the  British  ministry, 
in  an  evil  hour,  resolved  to  replenish  it  by  taxation  extend- 
ing throughout  the  empire.  They  said  that  inasmuch  as 
the  war  in  America  had  bern  carried  on  at  vast  outlay  of 
money  for  the  protection  of  the  American  Colonies,  and 
had  resulted  in   crushing  forever  the  ancient  disturber  of 


Hugh  Percy. 


243 


their  peace,  it  was  but  reasonable  that  the  Colonies  should 
contribute  towards  paying  the  expense  of  the  war.  To 
this  end  a  rigid  enforcement  of  the  old  Acts  of  Trade 
and  Navigation,  limiting  the  trade  of  the  Colonies  to  Eng- 
land, was  immediately  undertaken.  A  royal  naval  force 
was  despatched  to  cruise  between  Newfoundland  and  Flor- 
ida, to  sei/e  unlawful  traders,  and  to  assist  the  ofKicers  of 
His  Majesty's  customs  in  the  execution  of  their  duties. 
Parliament  soon  passed  the  famous  Stamp  Act,  establish- 
ing a  system  of  internal  revenue  in  the  Colonies,  by  which 
it  was  expected  that  ;^  100,000  would  annually  thereafter 
flow  into  the  English  Exchequer. 

Oppressive  and  galling  to  the  colonial  trade  as  the  en- 
forcement of  the  ancient  Navigation  Act  was,  there  seemed 
no  way  of  successfully  resisting  it ;  but  as  to  the  Stamp  Act, 
a  new  method  of  taxation,  nearly  all  the  Colonies  protested 
against  it.  They  contended  that  taxation  and  representa- 
tion went  together ;  and  that  inasmuch  as  they  had  no  rep- 
resentation in  the  British  Parliament  when  the  Stamp  Act 
was  passed,  they  were  not  bound  to  abide  by  it ;  and  they 
resisted  it,  and  it  was  reluctantly  repealed  in  1766.  But  the 
English  ministry  stoutly  contended  that  they  had  a  constitu- 
tional right  to  tax  the  Colonies,  and  immediately  resorted  to 
other  methods  of  taxation  through  the  royal  custom-houses 
in  the  Colonies.  Resistance  to  this  new  method  of  taxation 
was  likewise  made,  and  in  Boston  cargoes  of  tea  sent  from 
London  were  daringly  cast  into  the  harbor  in  December, 
1773.  This  last  act  of  violence  and  defiance  of  English 
laws  made  for  the  Colonies  roused  the  English  government 
to  adopt  measures  of   coercion.      Parliament   immediately 


'.-. » 


m 


\\ 


w 


244 


Hugh  Percy. 


■(     I 


\  \ 


passed  acts  shutting  up  the  harbor  of  Boston,  curtailing 
the  charter  rights  of  the  Province,  and  ordering  rebellious 
subjects  to  be  sent  into  England,  or  other  Provinces,  for 
trial.  These  acts  were  ordered  to  be  carried  into  immediate 
execution,  and  a  portion  of  the  royal  army  and  navy  was 
despatched  to  Boston  in  the  spring  of  1774. 

Among  the  veteran  regiments  that  responded  to  this  call 
was  the  Pifth  Regiment  of  Foot,  now  and  long  since  known 
as  the  Northumberland  Fusileers,  but  then  stationed  in  Ire- 
land and  commanded  by  Col.  Earl  Percy,  eldest  son  and 
heir  of  the  Duke  of  Northumberland.  This  regiment  was 
one  of  the  oldest  of  the  royal  army.  Its  military  annals 
extended  back  to  the  reign  of  Charles  II.,  a  period  of  one 
hundred  years.  Its  origin  was  coeval  with  the  formation 
of  the  English  standing  army,  and  its  history  crowded  with 
thrilling  events  in  the  affairs  of  Europe.  It  was  formed 
out  of  the  English  forces  engaged  in  that  memorable  strug- 
gle between  the  United  Provinces  and  the  allies  France 
and  Endand.  When  England  retired  from  that  war  of 
conquest  —  for  it  was  the  design  of  the  allies  at  the  outset 
to  crush  forever  the  nationality  and  independence  of  the 
United  Provinces  —  in  the  spring  of  1674,  this  regiment 
was  one  of  several  that  were  organized  out  of  the  Eng- 
lish force  then  to  be  disbanded.  At  that  time,  on  account 
of  the  preponderance  of  Irish  officers  and  soldiers  in  the 
regiment,  it  was  known  as  the  Irish  Regiment,  its  colonel 
then  being  O'Brien,  Viscount  of  Clare.  Although  it  soon 
lost  its  Irish  character,  yet  it  is  probable  that  in  memory  of 
its  origin  the  green  was  continued  in  its  regimental  colors, 
and  likewise  in  its  uniform. 


Hugh  Percy. 


245 


This  war  still  continued  with  France,  and  the  States-Gen- 
eral made  arrangements  with  Charles  II.  to  take  this  and 
other  English  regiments  into  .'  ^ir  service  as  an  auxiliary 
force.  So,  wheeling  about,  this  English  force  turned  its 
arms  against  the  French,  its  old  ally,  and  fought  them  till 
the  Peace  of  Nimeguen  in  1678.  Under  the  banners  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange  this  regiment  fougl:t  with  desperate  valor, 
-ometimes  in  divisions  commanded  by  the  Earl  of  Ossory, 
and  sometimes  by  the  renowned  Duke  of  Monmouth. 
When  this  war  ended,  the  States-General  continued  to  keep 
this  regiment  and  some  others  in  its  service  and  pay. 

In  November,  1688,  this  regiment  was  called  on  to  form 
part  of  that  niilitary  force  designed  to  accompany  the  Prince 
of  Orange  into  England.  It  had  revolted  from  the  service 
of  King  James  II.  No  one  who  has  read  Baron  Macaulay's 
history  of  that  bloodless  campaign  into  England,  need  be 
told  again  of  the  conspicuous  place  of  this  regiment  in  that 
picturesque  and  gorgeous  military  cavalcade  which  escorted 
the  Prince  from  Torbay  to  London,  to  ascend  the  throne  of 
England  under  the  title  of  William  III.  In  that  masterly 
narrative  the  Fifth  Regiment  is  designated  "  Tolmash,"  the 
name  of  its  then  colonel.  Afterwards  it  fought  in  the  bat- 
tie  of  the  Boyne  under  the  eye  of  King  William,  and  was 
later  at  the  siege  of  Athlone  and  Limerick.  I  need  not 
recount  the  battles,  sieges,  and  fortunes  of  this  Fifth  Regi- 
ment of  Foot  during  the  three  quarters  of  a  century  which 
followed,  ending  with  its  embarkation  for  Boston  in  the  fore 
part  of  May,  1774. 


1 1 


Earl  Percy,  colonel  of  this  regiment  at  this  last  epoch,  was 
descended  not  only  from  the  noblest  and  most  ancient  houses 


li 


\ 


1 

I 

If; 

[ 

! 

%-i^ 


246 


Hugh  Percy. 


of  England  and  France,  but  also  from  royal  houses  of  both 
kingdoms.  In  France  his  lineage  is  traced  back  to  Charle- 
magne, a  period  of  a  thousand  years.  He  had  in  his  veins 
as  much,  and  perhaps  more,  of  the  blood  of  the  Norman,  the 
Plantagenet,  and  the  Tudor  sovereigns  of  England  as  had 
King  George  III.  The  histories  of  England  and  France 
recount  the  deeds  of  his  illustrious  ancestors  from  the  down- 
fall of  the  Western  Empire.  Among  his  lines  of  descent  in 
England  is  the  ancient  warrior-house  of  Percy,  the  founder 
of  which,  William  de  Percy,  a  Norman  baron,  came  into 
England  with  William  the  Conqueror,  founded  the  Abbey 
of  St.  Hilda,  and  died  in  the  Holy  Land  during  the  first 
Crusade.  His  descent  in  this  illustrious  family  is  through 
all  the  famous  historical  Earls  of  Northumberland,  who  flour- 
ished between  the  reigns  of  Edward  III.  and  James  II. 

At  last,  on  the  death  of  the  eleventh  Earl  of  Northumber- 
land the  honors  and  the  wealth  of  this  great  house  descended 
to  an  heiress,  the  Lady  Elizabeth  Percy.  She  married 
Charles  Seymour,  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  descended  from 
the  Protector  Somerset.  Before  this  marriage,  this  proud 
noble  of  a  historical  house  was  obliged  to  bend  and  give 
his  consent  that  he  would  surrender  his  great  inherited 
name  and  take  that  of  Percy.  This,  however,  was  waived 
by  his  wife  after  marriage.  Their  granddaughter,  the  Lady 
Elizabeth  Seymour,  daughter  of  Algernon  Seymour,  also 
Duke  of  Somerset  and  Earl  of  Northumberland,  became 
the  heiress  of  both  these  illustrious  houses,  Percy  and  Sey- 
mour. There  was  nothing  that  could  add  to  her  worldly 
honors  and  estate.  Titles  to  six  ancient  baronies  had  de- 
scended to  her,  and  all  the  castles  and  estates  of  the  ancient 
Earls  of  Northumberland.     "The  blood  of  all  the  Percys 


Hugh  Percy. 


247 


and  Seymours  swelled  in  her  veins  and  in  her  fancy,"  savs 
Horace  VValpole.  ^ 

In  1740  this  great  lady  was  married  at  Percy  Lod^re  to 
Sir  Hugh  Smithson.  a  Yorkshire  baronet  of  ancient  family 
and  great  possessions.  The  fortunes  and  vicissitudes  in 
the  life  of  Sir  Hugh  Smithson  have  but  few  parallels  in 
history.  This  marriage  conferred  on  him  grea  distinction 
in  the  estimation  of  his  contemporaries;  but  it  was  only  a 
step  to  greater  things. 

^    On  the  decease  of  Algernon  Seymour,  his  wife's  father 
in  1750,  the  titles  of  Earl   of  Northumberland   and   Baron 
Warkworth    descended    to    Sir  Hugh    Smithson,  pursuant 
to   a   limitation  in  the  grant  of  these  titles   to  Seymour 
making  him  a  peer  of  England.     At  the  same  time  Parllal 
ment  enacted    that   his  family  name,  Smithson,  should  be 
changed  to  Percy,  — the  name  contemplated  in  the  marriaae 
settlement  of  the  Barones.   Percy  and  the  p.oud  Duke  of 
Somerset  seventy-five  ycai.    before, -and    that   ho  should 
take  and  bear  the  arms  of  the  ancient  Earls  of  Northum- 
berland,  from  whom  his  wife  was  descended.     This  now  Sir 
Hugh  Percy,  Earl  of  Northumberland,  was  soon  made  lord 
of  the  bedchamber  of  George  H.,  vice-admiral  of  Northum- 
berland, knight  of  the  garter,  lord-lieutenant  of  Middlesex 
and  Westminster,  and  viceroy  of  Ireland.     At  this  epoch  he 
appears,  or  rather  should  appear,  in  our  American  history  • 
tor  in  1764  he  was  appointed  by  the  King  vice-admiral  over 
ail  America. 

When  this  appointment  was  announced  here,  Bennincr 
Wentworth,  royal  governor  of  New  Hampshire,  in  bono" 
ot  the  Earl,  soon  bestowed  the  name  Northumberland  on  a 


m 


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I  i  ■ 
A ! 


I 


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I    i 


248 


Hugh  Percy. 


i     I 


new  township  in  that  Province.  Two  years  later  (1766)  he 
was  created  Earl  Percy  and  Duke  of  Northumberland. 
In  1784,  as  if  no  number  of  titles  of  honor  could  suffice, 
he  was  created  Lord  Lovaine  and  Baron  Alnwick  of 
Alnwick.  Two  years  later  he  died;  and  his  hereditary 
titles  and  estates  descended  to  his  eldest  son,  Hugh  Percy, 
of  whom  I  am  discoursing.  I  may  add  that  this  great  per- 
son was  born,  not  only  to  leave  his  own  name,  but  the  names 
of  two  sons,  immortalized  in  the  pages  of  American  his- 
tory,—  one  in  the  annals  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  and 
the  other  (James  Smithson,  founder  of  the  Smithsonian 
Institution  at  Washington)  in  the  brightest  pages  of  the 
catalogue   of  public  benefactors. 

The  number  of  castles,  baronies,  and  manors  of  this 
newly-married  pair,  in  1740,  admitted  of  their  having  a 
home  in  many  parts  of  England.  But  in  1742  they  were 
living  in  the  parish  of  St.  George,  Hanover  Square,  London, 
where,  on  the  25th  day  of  August  (new  s*-yle),  their  eldest 
son,  Hugh  (then  Smithson),  was  born.  Before  he  was  eight 
years  old  he  found  his  surname  transmuted  into  Percy, 
and  his  title.  Lord  Warkworth,  —  the  second  title  of  his 
father,  then  Earl  of  Northumberland.  Ey  this  title  —  a 
title  of  courtesy  —  he  was  known  to  the  public  until  1766, 
when  his  father  was  raised  to  a  dukedom,  and  Lord 
Warkworth  became  Earl  Percy,  by  which  title  he  is  known 
in  our  annals.  Young  Lord  Warkworth  was  educated  at 
Eton,  and  was  there  with  Earl  Cornwallis,  who  was  a  Brit- 
ish general  in  our  Revolutionary  War.  A  passion  for  war 
seems  early  to  have  possessed  him ;  and  no  wonder,  when 
he  had  read  the  deeds  of  his  illustrious  ancestors  in  the  his- 


'  l.:t 


Hugh  Percy. 


249 


toric  pages  of  England,  especially  of  the  ancient  Earls  of 
Northumberland.  Before  he  was  eighteen  years  of  age 
he  had  served  one  whole  campaign  in  Germany,  as  a  volun- 
teer officer  under  Prince  Ferdinand,  in  the  Seven  Years' 
War;  and  before  he  was  twenty  lie  was  appointed  lieutenant- 
colonel  of  the  First  Foot  Guards. 

In  July,  1764,  at  the  age  of  twenty-two  years,  Lord 
Warkworth  married  the  Lady  Anne  Stuart,  daughter  of  the 
Earl  of  Bute,  late  prime  minister  of  England,  and  grand- 
daughter of  the  renowned  Lady  Mary  VVortley  Montagu. 
In  the  month  of  December  following  he  was  appointed 
aide-de-camp  to  King  George  III.  Iw  the  early  part  of 
1768,  Earl  Percy,  formerly  Lord  Warkworth,  was  elected  a 
member  of  Parliament  for  Westminster;  and  again  in  1774, 
while  he  was  in  Boston. 

In  November,  1768,  he  realized  what  all  ambitious 
English  soldiers  much  desire,  —  the  colonelcy  of  the  Fifth 
Regiment  of  Foot  in  the  royal  army.  This  was  obtained 
through  Lord  Gra^iby,  the  commander-in-chief.  This  ap- 
pointment was  not  well  received,  especially  among  those 
who  thought  thc'r  military  services  entitled  them  to  that 
place.  Three  months  hardly  passed  before  Earl  Percy  was 
astonished,  and  perhaps  mortified,  to  see  his  name  made 
conspicuous  before  the  whole  kingdom  in  a  publication  that 
ranks  among  English  classics.  A  masked  political  writer, 
from  his  den  of  concealment,  turned  his  baleful  eye  and 
scorching  pen  upon  this  act  of  Lord  Granby.  "  Did  he 
not,"  shouted  Junius,  "betray  the  just  interests  of  the  army 
in  permitting  Lord  Percy  to  have  a  regiment }  "  Sir  William 
Draper,  a  general  in  the  army,  came  forward  to  defend  his 

32 


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250 


Hugh  Percy. 


chief,  and  to  answer  Junius.  "  In  placing  Earl  Percy  at  the 
head  of  a  regiment,"  said  Sir  William,  "  I  do  not  think  either 
the  rights  or  best  interests  of  the  army  are  sacrificed  and 
betrayed,  or  the  nation  undone.  ...  I  feel  myself  happy 
in  seeing  young  noblemen  of  illustrious  name  and  great 
property  come  amongst  us.  They  are  an  additional  security 
to  the  kingdom  from  foreign  or  domestic  slavery.  Junius 
needs  not  be  told,  that,  should  the  time  ever  come  when  this 
nation  is  to  be  defended  only  by  those  who  have  nothing 
more  to  lose  than  their  arms  and  their  pay,  its  danger  will 
be  great  indeed." 

From  the  time  of  his  marriage  in  1764,  to  his  appoint- 
ment as  colonel  in  the  army,  he  had  lived  with  his  wife 
at  Stenwick.  But  now  some  domestic  infelicity  imbittered 
his  home,  and  he  and  Lady  Percy  entered  into  articles  of 
separation,  and  thereafter  lived  apart,  having  no  communi- 
cation whatever  with  each  other.  Lord  Percy  joined  his 
regiment  in  Ireland,  and  was  in  England  only  twice  during 
the  four  years  which  preceded  his  embarkation  for  America. 

A  few  illustrative  aiiccdotes  are  related  of  him  at  this 
period,  which  place  his  character  in  an  amiable  light. 
Hearing  that  there  was  in  his  regiment  a  private  soldier  of 
good  reputation,  the  son  of  a  half-pay  officer,  Lord  Percy, 
at  his  own  charge,  procured  for  him  the  commission  of 
ensign,  and  presented  it  to  the  poor  soldier.  As  his  regi- 
ment was  on  the  point  of  embarking  for  Boston,  he  stepped 
forward  and  discharged  all  the  debts  of  those  offi.  ers  who 
had  not  the  means  at  hand.  Hearing  that  the  wife  of  a 
poor  soldier  was  sick  with  the  small-pox  and  must  be  left 
behind,  he  generously  gave  eight  guineas  for  her  comfort 


1 

1 

'  1    , 

Hugh  Percy.  25 1 

and  support,  and  ordered  her  to  be  sent  to  her  husband  in 
Boston,  on  her  recovery,  at  his  charge.     Another  anecdote 
is  related  of  him,  supposed  to  illustrate  his  habit  of  econ- 
omy.    Horace  VValpole  spoke  of  him  as  "  a  penurious,  un- 
dignified  young  man   in  America."     But  Horace  Walpole 
did  not  love  the  Percys,  and  his  sayings  of  them  are  to  be 
taken  with  much  allowance  for  his  antipathy.     While  in 
Ireland,  Lord  Percy  ga/e   a   dinner  to  the  officers  of  the 
garrison  at  Limerick,  stipulating  with  the  landlord  that  it 
should  not  cost  abov-e  eighteen  pence  per  head  for  fifty  per- 
sons.     The  officers,  hearing  of  this  arrangement,  privately 
made  a  contract  with  the  landlord  to  provide  an  entertain- 
ment that  should  cost  a  guinea  a  head,  and  if  Lord  Percy 
failed  to  pay  the  difference,  they  would.     When  this  ban- 
quet  was  served,  there  was  but  one  astonished  person  at 
the  board,  and  that  was  his  lordship,  who  beheld  a  feast  for 
the  gods,  which  he  had  ordered  at  eighteen  pence  per  head. 
On  all  sides  he  heard  compliments  of  his  generosity,  the 
excellence  of  the  viands  and  wines.     His  health  was  drunk 
with  an  enthusiasm  that  fairly  bewildered  him.     When  he 
rose  to  return  thanks  it  dawned   upon  him  what  had  oc- 
curred  to  derange   his   expectations,  and   he  enjoyed  the 
joke. 

It  was  said  at  the  time  that  Lord  Percy  came  to  America 
at  the  special  request  of  the  King.  This  may  be  true;  but 
he  was  a  soldier  and  a  firm  believer  in  using  force  to  reduce 
the  rebellious  Colonies  to  obedience.  The  King  undoubt- 
edly wished  to  avail  himself  of  the  moral  effect  of  some 
of  those  qualities  mentioned  by  Sir  William  Draper  on  his 
soldiers  as  well  as  on  the  people  of  the  Colonies.     Rank 


\ 


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252 


Hugh  Percy. 


and  power,  to  awe  the  people  of  Massachusetts  to  obedi- 
ence !  King  George  did  not  know  his  subjects  on  this  side 
of  the  Atlantic ! 

On  the  7th  of  May,  1774,  Lord  Percy  embarked  with 
his  regiment  at  Kinsale,  in  government  transports,  for 
Boston  in  New  England.  Part  of  the  regiment  reached 
Boston  on  the  ist  of  July;  the  remainder,  in  the  same  trans- 
port with  Lord  Percy,  on  the  4th  of  July,  —  a  day  then  in 
no  wise  memorable  in  our  political  calendar,  but  destined 
only  two  years  later  to  take  a  rank  never  to  be  surpassed  in 
our  annals  !  From  the  day  he  left  Ireland  for  America  to 
the  day  of  his  return  to  England,  —  a  period  of  three  years, 
—  the  eyes  of  the  British  people  never  turned  from  him, 
whether  he  was  in  battle  or  in  camp ;  nor  was  he  less  ob- 
served by  the  people  of  the  Colonies.  The  Colonial  press 
everywhere  heralded  his  coming.  It  was  announced  that 
"  a  descendant  of  the  never-to-be-forgotten  hero  who  fought 
the  battle  of  Chevy  Chase  "  (as  he  truly  was,  for  he  carried 
the  blood  of  Hotspur  in  his  veins)  was  soon  expected  in 
America  with  his  regiment. 

Tuesday,  the  5th  day  of  July,  the  weather,  as  is  recorded, 
was  "fair  and  pleasant"  in  Boston.  That  day  Lord  Percy's 
regiment  landed  at  Long  Wharf,  marched  through  the 
streets  directly  to  the  Common,  and  there  encamped.  This 
martial  pageant  attracted  the  gaze  of  thousands  of  citizens, 
and  the  spectacle  was  long  remembered.  While  in  Ireland 
the  regiment  had  earned  for  itself  the  significant  name,  "the 
Shiners,"  from  its  extreme  cleanliness  and  attention  to  dress. 
The  coats  of  the  rank  and  file  were  faced  with  gosling 
green,  and  medals  of  merit  shone  on  the  breasts  of  many 


Li  k 


I 


Hugh  Percy. 


253 


a  veteran  soldier.  The  officers  were  richly  dressed  in  scarlet 
and  gold.  A  green  silken  flag  having  thereon  the  figures 
of  Saint  George  and  the  Dragon,  with  the  ancient  and  ex- 
pressive motto,  Quo  Fata  Vacant,  waved  gently  above  the 
heads  of  these  heroes  of  many  battlefields.  The  grena- 
dier company  was  led  by  a  young  officer  who  afterwards 
rose  to  be  a  lieutenant-general  in  the  British  army  and  a 
peer  of  the  realm.  This  lieutenant,  Lord  Francis  Rawdon, 
of  ancient  and  noble  lineage,  a  few  years  later  commanded 
the  royal  troops  in  South  Carolina,  bi  came  governor-general 
of  India,  and  the  Marquis  of  Hastings. 

There  were  already  encamped  on  the  fresh  grass  of  Bos- 
ton Common  two  veteran  regiments  of  the  British  line, 
when  Percy's  went  into  camp.  One  of  them  was  the  Fourth, 
or  King's  Own,  and  it  must  have  suggested  no  pleasant 
memories  to  Massachusetts  men  who  knew  its  history.  A 
century  before  it  had  been  commanded  during  many  years 
by  the  infamous  Col.  Percy  Kirke,  the  same  person  who 
had  been  selected  by  Charles  II.  in  the  last  months  of  his 
reign  to  be  governor  of  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire, 
and  Plymouth,  after  the  overthrow  of  the  Charter  in  the 
year  1684.  His  name  had  been  for  generations  a  synonym 
in  New  England  for  all  that  was  cruel  and  barbarous. 

Earl  Percy  soon  found  one  of  the  best  houses  in  Boston 
for  his  residence.  This  fine  mansion  stood  at  the  corner  of 
Winter  and  Tremont  streets,  almost  within  the  sound  of  my 
voice  ;  and  although  standing  back  from  both  streets,  leaving 
a  fine  lawn  around  it,  its  windows  overlooked  the  Common. 
It  was  then  owned  by  John  Williams,  a  commissioner  of 
His  Majesty's  customs  in  Boston.     It  had  been  the  residence 


li 


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254 


Hugh  Percy. 


r3  M  ? 


of  some  very  noted  persons,  Colonel  Vetch,  Winthrop,  Ox- 
nard,  and  others  well  known  in  the  history  of  Boston. 

There  are  many  persons  now  living  who  remember  that 
venerable  structure.  Here  Earl  Percy  lived  in  a  style  be- 
fitting his  rank  as  an  officer  and  a  nobleman,  besides  spend- 
ing a  large  sum  in  acts  of  charity  and  generosity,  until  he 
quitted.  Boston  with  the  army  in  March,  1776,  a  period  of 
nearly  two  years. 

Soon  after  Earl  Percy's  arrival  in  Boston,  Sir  John  Went- 
worth,  the  royal  governor  of  New  Hampshire,  complimented 
him  by  giving  the  name  Percy  to  a  new  township  in  the  north- 
ern part  of  that  Province,  adjoining  Northumberland.  For 
more  than  half  a  century  the  town  flourished  under  this 
historic  and  romantic  name.  General  Stark,  hero  of  Ben- 
nington and  patriot  of  wide  renown,  had  lain  several  years 
in  his  grave  without  his  name  being  attached  to  any  moun- 
tain peak  or  any  township.  But  in  1832  the  patriotic  citi- 
zens of  New  Hampshire  could  no  longer  endure  this  neglect 
of  the  memory  of  their  favorite  warrior,  and  applied  to  the 
Legislature  of  the  State  to  substitute  the  name  Stark  for 
that  of  Percy,  and  it  was  accordingly  done.  The  name  Percy, 
however,  still  clings  to  that  region.  The  Percy  Peaks,  two 
conical  mountains  rising  above  all  the  adjacent  region,  bear 
his  name  and  proclaim  themselves  far  and  wide. 

Boston  must  have  been  a  dreary  abode  for  his  lordship, 
in  spite  of  all  his  ample  means  to  make  himself  comfortable. 
There  was  no  place  in  the  whole  British  Empire,  whither 
he  could  have  gone,  more  gloomy  and  more  rebellious  than 
Boston.  The  port  had  been  shut  more  than  a  month  when 
he  arrived,  and  all  commercial  transactions  in  this  metropo- 


\  : 


I  I 


Hugh  Percy. 


255 


lis  of  New  England  were  at  an  end.  Days  of  fasting  and 
prayer  on  account  of  "  the  present  alarming  situation  of  our 
affairs "  were  proclaimed  in  the  newspapers.  Droves  of 
cattle  and  flocks  of  sheep,  the  gifts  of  sympathizing  persons 
in  the  Colony  to  the  needy  inhabitants  of  Boston,  poured 
through  the  streets.  Breathings  of  defiance  and  hatred  of 
the  English  government  could  be  heard  on  all  sides  and 
snuffed  in  every  breeze.  The  inhabitants  gazed  sullenly  on 
the  martial  spectacle  augmenting  on  the  Common.  Every 
d''  '  the  breach  between  England  and  her  Colonies  widened. 
Edmund  Burke  justly  observed  that  as  the  number  of  acts  of 
Parliament  increased,  the  number  of  His  Majesty's  subjects 
in  the  Colonies  decreased.  Had  his  lordship  been  in  Boston 
six  years  before,  he  might  have  witnessed  a  spectacle  that 
showed  how  these  people  detested  the  ministers  of  the 
King  whose  acts  had  led  to  this  state  of  affairs.  He 
might  have  seen  drawn  through  these  very  streets  where 
his  regiment  had  so  proudly  marched  the  effigies  of  his 
own  father-in-law,  the  Earl  of  Bute,  and  of  George  Gren- 
ville,  both  in  full  court  dress,  saluted  with  every  insult  and 
indignity  that  an  angry  people  could  suggest,  landed  at 
the  gallows  on  the  Neck,  and  there  burned  amid  the  jeers 
and  shouts  of  the  multitude. 

When  Lord  Percy  landed  at  Boston,  General  Gage,  gov- 
ernor of  Massachusetts,  and  commander-in-chief  of  the 
British  army  in  America,  was  staying  at  his  summer  resi- 
dence near  Salem.  He  immediately  put  Lord  Percy  in 
command  of  the  royal  troops  in  Boston.  This  gave  him 
sufficient  employment ;  for  there  were  constant  collisions 
between  the    troops   and  the  inhabitants,  and  many  com- 


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256 


Hugh  Percy. 


plaints  reached  the  attentive  ear  of  Percy.^  At  the  end 
of  the  first  week  in  August,  about  a  month  after  his  arrival, 
the  royal  troops  had  poured  so  fast  into  Boston  that  there 
were  six  regiments,  besides  several  companies  of  artillery. 
General  Gage  formed  these  regiments  into  two  brigades, 
and  appointed  Colonel  Lord  Percy  a  brigadier  of  the  first, 
and  Colonel  Pigot  brigadier  of  the  second. 

The  storm  of  war  was  approaching.  Both  parties  were 
collecting  ammunition,  especially  the  Provincials.  General 
Gage  thought  it  good  policy  to  get  into  his  hands  the  am- 
munition of  the  insurgents.  On  the  ist  of  September  he 
sent  a  military  force  to  the  powder-house  in  Charlestown, 
and  took  away  all  the  powder  which  had  been  collected 
there.  Another  force  went  to  Cambridge  and  took  away 
two  pieces  of  cannon.  These  acts  produced  an  immense 
uproar,  and  thousands  of  persons  in  the  country  seized  their 
arms  and  hastened  towards  Boston.  The  people  refused 
to  be  comforted.  Gage  at  once  fortified  the  Neck  "to 
protect  His  Majesty's  troops  and  His  Majesty's  subjects." 
This  sudden  and  threatening  movement  was  magnified  in 
London  into  an  attack  on  Boston,  and  it  was  reported  that 
Lord  Percy  was  slain.  Bets  were  freely  made  and  taken 
on  the  event.  Lord  Percy  was  a  candidate  for  re-election 
to  Parliament,  and  the  election  was  at  hand.  Those  op- 
posed to  him  industriously  propagated  the  rumor  of  his 
death ;  but  it  availed  not,  for  he  was  elected.^ 

1  For  several  interesting  references  under  date  of  Oct.  12,  1774,  to  Joseph 

to   Earl   Percy's   intercourse  with   the  Galloway,  says:  "It  being  objected  to 

people  of   Boston,   see   the   Letters    of  ore  of  the  candidates  for  Westminster, 

John  Andrews  in  Proceedings  of  Mass.  Lord  Percy,  that  he  was  absent  on  the 

Hist.  Society,  viii.  316-412.  —  H.  wicked  business  of  cutting  the  throats 

*  Dr.  Franklin,  writing  from  London,  of  our  American  brethren,  his  friends 


Hugh  Percy. 


257 


During  the  four  months'  civil  administration  of  General 
Gage  he  had  been  industriously  issuing  proclamations  with 
the  view  to  stay  the  progress  ol  the  rebellion ;  but  he  failed 
in  his  purpose.  Every  act  of  his  seemed  to  promote  a  col- 
lision. The  reins  of  executive  government  were  now  fall- 
ing from  his  hands.  On  the  same  day  that  he  seized  the 
powder  and  cannon  he  summoned  the  General  Court  to 
meet  at  Salem  on  the  5th  of  October.  A  week  before  that 
day  came  round  he  issued  a  proclamation  forbidding  it. 
The  members  of  the  Court  met,  nevertheless,  resolved 
themselves  into  a  Provincial  Congress,  and  adopted  meas- 
ures by  which  they  effectually  called  into  being  a  govern- 
ment of  the  people.  The  authority  of  Parliament  was  no 
longer  recognized. 

The  Provincial  Congress,  now  wielding  the  executive  and 
legislative  powers  of  government,  immediately  took  measures 
to  organize  a  military  force  sufificient  to  oppose  and  repel  the 
English  troops  now  encamped  in  Boston.  From  this  mo- 
ment a  steady  preparation  for  hostilities  went  forward  tc  the 
hour  of  the  first  conflict  at  Lexington,  five  months  later. 

But  a  single  public  occurrence  worthy  of  mention  took 
place  in  the  career  of  Lord  Percy  between  October  and  the 
memorable  day  at  Lexington,  in  April,  1775.  On  the  last 
day  of  March,  1775,  at  the  head  of  his  brigade,  he  made  an 
excursion  into  the  country,  going  as  far  as  Jamaica  Plain. 
The  people  became  alarmed,  and  messengers  were  quickly 
sent  hither  and  thither  to  sfive  notice  of  this  movement  of 

o 

have  thought  necessary  this  morning  to  These  circumstances  [he  had  mentioned 
publish  a  letter  of  his  expressing  that  severall  show  that  the  American  cause 
he  is  on  good  terms  with  the  people  of  begins  to  be  more  popular  here."  (Frank- 
Boston,  and  much  respected  by  them,  lin's  Works,  viii.  138,  139.)— H. 

33 


i 


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iiii 


11 


ii 


258 


Hugh  Percy. 


the  royal  troops.  Great  numbers  of  the  Provincials  assem- 
bled, fully  arined.  It  was  first  supposed  that  the  troops 
designed  to  go  to  Concord  to  seize  and  destroy  stores ;  for 
rumor  had  some  time  before  made  known  such  an  intent. 
The  most  considerable  complaint  of  this  military  movement 
came  from  the  farmers  residing  on  the  road  through  which 
Percy  and  his  troops  passed.  While  on  the  march  the 
soldiers  found  it  convenient  to  do  a  good  deal  of  flanking 
service,  at  the  expense  of  stone  walls,  rail  fences,  tender 
shrubbery,  and  fields  recently  sown  with  grain.  The  yeo- 
manry of  that  region  howled  vengeance  on  the  red-coats, 
and  may  have  gotten  it  near  the  end  of  the  next  three  weeks. 
Curses  both  loud  and  deep  followed  hard  upon  the  heels  of 
their  rear-guard. 

The  memorable  conflict  of  the  British  troops  and 
Provincials  at  Concord  and  Lexington  has  been  related 
here  so  many  times  within  a  few  years  that  you  must  know 
it  all.  Earl  Percy  shared  in  this  first  baptism  of  fire  and 
blood,  of  which  this  day  is  the  one  hundred  and  fifth  anni- 
versary. He  led  reinforcements  to  Lexington,  and  he  also 
led  the  retreat  to  Boston.  That  he  conducted  that  retreat 
according  to  approved  military  rules,  that  he  showed  courage 
and  coolness  in  the  most  trying  moments,  has  always  been 
allowed.  That  he  escaped  death,  under  a  fire  of  several 
hours,  was  regarded  a  miracle.  Indeed,  a  report  went  forth, 
even  to  England,  that  he  was  killed.  "  News  came  that 
Lord  Percy  was  dead  and  buried,"  wrote  the  minister  of 
Portland,  Maine,  Dr.  Deane,  in  his  diary  of  that  date. 

In  the  dreadful  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  two  months  later, 
he  was  not  a  participant,  his  brigade  not  being  summoned 


i  \ 


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A    I 


■UNI 


Hugh  Percy. 


259 


to  take  part  in  that  engagement,  but  left  to  protect  Boston. 
His  regiment,  being  in  the  brigade  of  General  Pigot,  was  in 
that  action,  where,  says  General  Burgoyno,  who  was  a  spec- 
tator of  the  battle,  "it  'v. Light  best  and  lost  most."  Percy 
was  active  in  giving  relief  to  the  sufferers  of  that  day. 
In  the  midst  of  all  tiiis  suffering  an  Irish  officer  put  the 
camp  in  a  roar  by  exclaiming,  "  Indade,  we  have  gained  — 
but  a  loss  !  " 

On  the  loth  of  July,  before  news  of  the  battle  reached 
England,  Percy  was  appointed  a  major-general  in  the 
British  army  in  America.  He  had  served  in  the  capacity 
of  brigadier-general  almost  from  the  time  of  his  arrival. 
Eight  months  passed  without  any  considerable  event  in 
his  military  life.  The  British  troops  were  now  shut  up  in 
Boston,  with  only  a  passage  out  by  water,  and  guarded  by 
no  less  a  person  than  General  Washington,  who  had 
arrived  at  Cambridge  and  taken  command  of  the  Provin- 
cial army. 

I  beg  leave  to  read  a  single  letter  written  by  Percy  at  this 
time  to  General  Haldimand  in  London,  showing  how  cheer- 
ful he  was,  how  attentive  to  the  business  of  the  army,  and 
what  pains  he  had  taken  to  oblige  a  friend :  — 

Boston,  Dec.  14,  1775. 
Dear  Sir,  —  Since  I  did  myself  the  pleasure  of  writing  to  you 
last,  our  situation  is  exactly  tiie  same.  The  Rebels,  however,  have 
been  too  fortunate  in  other  places.  Canada,  as  you  will  have  been 
already  informed,  is  in  their  hands.  Besides  this,  they  have  been 
very  successful  at  sea,  having  taken  a  brig  loaded  wi*h  military 
stores,  and  —  what  was  to  them  still  a  greater  prize  —  a  ship  from 
Glasgow  with  great  quantities  of  blanketing,  woollens,  and  shoes, 
all  which  they  were  before  in  great  want  of.     As  they  have  yes- 


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260 


Hugh  Percy. 


tcrday  begun  to  fling  up  a  work  upon  Phip's  Farm,  just  opposite  to 
IJarton's  Point,  I  fancy  they  mean  to  bring  the  mortar  which  they 
took  in  the  ordnance  brig.  If  they  do,  they  may  trouble  us  a  good 
deal,  as  they  are  within  about  ICXDO  yards  of  the  Town.  It  is  very 
odd  that  Great  Britain  still  persists  in  sending  out  vessells  to  this 
part  of  the  world  unarmed.  The  Transports  with  the  troops  from 
Ireland  are  not  yet  arrived.  One,  indeed,  with  4  Companies  of  the 
17th  Reg.,  came  in  here  about  6  weeks  ago;  we  imagine  the  rest 
are  gone  to  the  West  Indies.  Our  Discipline  is  exactly  the  same  as 
when  you  left  us,  which  we  shall  begin  to  perceive  now  the  Troops 
have  got  into  winter  quarters.  I  am  extremely  happy  to  find  that 
your  reception  in  London  was  agreeable  to  you  ;  you  merited  it. 
I  had  no  doubt  that  His  Majesty  would  do  what  was  proper.  I  as- 
sure you,  you  are  by  no  means  forgot  by  your  friends  on  this  side 
the  Atlantic.  Gen.  Howe,  in  the  handsomest  manner,  in  the  Aug- 
mentation, appointed  your  nephew  a  2nd  LieuJ  in  his  own  Reg., 
imagining,  as  you  had  desired  he  might  do  duty  with  it,  that  such 
a  step  would  be  agreeable  to  you  ;  and  yesterday  he  very  obligingly 
appointed  him  a  full  Lieutenant  in  the  45th  Reg.,  chusing  particu- 
larly that  Corps,  as  there  were  two  situations  vacant ;  by  which 
means  your  nephew  would  have  a  Lieutenant  under  him,  and  there- 
fore would  not  be  broke,  tho'  the  youngest  Company  should  be 
again   reduced. 

I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  being  acquainted  with  Lt.  Col. 
Monkton,  and  shall  take  care  to  particularly  recommend  Mr. 
Haldimand  to  his  care.  Adieu,  my  dear  Gen.  Keep  yourself 
warm  this  cold  weather,  and  be  assured  I  am,  with  greatest  truth, 

Your  sincere  friend 

And  humble  servant, 

Percy. 

I  beg  you  will  be  kind  enough  to  make  my  very  best  compliments 
to  Capt.  Dorkins,  and  tell  him  the  Engineers  have  not  found  it 
necessary  to  alter  his  works  in  the  least,  which  have  been  found 
remarkably  useful. 


• 


Hugh  Percy. 


261 


The  next  important  military  event  in  Boston  in  which 
Percy  was  concerned  took  place  early  in  March,  1776, 
when  the  Provincial  army  took  possession  of  Dorchester 
Heights.  The  British  army  was  even  more  surprised  to 
see  our  troops  there  than  they  had  been  to  see  them  at 
Bunker  Hill.  And  well  they  might  be;  for  unless  they 
were  removed,  the  whole  British  force  would  immediately  be 
l)risoners  to  General  Washington.  General  Howe  resolved 
to  attack  them  by  night,  and  appointed  Percy  to  command 
the  troops.  Percy  proceeded  to  Castle  Island  to  carry  out 
the  design ;  but  the  wind  and  wave  prevented  the  attack, 
and  it  was  given  up.  General  Howe  now  resolved  to  evac- 
uat'j  Boston,  and  did  so  on  the  ever  memorable  17th  of 
March,  1776.  Percy  proceeded  with  the  troops  to  Halifax. 
Ten  days  after  he  left  Boston  he  was  made  lieutenant- 
general  in  the  British  army  in  America. 

Although  the  British  army  had  left  Boston  without  ac- 
complishing the  purpose  for  which  they  had  been  sent,  the 
British  Ministry  no  more  faltered  in  its  purpose  of  coercion 
than  the  Colonies  in  their  purpose  to  resist'     Back  came 


*  The  patriotic  zeal  of  the  people 
was  greatly  stimulated  and  sustained 
by  the  clergy  generally.  A  few  hours 
after  the  enemy  retreated  from  Bos- 
ton, the  Rev.  Abiel  Leonard,  D.D., 
chaplain  to  the  Connecticut  troops, 
preached  at  Cambridge  a  sermon  be- 
fore General  Washington  and  others 
of  distinction,  from  Exodus  xiv.  25 : 
"  And  took  off  their  chariot  wheels, 
that  they  drave  them  heavily :  so  that 
the  Egyptians  said,  Let  us  flee  from 
the  face  of  Israel ;  for  the  Lord  fighteth 
for  them   against  the   Egyptians." 

The  Rev.  Ebenezer  Bridge,  of 
Chelmsford,  preached  a  discourse  in 
Boston,    March    24,    1776,  having  for 


his  text  2  Kings  vii.  7  :  "  Wherefore 
they  arose  and  fled  in  the  twilight,  and 
left  their  tents,  and  their  horses,  and 
their  asses,  even  the  camp  as  it  was, 
and  fled  for  their  life." 

The  Rev.  Andrew  Eliot,  D.D., 
preached  a  discourse,  on  March  28, 
being  the  Thursday  lecture  (General 
Washington  and  the  Council  be- 
ing present  by  invitation),  from  Isaiah 
xxxiii.  20 :  "  Look  upon  Zion,  the 
city  of  our  solemnities:  thine  eyes 
shall  see  Jerusalem  a  quiet  habitation, 
a  tabernacle  that  shall  not  be  taken 
down  ;  not  one  of  the  stakes  thereof 
shall  ever  be  removed,  neither  shall  any 
of  the  cords  thereof  be  broken."  —  H, 


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262 


Hugh  Percy. 


tliis  army,  early  in  July,  much  refreshed,  and  prepared  for 
a  new  campaign  against  the  rebellious  Colonies.  It  gave 
Boston  a  wide  berth,  landing  at  Staten  Island.  While  Earl 
Percy  was  there  celebrating  the  second  anniversary  of  his 
arrival  in  America,  the  members  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress at  Philadelphia  were  signing  an  immortal  Declaration, 
putting  the  war  on  a  new  issue, —  Freedom,  and  Independ- 
ence of  England. 

The  British  army,  on  receiving  large  reinforcements, 
was  organized  into  three  great  divisions.  Earl  Percy,  now  a 
lieutenant-general,  having  command  of  one.  General  Howe 
attacked  the  Provincial  army  on  Long  Island  with  complete 
success,  Earl  Percy's  division  having  a  share  in  this  battle. 
The  British  army,  flushed  with  victory,  followed  the  Provin- 
cial army  to  New  York,  and  there  again  was  successful.  At 
the  attack  on  Fort  Washington,  Earl  Percy  led  his  division 
into  the  thickest  of  the  fight.  His  horse  was  shot  under 
him.     His  valor  was  applauded. 

On  the  ist  of  December  General  Howe  sent  the  fleet 
under  Sir  Peter  Parker,  and  also  six  thousand  men  under 
the  joint  command  of  Earl  Percy  and  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  to 
take  Newport,  R.  I.  The  large  frigates  passed  outside  Long 
Island,  and  the  smaller  ones,  with  the  transports  having 
the  troops,  inside.  While  this  fleet  stood  off  New  London, 
so  vast  did  it  appear  that  it  seemed  as  if  the  ven/  waters 
groaned  under  its  pressure.  This  was  on  the  5th  of  De- 
cember, a  day  memorable  in  the  life  of  Earl  Percy.  For  on 
this  day  his  mother,  the  Duchess  of  Northumberland,  died 
in  London,  and  the  ancient  baronies  of  Percy,  Lucy,  Poyn- 
ings,  Fitz-Payne,  Bryan,  and  Latimer,  which  had  come 
down  with  the  blood  of  the  ancient  Earls  of  Northumber- 


Hi 


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Hugh  Percy. 


263 


land,  to  his  mother,  descended  to  her  son,  Earl  Percy.  He 
was  now  a  peer  of  the  realm  in  his  own  right,  and  his  title 
Baron  Percy.  A  new  election  was  ordered  at  Westminster 
to  fill  his  place  in  the  House  of  Commons. 

The  fleet  and  army  were  entirely  successful.  Newport 
fell  into  their  hands  with  scarce  a  struggle.  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  soon  after  left,  and  Percy  succeeded  to  the  com- 
mand. Here  occurred  an  event  which  led  to  his  leaving 
America  some  months  later.  While  Howe  and  Cornwallis 
were  struggling  with  the  Provincial  forces  in  New  Jersey, 
they  suddenly  needed  reinforcements.  Howe  sent  to  Earl 
Percy  for  fifteen  hundred  men,  and  got  only  eleven  hun- 
dred, Percy  assigning  as  a  reason  for  withholding  men  that 
he  was  daily  expecting  an  attack  by  the  Provincials,  and 
that  his  garrison  was  already  too  weak  to  resist  a  resolute 
attack.  General  Howe  was  enraged,  and  wrote  Percy  a 
sharp  reproof  for  not  obeying  his  order  to  the  letter.  This 
reproof  Percy  thought  undeserved,  and  he  procured  leave 
to  return  to  England.  He  sailed  from  Newport  on  the 
5th  of  May,  1777,  and  never  returned  to  America.^ 


1  On  his  departure  from  Rhode 
Island,  a  considerable  number  of  the 
most  respectable  inhabitants  of  New- 
port presented  the  Earl  with  a  formal 
address  expressive  of  their  high  appre- 
ciation of  his  liberal  and  humane  con- 
duct, and  of  his  personal  character. 
After  mentionins^  in  terms  of  gratitude 
the  good  order  and  discipline  he  had 
maintained  among  his  troops,  they  add : 
"The  fear  of  offending  (not  insensi- 
bility) prevents  us,  at  present,  from 
attempting  to  express  liow  much  we  are 
affected  with  your  Excellency's  great 
and  amiable  private  virtues,  with  that 
spotless  Integrity  of  Manners  and  uni- 


form regard  to  Religion  and  Decency 
which  would  add  Dignity  to  the  meanest 
station,  with  that  condescending  Affa- 
bility which  stoops  without  any  view  to 
private  Advantage;  and  above  all,  with 
that  unbounded  and  well-directed  Gen- 
erosity which  has  so  often  procured  for 
your  Excellency  the  blessings  of  t'lose 
who  were  ready  to  perish."  (Newport 
Gazette,  May  8,  1777.) 

The  Independent  Chronicle  (Boston), 
of  Oct.  23,  1777,  has  the  following:  "It 
is  impossible  to  express  the  regret  of 
the  army  on  the  departure  of  Lord 
Percy.  Provincials  as  well  as  our  own 
people,  if  in  distress,  shared  alike  in  his 


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264 


Hugh  Percy. 


In  November  he  moved  the  address  to  the  King  in  the 
House  of  Lords.  Among  other  things  he  defended  the 
officers  of  the  British  army  in  America  from  aspersions 
cast  on  them  in  j£ngland,  and  spoke  encouragingly  and 
hopefully  of  the  war  if  prosecuted  with  vigor.^      In  1779 


benefactions.  He  kept  open  table  for 
inferior  officers.  In  short,  he  spent 
while  in  America  ten  thousand  pounds 
of  his  own  fortune,  all  his  pay,  and  up- 
wards of  twenty-five  thousand  pounds 
remitted  to  him  by  the  Duke  and 
Duchess." 

Soon  after  his  return  to  England 
Lord  Percy  was  fixed  upon  as  a  fit  per- 
son to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
commission  to  negotiate  with  the  Colo- 
nies, but  this  service  he  declined. 
(Gentleman's  Magazine,  Ixxxvii.  182.) 
—  H. 

1  The  following,  taken  from  Almon's 
Parliamentary  Rej^ister,  ix.  2-5,  is  the 
report  of  the  Duke's  address  on  the 
occasion  referred  to  in  the  text.  —  H. 

Lord  Percy  acquainted  the  House  that  it 
had  fa'.len  to  his  lot  to  have  the  honor  of 
moving  an  address  in  answer  to  the  most 
(jr.Tcioiis  speech  now  read.  He  acknowl- 
edged his  own  insufficiency  for  an  under- 
taking which  called  for  the  most  zealous  and 
energetic  language  that  House  was  capa- 
ble of  expressing  itself  in. 

his  Lordship  observed  an  event  had 
happened  since  they  last  sat  there,  which 
ought  to  give  every  noble  Lord  present  the 
most  heartfelt  pleasure ;  that  was  the  birth 
of  a  princess,  as  it  was  an  additional  secu- 
rity to  the  Protestant  religion,  and  the  en- 
joyment of  those  constitutional  rights  which 
were  known  to  be  so  peculiarly  the  care  of 
the  amiable  and  virtuous  sovereign  on  the 
throne,  and  were  likely  to  be  transmitted 
to  the  latest  posterity  through  his  illustrious 
house.  .  .  .  He  acknowledged  his  obliga- 
tions, in  common  with  the  officers  .serving  in 
America,  for  the  very  gracious  testimony 
which  has  been  given  of  their  services  by 
their  royal  master,  and  the  high  confidence 
he  expressed  in  the  spirit  and  intrepidity 


of  his  forces  both  by  sea  and  land.  He  la- 
mented, as  a  professional  man,  what  a  dis- 
agreeable situation  persons  serving  in  high 
commands  stood  in,  when  accidents  which 
it  was  frequently  not  in  the  power  of  the 
greatest  military  skill  or  foresight  to  de- 
scry or  prevent  were  attributed  to  neglect 
or  incapacity.  He  lamented  the  fate  of 
those  brave  and  able  men  who  were  thus 
liable  to  suffer  under  unjust  censures ;  and 
whose  absence  in  a  distant  country  neces- 
sarily prevented  them  from  having  an  op- 
portiuiity  to  defend  themselves.  From  his 
own  knowledge  he  could  affirm  that  they 
were  as  cruel  as  ill  founded.  It  was  im- 
possible, at  this  distance,  to  pass  a  judg- 
ment on  the  operations  of  war ;  it  was 
injudicious  and  unfair  to  estimate  their  iim- 
priety  by  the  events.  It  was  with  particular 
satisfaction,  therefore,  that  he  perceived  His 
Majesty  and  his  ministers,  and  he  believed 
a  very  great  majority  of  the  nation,  en- 
tertained sentiments  of  a  very  different 
kind.  .  .  . 

His  Lordship  expressed  great  sorrow  for 
the  occasion  of  the  war,  and  the  effusion  of 
human  blood,  which  was  inseparable  from 
such  a  state ;  but  he  was  convinced,  how 
much  soever  His  Majesty,  the  Parliament, 
and  the  nation  might  feel  on  the  occasion, 
the  temper  of  America  made  it  necessary; 
the  people  there  had  been  deluded  and  mis- 
led by  their  leaders  ;  and  nothing,  he  feared, 
would  compel  them  to  return  to  their  alle- 
giance, but  a  continuance  of  the  same  de- 
cisive exertions  on  our  part  till  we  were 
fully  enabled  to  convince  them  that  as  our 
rights  were  indisputably  superior,  so  our 
strength  was  fnlly  adequate  to  their  full 
maintenance  and  support. 

He  concluded  his  remarks  on  the  speech 
with  passing  great  commendation  on  the 
hun..ine,  gracious,  fatherly  spirit  which,  he 
said,  it  breathed,  and  the  invitation  it  held 
forth   to   our  deluded  Colonies   to   return 


A 


Msa 


-"^IMiillli 


-'^'^'^'«A'jai*fe»y 


1  f  \ 

'  ■n 


Hjtgh  Percy. 


265 


he  procured  a  divorce  from  his  wife,  with  whom  he  had  not 
lived  for  ten  years,  and  by  whom  he  had  no  issue,  and  in  the 
same  year  married  Frances  Julia  Burrell,one  of  the  daughters: 
of  a  house  not  then  distinguished  for  opulence,  antiquity,  or 
renown,  but  for  making  great  matrimonial  alliances.^  He 
soon  retired  to  Stenwick  with  his  new  wife,  and  there 
watched  with  much  interest  the  American  war  and  public 
affairs,  without  taking  any  part  in  them.  He  was  much 
disgusted  with  the  leaders  of  affairs  in  England,  and  was 
stung  with  neglect  of  the  Ministry.  In  1782  he  wrote  from 
Stenwick  to  his  friend,  the  Right  Hon.  George  Ross,  as 
follows :  — 

What  encouragement  is  there  for  any  man  of  Rank  to  exert  him- 
self in  the  service  of  the  King  and  country,  when  the  on'y  reward 
he  is  likely  to  meet  with  is  a  total  neglect,  and  constantlv  to  have 
the  mortification  of  seeing  every  person  without  either  'eight, 
consequence,  or  merit,  preferred  before  him  in  every  instance,  both 
civil  and  military.  I  may  without  vanity  assert  that  there  is  not 
an  officer  in  the  army  who  has  done  his  duty  in  the  line  of  his 
profession,  with  more  zeal  and  attention  than  myself ;  and  in  con- 
sequence of  that  it  is  now  fourteen  years  since  I  have  received  the 
smallest  mark  of  approbation  of  His  Majesty  or  his  Ministers. 

In  1784  he  resigned  the  colonelcy  of  the  Fifth  Regiment, 
on  being  promoted  to  the  command  of  a  troop  of  the 
Grenadier  Guards.     In  1786  his  father,  the  Duke  of  North- 


1 

! 

.  J 

n 

!  ^  ! 


to  their  loyalty  and  their  former  constitu- 
tional connection,  and  attachment  to  this 
country.  His  Lordship  then  mr  ;ed  an 
humble  address. 

*  Fmnces  Julia  Burrell  was  the  third 
daughter  of  Peter  Burrell,  Esq.,  of 
Bsckenham,   Kent,  sister  to  the  Mar- 


chioness of  Exeter,  the  Countess  o£ 
Beverly,  and  Lord  Gwydyr.  The  issue 
of  this  marriage  wr;s  five  daughters, 
one  of  whom  married  Lord  James  Mur- 
ray, second  son  of  the  Duke  of  Athol ; 
and  two  sons,  whose  names  are  given 
in  the  text.  —  H. 


I  -.ip    n 


34 


i 


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il 


266 


Hugh 


Percy. 


umberland,  died,  and  Lord  Percy  succeeded  to  the  title  of 
Duke  and  Earl  of  Northumberland,  and  other  titles,  and  to 
vast  estates  in  Great  Britain.  In  1793  he  was  made  a 
general  in  the  royal  a  my.  Above  all,  he  was  made  knight 
of  the  garter,  —  the  most  ancient  and  splendid  order  of 
knighthood  in  England,  if  not  in  all  Europe. 

He  was  member  of  the  House  of  Commons  eight  years, 
and  of  the  House  of  Peers  forty  years ;  yet  if  the  indexes 
to  the  journals  of  these  Houses  are  correct,  he  spoke  not 
once  in  the  Commons,  and  but  twice  in  the  House  of  Peers, 
during  all  that  time. 

For  the  last  twenty  years  of  his  life  he  was  afflicted  with 
gout,  and  quite  withdrawn  from  public  view.  He  interested 
himself  with  the  orsfanization  of  fifteen  hundred  of  his  ten- 
antry  in  Yorkshire  into  a  military  body,  whom  he  clothed, 
fed,  and  paid,  —  showing  a  bias  for  military  employments 
to  the  last.  The  annual  revenue  from  his  estates  was  esti- 
mated at  eighty  thousand  pounds  sterling.^ 


^  The  followinja;,  extracted  from  the 

Gentleman's  MaLjazine  for  July,  1817, 
gives  additional  facts  in  the  life  of  the 
Duke.  —  H. 

His  iime  and  attention  have  been  chiefly 
employed  in  continuing  and  completing 
the  im])rovements  begun  hy  his  father  in 
the  princely  mansions  of  Northumberland 
House,  Zion  House,  and  Alnwick  Castle, 
in  Northumberland,  where,  in  his  extensive 
domains,  upwards  of  a  million  of  timber 
and  other  trees  were  annually  planted  for 
many  years.  The  large  income  of  his 
Grace,  estimated  at  not  less  than  ;^8o,ooo 
per  annum,  was  ex|)ended  in  these  useful 
pursuits  and  in  kcejiing  up  the  ancient  feu- 
dal splendor  in  the  Castle  of  the  Percys. 
During  the  late  war  with  France  he  raised 
from  among  his  tenantry  in  the  country 
from  which  lie  derived  his  title  a  coijis  of 
1,500  men,  under  the  denomination  of  the 


Percy  Yeomanry,  the  whole  being  clothed, 
appointed,  paid,  and  maintained  by  him- 
self ;  Government  finding  arms  and  accou- 
trements alone.  To  his  tenants  he  was  a 
most  excellent  landlord  ;  and  the  monu- 
ment just  erected  by  them  in  honor  of  him 
will  transmit  to  i)osterity  the  memory  of  his 
kindness  and  indulgence,  and  of  their  grati- 
tude. One  custom  which  he  introduced 
among  them  cannot  be  too  highly  praised 
or  too  extensively  imitated  ;  it  was  that  of 
providing  for  the  mdustrious  hinds  of  every 
large  farm  by  giving  them  a  cottage  and 
ten  acres  of  land,  which  proves  an  encour- 
agement to  industrious  youth  and  a  secur- 
ity against  want  in  old  age.  In  ready  money 
his  Grace  was  for  years  considered  the  most 
wealthy  man  in  England  ;  which  he  often 
employed  in  rescuing  industrious  families 
from  ruin.  .  .  .  The  personal  property  is 
sworn  to  as  under  ;^70o,oco. 


f 


Hugh  Percy. 


267 


Lord  Percy  died  at  Northumberland  House  in  London, 
July  10,  181 7,  and  a  week  later  his  body  was  borne  to  West- 
minster Abbey,  with  extraordinary  pomp  and  solemnity,  and 
deposited  in  the  Percy  vault  in  St.  Nicholas  Chapel.^ 

He  left  two  sons,  both  of  whom  succeeded  to  his  titles 
and  estates.  The  eldest,  Hugh  Percy,  who  had  already 
distinguished  himself  in  Parliament,  now  became  Duke  of 
Northumberland,  and  died  in  1847,  without  issue.  The 
titles  and  estates  then  went  to  his  brother,  Algernon  Percy, 
a^  naval  officer,  and  a  man  of  science  and  learning.  He 
died  in  1865,  without  issue.  Thus  ended  the  male  line 
of  Lord  Percy.  The  titles  and  estates  thence  passed  into 
the  line  of  his  youngest  brother,  Algernon  Percy,  Earl  of 
Beverly.^ 

^  \  An  extended  account  of  the  funeral  Nineteenth  Century  bv  Fdwird  W■^r 
IS^^  Gentleman's  Alagaz.ne.     rington  de   Fonblan^i;  SSin  "Jwo 

^  ^  sincrtSis  Memoir  was  printed,  S^olicH^rr  otS°"R  ''"^'^ 
the  Annals  of  the  House  of  Percy,  from  for  April  ,88c  -  H  ^^""''"'^'>  '^'^^"-'^^ 
the   Conquest   to   the   Opening  of  the  ^     ,        ^ 


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COURT  OF   VICE-ADMIRALTY   OVER 

AMERICA. 


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COURT  OF  VICE-ADMIRALTY  OVER 

AMERICA/ 


'\yl7"HILE  looking  into  the  details  of  the  civil  and  mili- 
tary career  of  Lord  Percy,  who  commanded  the 
British  reinforcements  sent  from  Boston  to  Lexington  April 
19'  1775)  some  years  ago,  I  found  that  his  father,  the  Earl, 
afterward  Duke,  of  Northumberland,  had  in  1765,  and  sev- 
eral years  after,  the  official  title,  "  Vice-Admiral  over  all 
America."  No  American,  and  no  English  history  that  I 
had  then  or  have  since  read,  mentions  any  such  officer.^  I 
could  not  help  turning  for  a  while  from  my  principal  design 
and  looking  up  the  origin  of  this  official  station.  Proceed- 
ing from  one  thing  to  another,  I  came  at  length  upon  the 
official  announcement  in  the  London  gazettes  of  2 2d  De- 
cember, 1764,  that  His  Majesty  had  been  pleased  to  ap- 
point the  Right  Hono'-able  Hugh,  Earl  of  Northumberland, 
"Vice-Admiral  over  all  America;"  to  which  was  added, 
"  This  appointment  being  made  pursuant  to  a  late  act  of 
Parliament." 

'  Reprinted,    by    permission,   from         '  The  autlior  refers  to  general  his- 

the    Proceedings    of    the     Massachu-  tories.    The  establishment  of  the  Court 

setts    Historical    Society,    December,  is  mentioned  by  Washburn  in  his  Judi- 

1879.  —  H.  cial  History  of  Massachusetts  (175). — H. 


ti  r. 


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272     Court  of  Vice- Admiralty  over  America. 

This  was  "  An  act  for  the  granting  certain  duties  in  the 
British  Colonies  and  Plantations  in  America,"  etc.,  and 
providing,  among  other  things,  for  the  punishment  of 
breaches  of  the  revenue  laws.  By  this  act  the  Admiralty 
Courts  in  the  several  Colonies  were  authorized  to  take  cog- 
nizance of  breaches  of  the  revenue  laws.  It  provided  also 
for  the  establishment  of  a  new  Vice-Admiralty  Court  over 
all  America,  having  jurisdiction  of  breaches  of  the  reve- 
nue laws  wherever  the  offence  might  occur  in  the  British 
Colonies. 

The  Colonies  at  once  objected  to  this  extended  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  Admiralty  Court,  and  also  to  the  proposed  estab- 
lishment of  a  Court  of  Vice-Admiralty.  But  I  find  no  men- 
tion, in  the  discussions  of  this  subject  at  that  time,  or  later, 
or  in  contemporary  histories,  of  the  organization  of  this  new 
Admiralty  Court.  It  was  therefore  a  surprise  to  me  to  find, 
in  the  London  gazettes  of  1764,  the  appointment,  at  various 
times,  of  a  full  board  of  officers  of  this  great  Court  of  Vice- 
Admiralty  over  all  America,  and  a  still  greater  surprise 
when  I  came  upon  a  proclamation  announcing  the  opening 
of  this  Court  in  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia,  in  October,  1764. 

The  following  persons  were  appointed,  at  various  dates 
between  the  passage  of  the  act  and  the  end  of  the  year 
1764,  to  constitute  this  Court:  Vice-Admiral,  the  Earl  of 
Northumberland;  Judge,  the  Right  Worshipful  William 
Spry,  LL.  D. ;  Registrar,  the  Hon.  Spencer  Percival ; 
Marshal,  Charles  Howard,  Gent.  It  is  manifest  that  none 
of  these  officers  expected  to  execute  these  offices  in  person : 
that  was  to  be  done  by  deputy. 

Judge    Spry,    whose   wife   was    niece    of    the    Earl    of 


\ 


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,1 1 


asa 


Court  of  Vice- Admiralty  over  America.    273 

Chatham,  arrived  in  Halifax,  with  his  family,  on  the  25th 
of  September,  and  on  the  9th  day  of  October  following, 
opened  the  Court  of  Vice-Admiralty,  and  on  the  i6th  of 
October  the  Court  issued  the  proclamation  printed  below. 
Whether  this  Court  was  opened  for  business  in  any  other 
Province,  as  designed,  I  am  not  yet  informed.^  The  pas- 
sage of  the  Stamp  Act  the  next  year,  and  the  riots  it  oc- 
casioned in  America,  together  with  the  violence  offered  to 
the  local  Admiralty  Courts,  very  likely  prevented  further 
extension  of  this  new  Court. 

In  1767  Judge  Spry  was  appointed  Governor  of  Bar- 
bados. He  removed  there,  and  died  in  office  in  1772. 
It  is  singular  that  the  elaborate  histories  of  Nova  bcv/tia 
contain  no  account  of  this  Vice-Admiralty  Court  over  all 
America. 

The  proclamation  mentioned  above  is  as  follows:  — 

Whereas,  by  an  Act  of  Parliament,  made  and  passed  in  the 
fourth  year  of  His  Majesty's  Reign,  entitled,  "An  Act  for  the  grant- 
ing certain  Duties  in  the  British  Colonies  and  Plantations  in 
America,"  etc.,  it  is  thereby,  among  other  Things,  Enacted  and 
Declared,  That  from  and  after  the  twenty-ninth  Day  of  September, 
A.  D.  1764,  all  the  Forfeitures  and  Penalties  inflicted  by  that  or  any 
other  Act  of  Parliament,  relating  to  the  Trade  and  Revenues  of  the 
said  British  Colonies,  or  Plantations  in  America,  which  shall  be  in- 
curred there,  shall  and  may  be  prosecuted,  sued  for,  and  recovered 
in  any  Court  of  Record,  or  in  any  Court  of  Admiralty,  in  the  said 
Colonies  or  Plantations  where  such  Offence  shall  be  committed,  or 

1  Mr.  Washburn    also    states    that  there  as  Supreme  Judjre  of  Vice-Admi- 

the   year    foUowins;    the    proclamation  rally."     Undoubtetlly  the  cause  of  his 

given   below.   Judge    Spry   "made   ar-  not  removins;  was   the  one   suggested 

rangements  for  removing  from  Halifax  by   Mr.  Tuttle :   namely,   the    political 

to   Boston,    to  enter   upon   his   duties  disturbances  in  Boston.  —  H. 

35 


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"■?gea!;giBy!"'>*^z- 


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} 


Hi- 


274     Couy^  of  Vice- Admiralty  over  America. 

in  any  Court  of  Vice-Admiralty  which  may,  or  shall  be,  appointed 
over  all  America  (which  Court  of  Admiralty  or  Vice-Admiralty 
are  hereby  respectively  authorized  and  required  to  proceed,  hear, 
and  determine  the  same),  at  the  Election  of  the  Informer  or 
Prosecutor ; 

And  whereas  His  Majesty,  by  Letters  Patent,  under  the  Great 
Seal  of  His  High  Court  of  Admiralty  of  Great  Britain  tnd  Ireland, 
etc.,  dated  at  London,  the  fifteenth  Day  of  June,  a.  d.  1764,  has 
been  pleased  to  appoint  the  Right  Worshipful  William  Spry, 
Doctor  of  Laws,  to  be  Judge  of  His  Maj  sty's  Court  of  Vice- 
Admiralty  over  all  America,  with  Power  to  proceed,  hear,  and 
determine  all  Causes,  civil  and  maritime,  arising  in  any  of  the 
Provinces  of  America,  or  the  maritime  Parts  thereof,  and  thereto 
adjacent,   at  the   Election  of  the   Informer  or  Prosecutor  ; 

Public  Notice  is  Hereby  Given,  That  the  Right  Worshipful 
William  Spry,  Doctor  of  Laws,  the  Judge  of  His  Majesty's  said 
Court  of  Vice-Admiralty  over  all  America,  hath  opened  his  said 
Court  on  the  ninth  Day  of  October,  Instant,  at  Halifax,  in  the 
Province  of  Nova  Scotia ;  hath  thought  fit  to  fix  the  first  and 
third  Wednesdays  of  every  Month  as  Term  Days  for  the  sitting  of 
said  Court  at  Halifax,  aforesaid,  when  and  where  all  Causes,  civil 
and  maritime,  arising  in  any  Province  of  America,  or  the  maritime 
Parts  thereof  or  thereto  adjacent,  may  be  prosecuted. 

Of  which   all  Parties   concerned  therein  are  hereby  desired  to 

take  Notice. 

By  Order  of  the  Court. 

James  Br^htoh,  Dep.  Registrar. 
Halifax,  i6th  October,  1764. 


{ 


EDWARD    RANDOLPH. 


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EDWARD    RANDOLPH.' 


£DWARD   RANDOLPH  holds  so  conspicuous  and  so 
important  a  place  in  cur  colonial  history,  that  any- 
thing  concerning  him  is  worthy  of  consideration,  especially 
It  new.     It  IS  surprising,  in  view  of  the  extent  of  our  his- 
torical inquiries,  that  the  arch-enemy  of  Puritanism  in  all 
Its  aspects,  the  prime  mover  and  the  actual  abettor  of  the 
overthrow  of  the  f^rst  political  and  ecclesiastical  establish 
ments  of  New  England,  should  have  excited  so  little  in- 
terest and  be  so  little    known.     Measured  simply  by  the 
results  of  his  own  undertakings.  Edward  Randolph  is  justly 
entitled  to  rank  among  the  most  remarkable  men  of  his 
time.     In  that  dramatic  period  of  our  history  which  em- 
braces the  closing  ..enes  of  the  life  of  the  first  charter  he 
IS   the   central   figure   and   the   chief  actor,  — not   inaptly 
caUed  the  "destroying  angel."     His  public  acts  are  memo- 
rable, and  they  form  the  chief  interest  in  the  history  of 
that  time. 


1 

1  ^1 

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1 

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toricafsSyfoTKa?i°T8!;°rH!  ^^^^^^^^^^  °^  ^^^  Massachusetts  His- 


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278 


Edward  Randolph. 


His  career  In  New  England  may  be  characterized  as  me- 
teoric in  many  respects;  it  certainly  is  without  parallel  in 
our  history.  He  came  suddenly  into  public  view  from  be- 
yond the  Atlantic,  the  unwelcome  bearer  of  a  royal  message 
havi  4  a  menacing  aspect,  at  a  time  when  the  Colonies 
were  in  a  death-struggle  with  the  Indian  enemy.  For  a 
period  of  thirteen  years  he  was  regarded  by  our  fathers  as 
the  most  baleful  and  malignant  luminary  that  ever  appeared 
in  the  political  skies  of  New  England.  His  name  was  a 
synonym  for  something  dreadful,  and  his  fame  —  an  ill  one 
it  was  —  extended  to  all  the  Colonies.  On  the  records  of 
that  age  no  name  is  branded  by  writers  with  so  many,  so 
varied,  and  so  strongly  denunciative  epithets  as  that  of 
Edward  Randolph.  It  is  but  just  to  his  memory  to  say 
that  his  excessive  zeal  for  the  interests  of  the  Crown  and 
for  the  Church  of  England,  his  undaunted  courage  and 
uncompromising  spirit,  were  the  chief  causes  of  his  great 
unpopularity. 

Whence  he  came  or  whither  he  went  has  hardly  been 
thought  worthy  of  inquiry  by  our  antiquaries  in  a  period 
of  two  centuries.  His  history,  so  far  as  known,  begins  and 
ends  with  his  career  in  New  England.  Dr.  Palfrey,  who 
looked  after  many  neglected  worthies  of  our  colonial  times, 
as  his  History  attests,  made  special  search  in  the  archives 
of  England  for  some  light  on  the  early  career  of  Randolph, 
but  without  success. 

While  collecting  materials  for  my  projected  "Life  of 
Captain  John  Mason,"  patentee  of  New  Hampshire,  I  no- 
ticed in  letters  of  Robert  Mason,  grandson  of  Captain  Ma- 
son, and  also  in  letters  of  Edward  Randolph,  expressions 


T 


iii^lN^^ 


Edward  Randolph.  270 

indicating  some  degree  of  relationship  between  them.  Fol- 
lowing up  this  hint,  I  came  to  the  origin  and  parentage  of 
Randolph  himself,— singularly  enough  in  the  first  Christian 
city  and  spiritual  metropolis  of  England.  He  was  the  son 
of  Edmund  Randolph,  Doctor  of  Physic,  of  the  city  of 
Canterbury.  His  mother  was  a  daughter  of  Gyles  Master, 
of  the  same  city.  Both  parents  were  of  gentle  lineage,  and 
of  high  character  and  standing.  Edward  Randolph  mar- 
ried Jane  Gibbon,  of  West  Cliff,  in  the  county  of  Kent. 
Her  brother,  Richard  Gibbon,  Doctor  of  Physic,  married 
Anne  Tufton,  sister  of  Robert  Mason.  It  is  proper  to  ob- 
serve  that  Robert  Tufton  assumed  the  surname  Mason  to 
inherit  his  grandfather  Mason's  estate  in  New  England. 

On  the  death  of  his  wife,  in  1679,  Randolph  again  came 
to  New  England,  bringing  his  family,  designing,  it  would 
seem,  to  remain  here  permanently.  He  had  been  appointed 
by  the  Commissioners  of  Customs,  collector  of  customs  in 
New  England.  Having  other  public  employments,  he  ap- 
pointed his  brother  Gyles  deputy  in  his  place.  Another 
brother,  Bernard  Randolph,  also  his  deputy,  was  an  author 
of  considerable  note  in  his  day. 

In  1 69 1,  Edward  Randolph  was  appointed  surveyor- 
general  of  customs  in  all  the  English  Provinces  in  North 
America.  This  fact  shows  that  he  was  recognized  as  an 
able  and  faithful  officer  by  the  English  government.^ 

lifAJr'^  '^"'i'o  '"'^"^.ef'.t"  write  the    no  progress  in  the  work  up  to  the  time 
life  of  Edward  Randolph,  but  had  made    of  liis  death.  —  H. 


j(^ 


PTTW 


Mi 


ilii 

' 

■ '  ■ ' 

^  i 

i 

( 

280  Edward  Randolph. 


EDWARD   RANDOLPH'S  WILL. 

In  the  name  of  God,  amen.  This  fifteenth  day  of  June,  in  the 
yea'-e  of  our  Lord  one  Thousand  seaven  hundred  and  two,  I,  Edward 
Randolph,  Esq'.,  Surveyour-Gen"  of  Her  Ma—  Customes  in  all  her 
Plantations  and  Colonies  in  America,  sound  of  body  and  memory, 
thanks  be  given  to  Allmighty  God  for  all  his  mercies,  yet  neverthe- 
less taking  into  my  serious  consideration  the  frailty  of  human  life, 
and  being  about  to  make  my  seaventeenth  sea-voyage  to  America, 
doe  make  this  my  last  Will  and  Testament  in  manner  and  forme  fol- 
lowing. After  having  comended  my  soul,  body,  and  estate  to  the 
mercies  and  pro<"CCtion  of  Allmighty  God,  hoping  for  salvation  at 
my  dissolution  through  the  merits  of  my  blessed  Lord  and  Saviour 
Jesus  Christ,  1  dispose  of  my  temporall  estate  wherewith  it  hath 
pleased  God  to  bless  me,  as  followeth ;  viz.  I  doe  hereby  give  and 
bequeath  unto  my  youngest  daughter,  Sarah  Randolph  (whoe  is 
otherwise  unprovided  for),  all  such  summe  and  summes  of  money 
as  arc  or  shall  be  due  to  me  of  my  sallary  as  Surveyor-General,  pay- 
able from  the  Commissioners  of  Her  Ma—  Customes  for  the  time 
being,  and  which  I  have  not  allready  given  to  my  daughter  Wil- 
liams or  to  my  daughter  Deborah  Randolph,  which  said  salary  's 
usually  received  and  paid  for  me  by  my  Worthy  friend  Richard 
Savage,  P)sq'.  And  in  case  it  should  please  God  that  my  said 
daughters  Williams  and  Deborah,  or  either  of  them,  shall  happen 
to  dye  in  the  life-time  of  my  said  daughter  Sarah,  then  I  doe  will 
and  bequeath  such  parte  and  parts  of  my  said  sallary  as  I  have  or- 
dred  to  be  paid  to  them,  or  either  of  them,  to  be  thenceforth  paid  to 
my  said  daughter  Sarah  ;  and  I  doe  also  give  and  bequeath  unto  my 
said  daughter  Sarah  all  my  plate  which  I  leave  in  the  hands  of  my 
loving  friend  Mr.  Edward  Jones  of  the  Savoy,  and  all  such  summe 
and  summes  of  money  as  is  or  shall  be  recovered  for  my  use  of  Gil- 
bert Nelson,  late  Chiefe  Justice  of  the  Island  of  Burmuda,  whether  the 
same  be  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Samuell  Spofforth  or  any  other  person 


I 


r 


r 


Edward  Randolph. 


281 


whomsoever,  and  all  such  summes  of  money  as  shall  be  recovered  for 
my  use  of  George  Plater,  Esq'.,  living  in  Potuxent,  in  the  province  of 
Maryland,  and  which  the  said  Plater  hath  or  may  receive  for  my 
use  of  Samuell  Willson  or  any  other  person,  and  all  and  lingular 
debts  due  and  payable,  or  which  shall  be  hereafter  due  or  payable 
to  me.  But  in  case  my  said  daughter  Sarah  shall  happen  to  depart 
this  life  before  she  attaine  the  age  of  eighteen  years,  and  be  married 
(which  I  enjoine  and  require  her  not  ^0  doe  without  the  consent  and 
approbation  of  Mrs.  Mary  Fog,  and  Nathaniell  Bladen  of  Lincoln's 
Inn,  Esq'.,  thereunto  in  writing  first  had  and  obtained),  then  I  will 
that  my  daughter  Elisabeth  Pim,  and  (if  she  be  dead)  her  son  Mr. 
Charles  Pim,  or  her  and  his  children,  shall  have  all  that  is  herein 
bequeathed  to  my  said  daughter  Sarah.  But  if  neither  my  said 
daughter  Pim,  nor  her  said  son  Charles,  nor  any  child  or  children 
of  hers  or  his  shall  be  living,  then  I  will  that  whatsoever  I  have 
herein  bequeathed  to  my  said  daughter  Sarah  shall  go  to  my  daugh- 
ters Williams  and  Deborah  and  their  children  equally,  and  I  doe 
hereby  constitute  and  appoint  my  said  daughter  Sarah  sole  execu- 
trix of  this  my  last  will  and  Testament,  by  these  presents  revoking 
and  annulling  all  former  wills  by  mc  made  heretofore  and  declared 
by  word  or  writing,  and  this  only  to  be  taken  for  my  last  will  and 
Testament. 

In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereby  declared  and  published  this 
to  be  my  last  will  and  Testament,  the  day  and  yeare  above  written, 
in  the  presence  of  Humphrey  Walcot,  Gent.,  Mrs.  Catherine  Bladen, 

and  Nathaniel  Bladen.  ^.^   t-,  .  ^,^^^  ^„  c   n 

Ed.  Randolph,  S.-G. 

Witness,  Humphrey  Walcott, 
Catharine  Bladen, 
Nathaniel  Bladen. 

7  Dec.  1703.  Administration  to  Sarah,  wife  of  John  Howard, 
Guardian  assigned  to  Sarah  Randolph,  a  minor,  dau'  and  Execu- 
trix named  in  the  Will  of  Edward  Randolph,  late  of  Acquamat  in 
Virginia,  deceased. 

(234  Degg.) 

36 


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II 


282 


Edward  Randolph. 


NOTES    BY  THE    EDITOR. 


'T^HE  Rando'nh  family  claims  to  be  of  Norman  origin. 
-*-  Persons  bearing  this  name  figure  conspicuously  in 
English  and  in  Scottish  history.  Sir  Tliomas  Randolph  is 
mentioned  in  Domesday  Book  as  ordered  to  do  duty  against 
the  King  of  France.  In  1298  Sir  John  Randolph,  Knt, 
was  a  commissioner  to  summon  knights,  and  attended  the 
coronation  of  Edward  II.  in  1307.  In  1329  Sir  Thomas 
Randolph,  Earl  of  Murray,  was  with  common  consent  made 
governor  of  Scotland,  and  died  in  1331,  universally  la- 
mented.' John  Randolph,  of  Hampshire,  connected  with 
the  Exchequer  in  1385,  was  an  eminent  judge.  Sir  Thomas 
Randolph,  son  of  Avery  of  Badlesmcre,  co.  Kent,  and 
cousin  of  Thomas  Randolph  the  poet,  was  born  in  that 
parish  in  1523.  He  rendered  important  public  services 
in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  having  been  employed  by  that 
sovereign  in  no  less  than  eighteen  different  embassies. 
He  died  in  1590.  One  of  his  wives  was  a  cousin  of  Sir 
Francis  Walsingham.  An  Avery  Randolph  was  principal 
of  Pembroke  College,  Oxford,  in  1590.  On  the  roll  of 
bishops  of  the  Church  in  England  appears  the  name  of 
Dr.  John    Randolph,   born   in    1749,  son   of    Dr.  Thomas 

1  Douglas's  Peerage  of  Scotland,  498. 


I 


Notes  by  the  Editor. 


283 


( 1 701-1783),  archdeacon  of  Oxford.  He  became  the  bishop 
of  Oxford  in  1799,  of  Bangor  in  1806,  of  London  in  1809, 
and  died  in   181 3. 

Edward  Randolph  —  the  subject  of  these  notes  —  was  a 
grandson  of  Bernard  Randolph,  who  married  Jane,  daughter 
of  William  Boddenham,  of  Biddenden,  Hundred  of  Barkly, 
CO.  Kent,  and  through  this  marriage  became  possessed 
of  the  estate  of  Lessenden  in  that  place.  Bernard  died 
in  1628.  This  estate  continued  in  the  family  until  1808, 
when  it  was  sold  by  the  then  holder,  the  Rev.  Herbert 
Randolph. 

Bernard  and  Jane  Randolph  had  several  children,  among 
whom  were  John,  Herbert,  and  Edmund.  It  is  a  fam- 
ily tradition  that  John  emigrated  to  Virginia.  Herbert 
married  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Gyles  Master,  of  the  city 
of  Canterbury,  and  died  in  1644.  He  had  a  son  Her- 
bert, who  married  Elizabeth  Best,  of  Canterbury,  and  died 
in   1685. 

The  last-named  Herbert  had  a  son  Herbert,  who  was  a 
barrister,  and  held  the  office  of  recorder  of  Canterbury, 
and  died  possessed  of  Lessenden  in  1726.  He  was  twice 
married:  (i)  to  Mary,  daughter  of  Dr.  John  Castillion,  dean 
of  Rochester,  of  the  Italian  family  of  Castiglione;  and  (2) 
to  Grace,  daughter  of  John  Blome,  of  Sevenoaks,  Kent. 
He  left  two  children  by  his  first  wife  :  Herbert,  and  Mary, 
who  married  Christopher  Packe,  M.D.  By  his  second  wife 
he  had  eight  cl.ijdren :  Thomas,  D.D.,  archdeacon  of 
Oxford,  and  president  of  Corpus  Christi  College ;  George, 
M.D.,  of  Bristol ;  Francis,  D.D.,  principal  of  Alban  Hall, 
Oxford ;    Charles,  bred   to  the  law ;    and  four  daughters. 


It 


I ,  '•■ 


I 


iMHI 


if 


'' 


284 


Edward  Randolph. 


Out  of  this  branch  of  the  family  sprang  Bishop  Randolph, 
above  mentioned. 

Herbert,  son  of  Herbert  and  Mary  (Castillion)  Randolph, 
was  of  All  Souls'  College,  Oxford,  and  rector  of  Deal, 
Kent,  and  died  in  1755.  He  married  (i)  Catharine  Wake, 
daughter  of  Dr.  Edward  Wake;  and  (2)  Mary,  daughter 
of  Nathaniel  Denew.  By  his  first  wife  he  had  a  son  Her- 
bert, rector  of  Croxton,  Lincolnshire,  and  prebendary  of 
Salisbury,  who  married  Elizabeth  Adcock,  of  Ashford, 
Kent,  and  died  in  1803.  The  last-named  Herbert,  by  his 
wife  Elizabeth,  had  a  son  Herbert,  fellow  of  Corpus  Christi 
College,  Oxford,  rector  of  Letcombe  Basset,  Berks,  and 
vicar  of  Chute,  Wilts.  He  died  in  1828,  having  married 
Jane,  daughter  of  Benjamin  Wilson,  of  Leeds,  and  sis- 
ter of  Gen.  Sir  Robert  Wilson,  K.  M.  T.^  He  had  ten 
children,  of  whom  two  survive ;  namely,  Francis  and 
Edmund.  The  latter  married  Georgiana  H.  Sherlock, 
daughter  of  Col.  Francis  Sherlock,  K.  H.,^  and  has  had 
issue  five  sons  and  one  daughter,  of  whom  one  son,  Her- 
bert, is  dead. 

Edmund  Randolph  (baptized  in  the  parish  of  Biddenden, 
Kent,  in  1600),  fifth  son  of  Bernard,  was  a  doctor  of  physic 
both  of  Ojcford  and  Padua.  He  married  at  Canterbury, 
about  the  year  1628,  Debo;T.h.  daughter  of  Gyles  Master, 
of  that  city,  and  there  followed  his  profession.  He  died  in 
1649,  and  was  buried  in  St.  George's  church.  The  inscrip- 
tion on  his  monument,  formerly  existing  in  that  church, 
was  as  follows :  — 

I  Knight    of    the    order    of    Maria  "  Knight  of  the  Guelphic  order  of 

Theresa.  Hanover,  instituted  by  George  IV. 


ivl!- 


^•' 


li 


Notes  by  the  Editoy. 

Edmundus  Randolph  ex  antiqua  Familia  ortus 

Medicine  Doctor  exercitatissimus 

Aliorum  protelando  vitam  decurtavit  suam. 

Numerosa  auctus  prole 

Fiuis  decem,  molliorisque  sexus  QUINQUE 

MUNDUM   SIMUL   AC   DOMUM   LOCUPLETAVIT   SUAM 
HiSCE   LIBENS   SOCIAM   DEDIT   OPERAM    DeBOKAH 

F/emina,  si  qu^  alia,  SPECTATISSIMA 

D!;i  y^GiDii  Master 

NuPER  de  civitate  Cantuari^  armigeri 

FiLXA   QUARTA 

Uxor  semper  fida,  semper  impense  dilecta. 


285 


Ultima  1  Lethi 
Vis  rapuit  rapietque  gentes. 


Fruamur  pr^senti 
Anno  Dl  MDCLXXXI.* 

chMr"*^  tT*^  .I?''"  u  <''"''">   ''^"'^"'P''   ^^^   fifteen 
Kent    fV,.  I  *''  ""'  ''''P"^'^''  ="  Biddenden. 

Kent  the  five  youngest  at  St.  George's,  Canterburv 
namely  Man,  in  ,639;  Gyles,  in  .,,1,  /a„e, TS-' 
ano  her  daughter,  in  ,64.  ;  and  Bernard,  in  .s^.  The  ; 
four  h  son,  Edward,  so  intimately  connected  with  the  affa'I 
of  New  England  from  ,676  to  .689,  was  bapti,  d  in  the 
par,sh  of  St^Margaret,  Canterbury  on  the  9th  of  jt^y     6,. 

Edward  Randolph  was  married  three  times.      His  first 
w.fe  was  Jane,  born  in  ,640,  daughter  of  Thomas  Gibbon, 

.fi.,!*"i'J"  ^^^^' ''•  '3-     Ultima  xsmh-     erected    u.  MI    f(^9r       ti       ^, 
stituted  for  w/wz/?>«.  k',Ji         1,        "'^'-      ^''^    ^e'ay  may 


I     s  . 


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i  ' 


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286 


Edward  Randolph. 


of  West  Cliffe,  Kent,  by  his  wife  Dorothy  Best.  Ui 
issue  of  this  marriage  we  have  the  names  certainly  of 
three  daughters,  —  Jane,  Deborah,  baptized  July  6,  1661, 
and  Elizabeth,  born  in  1664.  There  was  a  fourth  daugh- 
ter by  the  first  or  by  the  second  marriage ;  namely,  Mary, 
who  is  mentioned  by  Randolph  in  his  letter  of  July  18, 
1684,  to  Samuel  Shrimpton.' 

RANDOLPH 
Bernard = Jane  Boddenham 

I 


Herbert  =  Elizabeth  Master 
I 

Herbert  =  Elizabeth  Best 


John,  Edmund  =  Deborah  Master 

emigrated  to 
America 


(i)  Jane  Gibbon  =  Edward  i^  (3)  Sarah  (Backhouse) 


Herbert  =  (i)  Mary  Castillion 
\  (2)  Grace  Blome 

Herbert=(i)  Catherine  Wake 
[  (2)  Mary  Denew 


d.  1679 


(2)  Grace 

Grenville, 

d.  1682 


Platt,  d.  before  1702. 


Sarah,  not  18  in  1702 


Jane=  — 
living  in  1712 


Williams 


Elizabeth  = 

living  in  1712  I 

Charles 


Pym 


Mary, 

d.  before 

1702. 


Deborah  =  Thomas  Smith,  M.D, 
Herbert  =  Elizabeth  Adcock     bap.  July  6,  I 
I  1661 ;  m.    I 

j  after  1 702  J 

Herbert  =  Jane  Wilson  living  in 

I ^T^ Deborah  = Otway, 

j  I  of  the  army. 

Herbert  =  (i)  Martha  Pryor  Edmund  =  Georgiana  H.  Sherlock 

(2)  Rosabella  Stanhope  | 

Wilson,  dau.  of  Sir  5  sons  and  i  daughter. 

Robert  Wilson 

'  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  Fourth  Se-    on  my  daughter[s]  Betty   and    Mary, 
ries,  viii.  543      "  Pray  haue  a  strict  eye     Their  sister  Jane  hath  shewn  them  u 


m^ 


Notes  by  the  Editor. 


287 


Jane  (Best)  Gibbon  was  of  the  same  family  as  the  historian 
Edward  Gibbon.  Her  brother  Matthew  had  a  son  Edward,^ 
and  the  latter  also  a  son  Edward,  father  of  the  historian. 
Another  brother  of  Jane  Gibbon,  namely,  Richard,  married 
Anne  Tufton,  sister  of  Robert,  who,  pursuant  to  the  will  of 
his  grandfather,  Capt.  John  Mason,  assumed  the  name  of 
Robert  Mason.  Jane  (Gibbon)  Randolph  died  in  1679.  The 
place  of  her  death  is  not  known. 


ERRATA. 

Page  286.  first  line, /.r  Dorothy  Best  read  ^c^  Taylor 

287,  first  line,  /..  Jane  (Best)  Gibbon  reaH  Jane  (Taylor)  Gibbon. 

288,  hne  seven,  dele  Jane  Gibbon  =  Edward  Randoll 
311,  third  line,/.;^  Elliott's  read  Eliot's. 


1 


JiDWAKU,  lllC  iiiaujiiu.., 

b.  Ap.  27,  1737. 


The  Bests  were  also  a  Kentish   family,  with  which  the 
Randolphs  have  been  several  times  allied.     Edward's  first 


very  bad  example,  and  is  a  lost  child  to 
me.     God  jjive  her  grace  to  repent." 

It  is  to  be  inferred  that  Jane  and 
Deborah  were  at  this  time  in  England. 
Elizabeth  and  Mary  were  in  Boston,  and 
probably  living  in  the  family,  or  under 
the  care,  of  Mr.  Shrimpton. 

'  For  a  very  full  j^enealogical  his- 


tory of  the  Gibbon  family,  see  Sir  Eger- 
ton  Rrydges's  essay  on  that  subject  in 
the  Gentleman's  NIagazine,  1797,  Ixvii. 
915-919,  1 104-1107.  The  writer  cor- 
rects several  errors  into  which  the 
historian  (iibbon  fell  in  his  autobio- 
graphical account  of  his  family. 


m 


M' 


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286 


Edward  Randolph. 


of  West  CHffe,  Kent,  by  his  wife  Dorothy  Best.  Of  the 
issue  of  this  marriage  we  have  the  names  certainly  of 
three  dr"orhtcrs,  —  Jane,  Deborah,  baptized  July  6,  1661, 
and  Elf  '-^   1664.     There  was  a  fourth  daugh- 

ter by  '  "carriage ;  namely,  Mary, 

who  ij  ■"*   luly    18, 

1684, 


Her 


Hk 


HERlibK. 


(2)  «JK,»^. 


Herbert  =(i)  Catherine  Wake 
[  (2)  Mary  Denew 


Jane  = Williams 

living  in  17 12 


I 
Elizabeth  = 
living  in  1712 


Pym 


Charles 


Mary, 

d.  before 

1702. 


Deborah  =  Thomas  Smith,  M.D. 
Herbert  =  Elizabeth  Adcock     bap.  July  6,  I 
I  1601 ;  m.    I 

i  after  1702; 

Herbert  =  Jane  Wilson  living  in 

I '7'^ Deborah  = Otwat, 

I  I  of  the  army, 

Herbert  =  (i)  Martha  Pryor  Edmund  =  Georgiana  H.  Sherlock 

(2)  Rosabella  Stanhope  | 

Wilson,  dau.  of  Sir  5  sons  and  i  daughter. 

Robert  Wilson 

1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  Fourth  Se-    on  my  daughter[s]  Betty  and    Mary, 
ries,  viii.  543.     "  Pray  haue  a  strict  eye     Their  sister  Jane  hath  shewn  them  a 


I     1 


Notes  by  the  Editor. 


287 


le 

I. 
h- 

y. 

8. 


Jane  (Best)  Gibbon  was  of  the  same  family  as  the  historian 
Edward  Gibbon.  Her  brother  Matthew  had  a  son  Edward,' 
and  the  latter  also  a  son  Edward,  father  of  the  historian. 
Another  brother  of  Jane  Gibbon,  namely,  Richard,  married 
Anne  Tufton,  sister  of  Robert,  who,  pursuant  to  the  will  of 
his  grandfather,  Capt.  John  Mason,  assumed  the  name  of 
Robert  Mason.  Jane  (Gibbon)  Randolph  died  in  1679.  The 
place  of  her  death  is  not  known. 


!l 


Dorothy  Best: 
d.  1634 


GIBBON 
:  Thomas  GinnoN  =  Alice  Taylor 


b.  1590,  m.  Alice 
in  Oct.  1635 


RICHARD  =  AnNE   TUfTON 

b.  1624  sister  of 

d.  1652         Robt.  Mason 


d.  May  31,  1648. 


Edward  =  Martha  Roderts 
b.  1637    I  d.  1677 

Jane = John  Brydges 


Jane  =  Edward  RANDOLrn 
b.  1640. 


b.  1675 
m.  1704 


b.  1680-1 


Edward  =  Jemima  Egerton 

Sir  Samv  Egerton  Brydges,  Bart., 
the  author. 


The  Bests  were  also  a  Kentish   family,  with  which  the 
Randolphs  have  been  several  times  allied.     Edward's  first 


Matthew 

=  Hesther 



bap. 

1642 

Edward 

=  Cath.  Actom 

b. 

1666 

Edward 

=  Judith 

Porter 

■ 

b. 
m. 

1707 

«736 
Eda 

yard,  the  historian, 

b.  Ap.  27, 

1737- 

very  bad  example,  and  is  a  lost  child  to 
me.     God  j^ive  her  grace  to  repent." 

It  is  to  be  inferred  that  Jane  and 
Deborah  were  at  this  time  in  England. 
Elizabeth  and  Mary  were  in  Boston,  and 
probably  living  in  the  family,  or  under 
the  care,  of  Mr.  Shrimpton. 

'  For  a  very  full  genealogical  his- 


tory of  the  Gibbon  family,  see  Sir  Eger- 
ton Brydges's  essay  on  that  subject  in 
the  Gentleman's  Magazine,  1797,  Ixvii. 
915-919,  1104-1107.  The  writer  cor- 
rects several  errors  into  which  the 
historian  Gibbon  fell  in  his  autobio- 
graphical account  of  his  family. 


w 


'\\ 


't 


II 


Iri 


288 


Edward  Randolph. 


cousin,  Herbert,  married  one  of  them,  namely,  Elizabeth. 
The  following  table  will  show  the  relationship  between 
Elizabeth  and  Dorothy  Best :  — 


Richard  Best  =  Dorothy  Barrow 


Dorothy  Knatchbull  =  John  Best  =  Ann  Rookf. 


( 
Dorothy  Best  =  Thos.  Gibbon  John  Best  =  Elizabeth  Clark 


Jane  Gibbon  =  Edward  Randolph        Elizabeth  Best  =  Herbert  Randolph 

Ursula  Best,  sister  of   John   Best,  sr.,  was  grandmother 
of  Sir  George   Rooke,  vice-admiral  of   England,  the        ro 
of    Gibraltar.      She    married    Thomas    Finch,   and 
daughter  Jane  married  Sir  W.  Rooke,  Knt.,  father  ot  Sir 
George. 

The  second  wife  of  Edward  Randolph  was  Grace  Gren- 
ville,  of  the  parish  of  St.  Martin-in-the-Ficlds,  London. 
The  marriage  occurred  in  that  parish,  Aug.  18,  1681.  She 
died  in  Boston,  New  England,  late  in  November,  or  early 
in  December,  1682.^  It  is  to  her  undoubtedly  that  Ran- 
dolph refers  in  his  letter  of  May  13,  1684,  to  Sir  Robert 
Southwell :  "  I  lost  a  wife  in  New  England."  And  in  his 
letter  to  the  same,  of  Aug.  i,  1684,  he  says,  "The  troubles 
of  1 68 1  [in  New  England]  broke  my  wife's  heart."  ^ 

Edward  Randolph's  third  wife  —  to  whom  he  was  mar- 
ried in   London,  in  1684 — was  Sarah   Piatt,  the  widow  of 

*  New  England  Hist,  and  Gene.  Re-  and  family.    25 ;  they  sit  in  Mr.  Joyliffe's 

gister,  xxxvii.  155-159,  and  note.     She  pew,  and  Mrs.  Randolph  is  observed  to 

is  mentioned  by  Judsj;e  Sewall  in   his  make  a  curtsey  at  Mr.  Willard's  naming 

Diary  (Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  vi.,  Fifth  Jesus,  even  in  prayer-time." 
Series,  17  *):  "Dec  17;  Foye  arrives,  in  '•^Proceedings     Mass.     Hist.    Soc, 

whom  Mr.  Randolph,  and  his  new  wife  xviii.  256,  257. 


I 


Notes  by  the  Editor. 


289 


Peter  Piatt.  Her  maiden  name  is  supposed  to  have  been 
Backhouse,  for  the  following  license  from  the  vicar-gcncral 
of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  is  preserved:  "  1671-2, 
Jany.  31.  Peter  Piatt  of  Svvallovvfield,  Berks,  Gent.,  Bache- 
lor, aged  about  30,  and  Sarah  Backhouse  of  Aston,  near 
Stafford,  co.  Stafford,  Spinster,  aged  about  22,  at  her  own 
disposal,  to  marry  at  St.  Sepulchre's,  London."  The  regis- 
ter of  St.  Sepulchre's  shows  that  the  said  parties  were  mar- 
ried in  that  church  Feb.  i,  167 1-2.  The  burial  of  Peter 
Piatt  is  recorded  in  the  register  of  St.  Martin-in-the-Fields, 
as  of  Nov.  3,  1 68 1.  The  license  for  the  marriage  of  Ed- 
ward Randolph  and  Mrs.  Sarah  Piatt  is  as  follows:  "  1684, 
Dec.  22.  Edward  Randolph  of  St.  Margaret's,  Westminster, 
E!sq',  widower,  and  Sarah  Piatt  of  St.  Martin-in-thc-Fields, 
widow,  to  marry  at  St.  Martin-in-the-F"ields; "  and  in  the 
register  of  the  last-named  parish  occurs  this  entry:  "  1684, 
Dec.  24.  Edward  Randolph  of  St.  Margaret's,  Westminster, 
and  Sarah  Piatt  of  this  parish,  by  license  from  the  Arch- 
bishop." The  Backhouses  were  also  of  Swallowficld,  Berks ; 
and  Sarah  may  have  been  a  daughter  of  Sir  John  Back- 
house, knight  of  the  bath,  who  died  in  1649.  She  was  re- 
lated to  the  wife  of  Edward  Hyde,  the  Earl  of  Clarendon. 
The  grandfather  of  Mary  Castillion,  who,  as  stated  above, 
married  Herbert  Randolph,  was  Douglas  Castillion  ;  and 
two  of  his  sisters  married  Hydes, — one  being  Sir  Lawrence, 
—  thus  becoming  aunts  to  Edward  Hyde,  for  a  brother  of 
their  husbands  was  his  father.^ 


^  The  chief  portion  of  the  genea-  the  late  Charles  W.  Tuttle,  Ph.D.,  by 

logical  statements  respecting  the  Ran-  Edmund  Randolph,  Esq.,  of  the  Isle  of 

dolphs  in  these  notes  has  been  gathered  Wight, 
by  the  editor  from  letters  addressed  to 

37 


290 


Edward  Randolph. 


w. 


I 


m 


Y'\ 


■ir 


Ll! 


i 


Randolph's  third  wife  was  the  mocher  of  Sarah,  "  my 
youngest  daughter,'  mentioned  in  his  Will.  In  his  letter 
to  Sir  Robert  Southwell,  under  date  of  Aug.  19,  1683,^  he 
writes  :  "  I  have  now  4  daughter^  living."  These  were  Jane, 
Deborah,  Elizabeth,  and  Mary.  As  will  be  seen,  he  mentions 
four  children  in  his  Will;  namel),  Deborah,  Mrs.  Willianis, 
Elizabeth  Pim,  and  Sarah,  and  his  grandson  Charles  Pirn. 
His  daughter  Jane  married  a  Williams,  and  was  the  "daugh- 
ter Williams  "  named  in  the  Will.  Deborah  married,  sub- 
sequently to  1702,  Thomas  Smith  of  Maidstone,  M.D.^ 
Elizabeth  married  a  Pim  (or  Pym).  Mary,  noi  mentioned 
in  the  Will,  had  probably  deceased  before  1 702.  Sarah  was 
born  after  1684,  as  she  had  not  reached  the  age  of  eighteen 
at  the  date  of  the  Will.  It  is  to  be  inferred  that  he  had 
other  children  who  did  not  survive  him.     He  left  no  son. 

Two  brothers  of  Edward  Randolph  came  to  New  Eng- 
land and  held  office  as  his  deputies ;  namely.  Gyles  and 
Bernard,  both  born  in  the  city  of  Canterbury,  the  first 
named  in  1640,  the  second  in  1645.  Bernard  was  a  deputy 
collector  of  customs  in  1683,  and  again  in  1684,  as  appears 
by  contemporary  letters.  He  was  suspected  by  Dr.  In- 
crease Mather  of  being  concerned,  with  his  brother  Edward, 
in  the  authorship  or  transmission  of  the  famous  "  forged 
letter"  of  Dec.  3,  1683,  signed  "I.  M.,"  the  authorship  of 
which  Dr.  Mather  denied.^  In  a  letter  from  Edward  Cran- 
field,  royal  governor  of  the  Province  of  New  Hampshire,  to 
Mr.  Secretary  Jenkins,  under  date  of  June  19.  1683,  it  is 
stated  that  "Mr.   [Edward]   Randolph's  Bro',  who  was  left 

^  Proceedings,    Mass.    Hist.    Soc,  '  Coll.    Mass.    Hist.   Soc,    Fourth 

xviii.  254,  255.  Series,   viii.    loo-iio,    702-704;    Pal- 

^  Gentleman's  Magazine,  Ixvii.  1107.     fray,  iii.  556. 


Notes  by  the  Editor. 


1Q)\ 


here  his  Deputy,  not  being  able  to  serue  his  Maj''^  (as  things 
are  now  managed  here,  being  dayly  aiTronted  and  abused, 
as  I  haue  been  an  Eye  Witness  of),  goes  to  England  to 
make  his  complaints  to  your  Hon'  and  the  Lords  of  the 
Treasury."^  And  in  a  letter  of  the  same  date  to  the  Lords 
of  the  Committee  of  Trade  and  Foreign  Plantations,  Cran- 
field  also  says :  "  The  bearer  hereof,  M'  Bernard  Randolph, 
Deputy  CoUecf,  comes  home  with  fresh  complaints  against 
the  Boston  Governm'  of  things  I  have  been  an  eye  Witness 
of.  ...  I  have  sent  another  exemplification  of  Goue's  tryall 
by  M'  Randolph's  Bro':  who  has  been  so  ill  treated  in  the 
Execution  of  his  place  that  he  is  compelled  to  quit  the 
King's  seruice."^  His  place  was  supplied  by  his  brother 
Gyles,^  who  was  commissioned  deputy-collector  for  New 
England,  Nov.  26,  1683. 

Edward  Randolph,  writing  from  London  under  date  of 
July  18,  1684,  to  Samuel  Shrimpton,  of  Boston,  saj-s  :  "I 
send  my  brother  ouer  to  succeed  my  brother  Gyls."*  From 
this  it  would  appear  that  Bernard  Randolph  came  again  to 
New  England  and  served  as  deputy  collector.  He  was 
the  author  of  at  least  two  works ;  namely,  The  Present 
Si;ate  of  the  Morea,  Oxford,  1686,  London,  1689,  4to; 
and  The  Present  State  of  the  Islands  in  the  Archipelago, 
Oxford,  1687,  4to. 


'  Jenness's  Tr.inscripts,  15 1. 

*  Under  date  of  June  13,  1683,  Ber- 
nard wrote  to  his  brother  Edward  as 
follows :  "  I  have  received  many  af- 
frotits  since  my  being  in  the  office  you 
left  me,  and  cannot  have  any  justice. 
I  ordered  Gatchell  to  <jo  alioard  a  sloop 
at  Marblehead  to  searcli  her.  .  .  .  The 
constable  had  his  staff  taken  out  of  his 


hands  ;  his  head  broke  therewith.  Gat- 
chell was  shrewdly  [severely.']  beaten. 
...  I  have  been  very  uneasy,  but  with 
my  life  and  fortune  will  ever  serve  His 
Majesty."  (Colonial  Papers,  quoted  in 
Palfrey,  iii.  375) 

'^  Jenness's  Transcripts,  157. 

<  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  Fourth 
Series,  viii.  525. 


\ 


m 


I)  i 

r 


1  < 


•11; 

( 
i 

t 

if 

■ 

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'i 

if 

t 

t:f 


«:   I 


fll 


If  I 


^         ? 


292 


Edward  Randolph. 


Of  Gyles  Randolph  we  learn  nothing  further,  except  that 
he  married  in  America  and  had  a  son ;  but  the  son's  history 
is  not  knovvn.^  It  is  supposed  that  Gyles  died  in  Boston, 
or  elsewhere  in  New  England,  late  in  the  Spring  of  1684. 
His  death  is  reported  by  Governor  Cranfield  in  a  letter 
to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  of  Trade,  dated  May  i.^, 
1684;''  but  in  his  letters  written  prior  to  May  of  that  year 
he  makes  no  mention  of  this  event. 

It  has  already  been  stated  that  it  is  a  tradition  in  the 
English  branch  of  the  Randolph  family  that  John,  a  son 
of  Bernard  and  uncle  of  Edward,  emigrated  to  Virginia. 
There  were  Randolphs  in  that  Colony  at  an  early  period 
besides  those  descended  froni  William  Randolph,  who  until 
recently  has  been  supposed  to  be  the  earliest  immigrant 
of  that  name.^  One  of  the  descendants  of  this  William, 
in  the  present  generation,  has  united  himself  in  marriage 


^  Letter  from  Edmund  Randolph, 
Esq.,  of  the  Isle  of  Wiijlit,  to  tlie  editor. 

■''  Jenness's  Transcripts,  155-157. 

*  Sir  Egerton  Brydj^es,  Hart.,  in  liis 
poetical  work  entitled  The  Lake  of  Ge- 
neva, etc.,  published  in  Geneva,  Switzer- 
land, in  1S32,  devotes  much  space  to 
the  history  of  the  Gibbon  family,  with 
which  he  was  allied.  He  had  carefully 
studied  the  English  parish  registers  and 
other  sources  of  information  for  that 
purpose.  In  a  note  he  says:  "A  sister 
of  Edward  and  Matthew  married  a  Ran- 
dolph, and  thence  sprang  the  Randol[)hs 
and  JefTersons  of  Virginia."  Of  course 
this  is  an  error.  Edward  Randolph  was 
not  the  ancestor  of  any  Virginians,  so 
far  as  is  known.  In  another  note  he 
says:  "  I  suppose  the  manor  of  VVest- 
clitTe  descended  by  i,'rt7WXv';/c/ ainong  all 
the  sons ;  for  Matthew  had  a  share  in 
it.  I  have  a  letter  of  his  regarding  the 
distress  for  rent,  when  Randolph,  who 


married  one  of  his  sisters,  fled  to  Amer- 
ica." In  the  Gentleman's  Magazine  for 
the  yeah  1 797,  Sir  Egerton  Brydges  also 
states  that  "tradition  relates  that  Mr. 
Randolph,  having  for  some  years  rented 
the  mansion  and  estate  at  VVestcliffe,  till 
by  imprudence  he  was  involved  in  con- 
siderable arrears  of  rent,  fled  to  Amer- 
ica, where  he  founded  a  family  who  have 
made  figure  in  the  Congress  there." 
Edward  Randolph,  who  is  the  "Mr. 
Randolph "  here  referred  to,  did  not 
"riee  to  America,"  nor,  it  is  hardly 
necessary  to  say,  was  he  the  founder  of 
a  family  here.  There  is  a  strong  proba- 
bility, however,  that  the  persistent  tradi- 
tion in  the  Randolph  family  of  England 
that  one  or  more  of  the  Randolphs  of 
Kent  settled  in  Virginia,  rests  upon  a 
solid  foundation.  See  New  England 
Hist,  and  Gene.   Register,  xxix.  233- 


I 


iSL'- 

V 

Notes  by  the  Editor. 


293 


with  the  English  Randolphs.  The  Rev.  William  Cater 
Randolph,  eldest  son  of  the  late  Rev.  Henry  J.  Randolph 
and  his  wife  Frances,  eldest  daughter  of  Beckford  Cater, 
Esq.,  married,  in  1847,  Grace,  daughter  of  the  Rev.  Herbert 
Randolph,  mentioned  above.^ 

Another  person,  who  I  am  inclined  to  believe  was  a  rela- 
tive of  Edward  Randolph,  resided  for  a  short  time  in  Boston. 
This  was  Giles^  Master,  a  lawyer  by  profession.  As  has 
already  appeared,  Edward  Randolph's  mother  was  a  daughter 
of  Gyles  Master,  of  Canterbury.  The  latter  had  a  son  Giles, 
or  Gyles,  and  he  would  be  likely  to  follow  his  father's  profes- 
sion,—  the  law.  Of  the  attorneys  practising  in  the  courts 
of  Massachusetts  at  this  period,  besides  Master,  we  have  the 
names  of  Benjamin  Bullivant,  Christopher  Webb,  George 
Farewell,  Anthony  Checkley,  James  Graham,  Hayman,  and 
King.  Thomas  Newton,  who  was  employed  as  an  attorney 
in  the  early  stages  of  the  witchcraft  trials,  and  who  subse- 
quently held  various  important  ofifices  in  New  Hanipshire 
and  in  Massachusetts,  tame  a  little  later  than  the  others 
above  named.  He  was  an  able  and  much  respected  man, 
and  a  well-educated  lawyer.  As  to  the  others,  we  know  very 
little  concerning  their  professional  qualifications. 


^  The  descent  of  the  Rev.  William 
Cater  Randolph  is  as  follows :  Rob- 
ert '  Randolph  of  Hamnies,  Suffolk,  m. 
Rose  Roberts  of  Hawkhurst,  Kent ; 
their  son  William  ^  (b.  1572,  d.  1660), 
by  his  first  wife,  Elizabeth  Smyth,  was 
father  of  Thomas,  the  poet  (n.  1605, 
d.  1634),  and  by  his  second  wife,  Doro- 
thy Lane,  had  Richard^  (b.  1621.  d. 
1671),  who  m.  Elizabeth  Ryland.  Rich- 
ard and  Elizabeth  had  William^  (b. 
1650,  d.    1711),  who  m.  Mary  Isham. 


This  William  was  born  in  Warwickshire, 
emigrated  to  Virginia,  and  died  there. 
William*  and  Mary  had  Isham *(b.  1687, 
d.  1742),  m.  Jane  Rogers,  and  their  son 
William 8  (d.  1791)  m.  Elizabeth  Little, 
whose  son  Henry  Jones '  (b.  !777)  m. 
Frances  Cater,  and  had  William  Cater, 
named  in  the  text. 

^  He  wrote  his  Christian  name  as  it 
is  given  in  the  text:  but  in  the  records 
of  the  Superior  Court  of  the  county  of 
Suffolk,  the  name  is  invariably  Gyles. 


Hi! 


294 


Edward  Randolph. 


I 


Master  was  frequently  employed  in  the  management  of 
causes.  In  the  record  —  or  what  little  remains  of  the  record 
—  of  causes  tried  in  the  court  of  which  Dudley  was  the  pre- 
siding justice,  Master's  name  appears  oftener  than  that  of  any 
other  of  the  attorneys  mentioned.  It  is  not  known  when  he 
came  to  New  England,  nor  under  whose  auspices.  Savage 
makes  but  brief  mention  of  him,  and  concludes  that  he  was 
here  but  a  short  time.  Judge  Sewall  gives  the  date  of  his 
death  as  Feb.  29,  1688.  He  died  intestate,  and  left  a  meagre 
estate.  Sewall  styles  him  the  "King's  attorney,"  but  I  find 
no  evidence  that  he  held  any  commission  from  the  King, 
and  it  is  probable  that  Sewall  only  meant  to  say  that  he  was 
an  attorney  in  the  courts  established  by  royal  authority. 

If  I  am  not  astray  in  my  conjecture  as  to  the  family  rela- 
tionship between  Randolph  and  this  Giles  Master,  it  is  a 
noteworthy  circumstance  that  Master  was  attorney  for  Dr. 
Increase  Mather  in  the  suit  brought  against  him  by  Ran- 
dolph. He  and  Master  may  have  become  estranged  in 
consequence  of  Master's  taking  the  popular  side  in  the 
political  affairs  of  that  time.  That  he  did  take  that  side 
may  be  inferred  from  his  popularity  as  an  attorney,  and 
from  the  names  of  his  clients  as  preserved  in  the  court 
records.  If  there  was  an  estrangement  between  them,  the 
fact  may  have  been  present  in  Randolph's  mind  when,  in  a 
letter  to  John  Povey  in  1687-8,  he  wrote  as  follows:  — 

I  have  wrote  you  of  the  want  we  have  of  two  or  three  honest 
attorneys  (if  any  such  thing  in  nature).  We  have  but  two,  one  is 
West's  creature,'  come  with  him  from  New  York,  and  drives  all 

1  Who  was  meant  by  "  West's  crea-  of  West,  and  does  not  appear  to  have 
ture "  is  not  apparent.  Master  proba-  been  connected  in  any  way  witli 
bly  came  to  Boston  before  the  arrival     him.  —  H. 


i.^ 


^  I 


Notes  by  the  Editor. 


295 


before  him.  He  also  takes  extravagant  fees,  and  for  the  want  of 
more  [attorneys]  the  country  cannot  avoid  coming  to  him,  so  that 
we  had  better  be  quite  without  them  than  not  to  have  more.^ 


Randolph's  suit  against  Mather,  to  which  reference  has 
been  made,  grew  out  of  Mather's  having  charged,  or  broadly 
insinuated,  in  a  letter  to  Dudley,  that  Randolph  forged  a 
letter,  dated  Dec.  3,  1683,  purporting  to  be  written  by  Mather 
to  the  Rev.  Thomas  Gouge,^  at  that  time  the  minister  of  a 
congregation  of  English  Independents  in  Amsterdam.  The 
letter  was  calculated  to  prejudice  the  writer  in  the  minds 
of  the  King  and  his  ministers.  A  copy  of  the  letter  came 
into  the  hands  of  Randolph  from  his  friend  and  correspond- 
ent, one  George  Rosse.^  Addressing  his  communication  to 
Randolph,  then  at  Whitehall,  under  date  of  June  6,  1684, 
Rosse  says :  — 

It  is  a  long  time  since  I  see  you  in  Scotland,  where  your  favors 
ever  obliged  me  to  be  your  humble  servant.  .  .  .  Being  lately  in 


1  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.,  300  (Prince  Soc. 
ed.). 

■■^  This  worthy  person,  who  for  a  him- 
dred  years  or  more  has  had  mention  in 
our  histories  as  "Mr.  G."  "one  Mr. 
Gouge,"  and  "  Mr.  Gouge,"  had  a  Chris- 
tian name.  The  long  association  of  liis 
name  with  the  names  of  Randolpii  and 
Mather,  in  connection  with  the  forged 
letter,  justifies  some  account  of  his  life 
and  character. 

Thomas  Gouge  was  a  son  of  the  Rev. 
Robert  Gouge,  minister  among  the  In- 
dependents at  Ipswich,  .Suffolk,  Eng- 
land, and  subsequently  at  Coggeshall, 
E.>se:{.  Thomas  was  born  a  sliort  time 
before  the  Restoration,  educated  for  the 
ministry  in  England  and  Holland,  and 
before  he  was  twenty-two  years  old 
was  settled  as  a  paster  at  Amsterdam. 


About  the  time  of  the  Revolution  he 
returned  to  England,  became  pastor 
of  an  Independent  congregation  at  the 
Three  Cranes,  Thames  Street.  Lon- 
don, and  after  a  few  years  was  elected 
into  the  Merchants'  Lecture,  I'inncrs' 
Hall.  On  account  of  his  great  and 
varied  learning  he  was  styled  a  "  Living 
Library."  His  zeal,  eloquence,  and  eru- 
dition gave  him  rank  among  the  Inde- 
pendents as  one  of  the  greatest  preachers 
of  the  age.  His  death  occurred  on  the 
8th  of  January,  1699- 1700,  when  he  was 
about  forty  years  old.  See  Wilson's 
History  and  Antiquities  of  Dissenting 
Churches  (London,  iSoS),  ii.  69-72; 
Gibbon's  Life  of  Isaac  Watts,  D.D. 

8  It  is  not  improb.able  that  Rosse  was 
a  relative  of  Randolph.  See  Douglas's 
Peerage  of  Scotland. 


'■  4 


h 


Pi 


;ii'   ^t 


i  ijlil 


■I' 


<  ■  1 


296 


Edward  Randolph. 


Amsterdam,  accidentally  came  into  my  hands  a  letter  from  Boston, 
which  I  had  time  to  copy.^ 

Randolph  sent  a  copy  of  the  letter  to  Judge  Dudley  of 
Massachusetts,  who  showed  the  same  to  Mather  and  subse- 
quently furnished  him  with  a  copy.  The  following  is  the 
copy  of  the  letter^  furnished  to  Dr.  Mather:  — 

LETTER   TO   REV.   THOMAS  GOUGE. 

To  my  worthy  ffreind  Mr.  G:  in  Amsterdam  By  way  of  Barbados. 

Boston  in  New  England, 
the  3"'  of  X-*  16S3. 

S",  —  I  am  obliged  to  you  for  your  favour  in  writing  me  by  o' 
Agents  return,  which  letter  I  have  received,  and  observe  what  you 
write  concerning  affairs  in  England,  and  how  o'  friends  are  there 
wrongfully  abused.  I  am  glad  God  hath  preserved  o'  good  friend 
^r.  Fergusson,  and  sent  him  over  to  y'  side  the  water,  where 
their  malice  cannot  reach  him.  Wee  have  (before  y"  came  to 
hand)  heard  the  great  sufferings  of  several  of  the  servants  of  the 
Lord.  What  you  say  as  to  their  intentment  to  root  out  God's  word 
from  amongst  us,  I  will  say  with  the  Lord's  Prophet,  The  Right- 
eous also  shall  see  this  and  fear,  and  shall  laugh  them  to  scorn.  I 
am  well  assured  of  y"  happiness  of  that  great  freind  of  God's  cause, 
the  Lord  of  Shaftsbury,  who  you  say,  dyed  in  our  friend  Mr.  Kick's 
house.  If  they  could,  wee  [he?]  should  certainly  have  bin  cut  off  by 
those  Evil  doers,  for  they  can  now  mould  the  lawe  as  [they]  please, 


1  Palfrey's  Hist,  of  New  England,  iii. 
558. 

*  Mather  Papers,  Prince  Coll.,  Bos- 
ton Public  Library.  A  copy  of  this 
letter  was  communicated  to  the  New 
Eng.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Register  for  Jan- 
uary, 1885,  by  G.  D.  Scull,  Esq.,  of 
Oxford,    England.     That    copy    bears 


date  "9"'  of  y  lo'N  1683."  It  is  to  be 
noticed,  however,  that  Randolph  in  two 
instances  speaks  of  the  letter  as  dated 
Dec.  3,  1683.  The  copy  of  the  letter  in 
the  Register  differs  but  siightly  from  the 
copy  used  at  the  trial ;  some  words  be- 
ing left  out  in  the  latter,  and  others  sub- 
stituted ;  but  the  meaning  is  the  same. 


<    v 


1 


'TjnV'-j^fcir -■^irttr;'':J'r^""'''  ■■t"'-""^-r-    -  ■ 


Tl5 


No^es  by  the  Editor. 


297 


I 


and  make  it  their  study  more  to  please  men  then  God.  Corrupt 
are  they,  and  are  become  abominable  in  their  wickedness.  There 
is  none  that  docth  good.  Jehovah  looked  down  from  Heaven  upon 
the  children  of  men,  to  see  if  there  were  any  that  would  understand, 
and  seek  after  him.  No,  all  are  seeking  after  vanity,  and  have  not 
God  before  their  eyes.  Truly,  I  must  say  with  you,  never  was  any 
age  gone  so  farr  in  whoring  after  their  own  lusts  and  pleasures. 
Yea,  from  the  King  y'  sitteth  on  the  throne  to  the  beggar.  An 
unwise  man  doth  not  well  consider  this,  and  a  fool  doth  not  regard 
it.  It  was  a  great  greife  to  mee  to  hear  the  death  of  that  good 
Lord  Russel,  and  how  barbarously  the  Earle  of  Essex  was  mur- 
thred  in  the  Tower.  Wee  may  see  with  halfe  an  Eye  which  way  they 
intend  to  drive  poor  England.  Well,  we  can  onely  say  with  holy 
David,  O'  God  shall  come,  and  shall  not  keep  silence,  there  shall 
go  before  him  a  Consuming  fire  ;  A  mighty  Tempest  shall  be  stirred 
up  round  about  him,  to  whom  wee  will  Committ  all  our  Concerns. 

I  thank  you  for  the  Care  you  have  taken  in  getting  those  prints  in 
readiness  to  send  me  by  y"  next  shipping.  Pray  lett  mee  have  the 
following  books  sent  me  with  them.  The  new  Covenant  of  Scot- 
land, Caril  upon  Job,  and  Mr.  Owen's  last  works,  with  some  of  yo' 
new  Geneva  prints,  that  I  may  collect  of  all  to  sweeten  the  milk  to  the 
Pallats  of  those  good  Christians,  who,  praysed  bee  God,  receive  with 
cheerfulness  our  administration.  I  am  glad  the  Lord  hath  raised 
up  a  defender  for  his  People  in  Hungary,  and  I  am  certain[ly]  of 
opinion,  the  Lord's  work  will  bee  done  by  those  heathen,  and  the 
whore  of  babylon  shall  fall.  His  late  signs  in  the  heavens  did 
foretell  such  Works.  My  prayer  shall  bee  continually  for  their 
victory,  for  certain  it  is  his  will  it  shall  bee  so.  As  to  affairs  in 
these  parts,  which  you  desire  to  have  an  account  of;  I  shall  tell 
you.  The  same  week  as  our  Agents  arrived,  Randolph  did  also 
arrive  with  a  Summons  from  the  King  for  our  Charter.  The  next 
day  after  hee  arrived,  hapned  a  sad  fire,  which  burnt  down  the 
richest  part  of  the  Town,  which  some  believe  was  done  by  his 
means  ;   for  hee  went  out  of  Town,  or  certainly  hee   would   have 

38 


1!', 


I 


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L' 


i 


^|i|- 


31 


if  I 


u 


H:  i 


H; 


298 


Edward  Randolph. 


ended  his  dayes  through  some  of  y"  tumultuous  sufferers.  Ilee 
has  made  it  his  business  to  spread  the  King's  declaration  all  about 
the  Countrey,  and  perswaded  two  Colonies  to  fall  off  from  uniting 
with  us.  A  General  Court  hath  bin  called  here,  which  has  been 
held  fourteen  dayes.  Thx  Governor  and  several  of  the  Magistrates, 
not  regarding  their  oath  to  God  and  the  Countrey,  esteeming  rather 
to  please  his  Majesty,  have  voted  to  surrender  up  their  Charter,  butt 
y'-  Deputy  Governour  with  other  Magistrates,  and  most  of  the 
house  of  Deputyes,  who  fear  God  more  the*',  man,  are  for  keeping 
o'  priviledgcs,  which  is  my  opinion  also,  .or  I  cannot  understand 
why  wee  should  give  away  what  the  Lo'd  God  hath  afforded  [usj ; 
and  whatever  the  Event  may  bee,  wee  ought  to  stand  by  y""  with  o' 
lives  and  fortunes,^  for  so  Ahab  required  Naboth's  vineyard.  Wee 
have  had  great  encouragement  from  England,  for  several  Good  and 
Worthy  men  among  the  Law  Doctors  have  Councelled  us  to  stand 
it  out  at  Law,  which  most  give  us  hopes  wee  shall  bee  able  to  main- 
tain, though  the  Charge  bee  very  great.  Butt  in  England  Money 
will  do  much. 

This  Randolph  hath  been  a  mortal  Enemy  to  our  Countrey,  and 
most  say,  if  hee  had  not  moved  his  Ma''''  it  would  never  have  been 
his  Concern,  for  hee  was  satisfyed  with  our  sending  away  the  Com- 
mission'' which  came  over  some  years  past.  It  hath  cost  these 
people  a  great  deal  of  Money,  and  if  two  or  three  thousand  Pound 
will  buy  it  off,  wee  have  those  who  will  give  it.  Wee  have  good 
friends  in  England  who  will  largely  contribute,  butt  dare  not  bee 
seen,  for  fear  of  troubles.  Wee  expect  great  quantity's  of  o'  friends 
to  come  over  from  England  ;  God  will  certainly  avenge  the  blood 
of  his  Saints,  and  those  who  live  shall  see  it,  and  fear  our  Great 
Jehovah.  Oh,  that  wee  may  not  bow  the  knee  to  Baal,  nor  worship 
any  graven  Image.  Our  God  is  y*"  Great  God,  and  Jehovah  is  his 
name.      Hee  hath  strengthned  his  people  in  the  Wilderness,   and 


^  This  phrase,  "our  lives  and  for- 
tunes," very  frequently  met  with  durin<!; 
the  last  hundred  years,  was  not  common 
in   the   seventeenth   century.     Bernard 


Randolph  in  his  letter  (note  2,  page 
291)  uses  the  words  "my  life  and  for- 
tune." 1  lio  not  find  this  expression  else- 
where in  the  "  Madier  Papers."  —  H. 


m%m 


Notes  by  the  Editor. 


299 


made  his  Power  known  amongst  the  heathen.  Yett  wee  have  some 
who  run  a  whoring  after  their  own  Inventions,  and  fall  off  from  o' 
Church.  Oh  that  God  would  send  a  Daniel  to  interpret  the  visions 
which  o'  King  may  dayly  see  in  the  Heavens,  least  it  be  said  no 
more,  beware,  beware,  butt  vengance  fall  upon  the  nation  :  I  will 
say  with  John  the  Divine,  Here  is  Wisedom  ;  lett  him  that  hath 
understanding  count  the  number  of  the  Beast,  for  it  is  the  number 
of  a  man,  and  his  number  is  six  hundred,  threescore  and  six,  and 
God  will  certainly  fulfill  his  sayings.  Pray  when  you  see  Mr 
fferguson,  give  him  my  kind  salutes.  If  hee  continue  his  resolution 
of  coming  over  here,  hee  may  bee  sure  of  an  hearty  welcome  ;  butt 
I  fear  hee  must  bee  forced  to  change  his  name,  for  though  wee  have 
power  in  our  Charter  to  receive  and  protect  who  fly  for  persecution 
sake,  as  wee  did  Gouff  and  Whaley,  yett  wee  fear  that  Priviledge  will 
bee  forced  from  us.  God  grant  wee  may  have  the  Enjoyment  of  our 
heavenly  Charter,  which  Jesus  Christ  hath  Purchased  for  us,  and 
would  also  bee  demanded,  if  some  dare  venture,  butt  there  wee  shall 
meet,  and  the  Sheep  shall  bee  known  from  the  Goates  ;  butt  now  a 
Jesuit  is  a  Courtier,  a  servant,  and  what  you  will,  so  as  hee  bee  no 
Enemy  of  y"  Court,  hee  may  bee  any  thing.  Some  report  here 
that  M'  Oates  is  out  of  favour  for  discovering  the  Popish  Plott. 
Had  hee  bi'  sworn  for  them,  hee  would  certainly  [have]  been  a 
Bishop,  if  S'  L.  ]}  had  pleased.  This  comes  to  you  by  way  of 
Barbi.dos,  a  Jew  going  thither,  and  so  for  your  place,  has  promised 
to  deliver  it  into  yo'  own  hands.  Pray  give  my  hearty  respects  to 
Good  Mr.  Kick,  to  whom  I  will  write  by  a  ship  that  may  sayl  about 
three  weeks  hence.  Mr.  Kick's  son  's  a  hopeful!  young  man,  and 
one,  I  dare  say,  that  fears  the  Lord.  Randolph  returns  upon  a  ship 
which  will  sayl  about  three  weeks  hence.  God  will  certainly  follow 
him  wherever  hee  goes,  for  hee  has  much  prejudiced  us.  If  hee 
should  miscarry,  it  is  God's  Just  Judgment.  Pray  let  mee  hear 
from  you  by  all  occasions,  and  lett  your  prayers  bee  for  us  as  wee 
continually  pray  for  you,  and  all  the  true  servants  of  y"  Lord.     I 


-     l 


k   '-A 


*  Leoline  Jenkins. 


300 


Edwani  Randolph. 


will  conclude  in  saying,  the  Lord  livetli,  and  blessed  bee  my  strong 
helper,  and  praysed  bee  the  God  of  o'  Salvation,  Jehovah  is  his 
name.     To  him  I  commit  you,  and  in  all  sincerity  am 

Yours  in  Christ  Jesus,  I.  M. 

Coppied  out  October  24,  16S4. 


If 


U  11 


fi 


!i| 


♦  I 


Thereupon  Dr.  Mather  addressed  the  following  letter  to 
Judge  Dudley:  — 

Worthy  Sik,  —  T  returne  you  my  humble  thanks  for  your  civil- 
ity, in  letting  me  have  a  coppy  of  a  letter  pretended  to  be  dated 
at  Boston,  the  3:  10:  1683,  &  subscribed  I:  M.  which  it  seemeth 
to  some  that  know  me  not,  to  have  supposed  me  to  be  the  Author 
of  it,  but  I  assure  you  it  is  none  of  myne.  The  forger  of  it  begins 
with  a  lye,  in  the  first  line,  for  he  speakes  as  if  Mr.  Gouge  had 
written  to  me  by  our  Agents,  which  he  never  did,  and  as  if  he  had 
informed  me  as  if  the  Earle  of  Shaftsbury  died  in  Mr.  Kick's  house, 
when  as  no  man  ever  writ  any  such  thing  to  me.  He  represents 
me  as  a  person  well  assured  of  Shaftsbury's  happinecs,  and  as  es- 
teemirig  him  the  great  freind  of  God's  cause.  They  that  are 
acquainted  with  me  knovve  that  I  never  had  an  high  opinion  of  that 
Gentleman.  This  manifests  the  letter  to  be  a  peece  of  forgery. 
As  for  that  reflection  on  his  maj'*",  and  what  is  added  concerning 
the  Lord  Russell  &  Essex,  they  are  the  Expressions  of  the  forger, 
and  none  of  mine.  He  pretends  as  if  I  sent  to  Amsterdam  for  the 
New  Covenant  of  Scotland,  Carill  upon  Job,  and  Mr.  Owen's  last 
works.  Now  herein  he  has  so  grossly  played  the  fool,  soe  as  to 
discover  the  letter  to  be  a  meer  peece  of  forgery.  As  for  the  new 
Covenant  of  Scotland,  I  never  heard  of  such  a  thing,  untill  I  saw  it 
in  this  wicked  letter,  nor  do  I  to  this  day  vnderstand  what  is  the 
meaning  of  it.  Carill  have  been  in  my  study  this  fiveteen  years,  & 
if  I  had  him  not,  it  is  [not .-' j  likely  that  I  should  send  to  Amsterdam, 
for  Mr.  Carill  &  Doct.  Owen's  works,  which  are  here  sould  in  Boston. 
I  might  obtaine  them  sooner  and  cheaper  from  London,  then  from 


' 


hi 


'Wi'^. 


Notes  by  the  Editor. 


301 


Holland,  and  whether  such  books  are  to  be  bought  in  Amsterdam 
or  no,  I  knowc  not.  IJy  this  then  oncly  he  sjjills  some  of  his  ven- 
nome  against  some  of  those  excellent  men,  of  whom  the  world  was 
not  worthy  :  but  he  addeth  with  some  of  the  Geneva  prints,  that 
I  may  collect  of  all  to  sweeten  the  milke  to  the  pallats  of  those 
good  Christians,  who  receave  with  cheerfuUness  our  adminictiations. 
This  is  extreemly  foolish.  I  hope  that  no  man  that  is  acquainte;! 
with  me,  can  suppose  such  ridiculous  stufe  had  dropt  from  my  pen. 
He  farther  represents  me  as  that  I  knew  by  the  signes  in  the 
Heavens,  that  the  heathens  should  destroye  the  whore  of  Babilon. 
In  this  also  he  hath  acted  like  a  fool,  for  now  all  men  may  know 
that  this  letter  was  never  written  by  me,  since  my  judgment  is 
declared  in  print  express  contradictory  ;  soe  what  is  here  pretended 
in  my  books  of  Commits,  page  129  &  130,  I  endeavor  to  prove  by 
the  scripture  that  Rome  shall  not  be  distroyed  by  Mohemet,  but  by 
other  hands  ;  and  how  often  have  I  declared  that  the  appearance  of 
a  blazing  star  is  not  to  be  slighted,  that  mortalls  cannot  tell  what 
the  particuler  events  are,  that  shall  followe,  yet  such  Phinominas 
are  seen,  when  the  forger  of  lies  goes  on  &  tells  how  Randolph  was 
suspected  to  have  had  a  hand  in  the  last  fier  in  Boston,  &  that  if  he 
had  not  gon  out  of  towne,  the  tumultuous  sufferers  would  have 
ended  his  dayes.  Now  these  are  things  I  never  heard  of  before, 
therefore  I  could  not  write  them.  The  letter  forger  saith  that  Ran- 
dolph has  perswaded  two  Collonies  to  fall  of  from  vniting  with  us. 
This  is  a  great  vntruth,  &  some  upon  reasonable  termes  con- 
jecture that  no  man  except  Randolph  could  tell  such  a  impudent 
lye,  when  the  whole  Contry  knowes  the  contrary.  What  he  farther 
adds  of  the  Governor  &  Dcp'*"  Governor,  as  concerning  the  Hon''''-' 
Govern'  is  a  scandelous  falsehood,  &  so  discovers  the  malice  of  the 
forger,  not  onely  against  me,  but  against  this  Collony,  nor  is  it  likely 
that  I  should  speake  of  mens  venturing  their  lives  &  fortunes,'  that 
being  an  expression  no  wayes  sutable  to  my  genius.  He  also  shew- 
eth  himselfe  to  be  a  child  of  the  Divill,  by  what  he  writeth  concern- 


m 


Ir 


ir- 


I 


^  See  note  2,  page  291. 


y  ' 


302 


Edward  Randolph. 


It 


m 


itiiii 


!  ' 


5 


ing  Doct'  Oatcs,  &  S'  L:  J: ,  of  neither  of  whom  did  I  write  any 
thing.  He  pretends,  in  the  close  of  his  forgery,  as  if  I  had  sent 
the  letter  by  a  Jew  by  way  of  Barbados.  This  doth  nioore  fully 
demonstrate  the  forgery  ;  for  I  knew  not  that  there  was  any  Jew  in 
Hoston  the  last  winter,  nor  did  I  learne  that  any  Jew  did  go  from 
thence  to  Barbados  ;  to  be  sure,  I  saw  none,  nor  did  I  ever  send  a 
letter  by  any  Jew  in  my  life.  Belike  the  Jew's  name  that  carried 
the  letter  was  either  Edward,  or  Bernard  Randolph.  I  shall  take 
notice  but  of  one  passage  more  in  this  letter,  which  in  sume  respect 
is  moor  wicked  then  all  the  rest.  He  brings  me  in  sending  keind 
salutes  to  Mr.  Ferguson,  &  assuring  him  of  hearty  welcome  to  New 
England,  if  he  held  his  resolution  of  coming  hither.  Ferguson  is  a 
person  with  whom  I  have  no  manner  of  acquaintance  I  never  sent 
salutations  to  him  by  any  one,  or  at  any  time,  nor  did  I  ever  heare 
that  he  had  thoughts  of  coming  to  New  England,  vntill  this  letter- 
forger,  who  is  not  to  be  believed,  .said  it.  Whereas  he  addeth,  we 
had  power  by  our  Charter  to  protect  those,  who  flye  for  Protection 
sake,  as  we  did  Goff  &  VVhaly,  this  dos  suffitiently  intimate  who 
was  the  authur  of  this  forgery,  viz.  that  it  was  Randolph  himselfe, 
for  it  is  well  knowne,  he  did  once  exhibit  a  complaint  against  this 
Collony,  because  in  their  Law-book  it  is  declared,  if  men  fly  thcther, 
being  persecuted,  they  shall  finde  favour,  and  [the]  lying  comment 
that  Randolph  made  vpon  it,  was  by  virtue  of  this  law  of  the  people 
in  New  England,  in  showing  kindness  to  Goff  &  Whaley.  Let  all 
rationall  men  judge  whether  any  one  but  Randolph  was  the  Authur 
of  this  Forgery.  Besides  there  is  so  much  said  of  Randolph  in  this 
spurious  letter,  that  giveth  just  cause  to  suspect  him  to  be  the  Father 
of  it.  It  is  reported  that  he  has  a  notable  art  in  imitating  hands, 
that  he  can  doe  it  soe  exactly,  that  a  man  cannot  easily  discerne  the 
knavery,  &  that  one  of  the  Randolphs  being  detected  of  such  vil- 
lany,  is  lately  fled,  to  save  his  ears.  Whether,  as  some  say,  he  has 
imitated  my  hand,  in  his  forgery,  I  know  not,  or  whether  he  has 
forged  any  moor  letters  with  this,  and  fathered  his  Bratts  upon  me, 
only  I  hope  that  good  will  come  out  of  it.     However,  tis  good  that 


II 


i 

i;    ' 

1. 

i.     .   . 

Notes  by  the  Editor. 


303 


all  mankind  will  be  convinced  that  Randolph  is  a  great  knave,  for 
he  that  will  forge  such  a  bloody  letter,  that  so  he  may  do  mischicfe, 
not  only  to  an  Innocent  man,  but  to  an  honnest  People,  what  wicked- 
ness &  inhumanity  will  he  not  be  guilty  of,  if  he  doth  but  think  that 
his  villany  shall  not  be  discovered.  But  I  am  not  the  first  that  have 
been  thus  abused.  I  finde  in  the  History  of  Sham  Plotts,  in  page 
16  &  17,  that  treasonable  letters  w[ere]  forged  ami  laid  to  the  charge 
of  severall  Nonconformist  ministers,  Mr.  Baxter,  Doct"  Conant,  and 
other  men  of  great  worth  ;  but  the  impious  Authurs  thereof  were 
detected,  to  theire  shame.  And  soe  I  dought  not  but  it  will  be  in 
this  case,  and  rather  because  the  forger  has  highly  abused  the 
Glorious  name  of  the  blessed  God,  not  onely  by  a  profane  Cotation 
of  many  scriptures,  which  were  not  mentioned  by  me,  but  by  men- 
tioning the  sacred  title  of  the  most  high  God,  to  serve  a  wicked 
designe.  In  the  superscrition  of  his  forgery  he  mentions  the  name 
of  Jesus  Christ,  and  four  times  he  mentions  the  dreadfull  name 
Jehovah,  which  is  a  name  that  for  some  reasons  not  necdfull  here  to 
be  exprest,  I  doe  verry  rarely  mention,  and  that  is  a  farther  mani- 
festation, that  this  letter  was  not  of  my  Composure.  Such  has  been 
the  desperate  prophaness  of  the  Atheisticall  Authur  of  this  forged 
letter,  that  rather  then  not  attempt  the  doeing  of  mischiefe  to  New 
England,  and  to  me,  who  am  one  of  the  least  of  the  ministers  of 
God  therein  ;  he  will  attempt  God  himselfe,  to  vindicate  his  owne 
name  upon  him,  but  I  beleeve  as  to  your  selfe,  S',  to  whom  I  am 
knowne,  I  am  certaine  that  before  ever  you  spake  with  me  about  it, 
you  were  perswadcd  the  letter  was  none  of  myne,  since  it  was  not 
written  in  my  stile,  and  there  are  things  in  it  obhorrid  to  my  knowne 
Principles.     You  may  communicate  this  to  whome  you  please. 

I  am,  s',  y'  humble  scrv  Increase  Mather.^ 

Boston,  the  lo'.**  November,  1684. 

When  Randolph  learned  that  Mather  had  written  the  fore- 
going letter  to  Dudley,  he  solicited  and  obtained  a  copy, 

1  The  spelling  of  this  letter  is  not  Mather's.  —  H. 


1  1 

4 

!  1 

J 

.  --"..FrC**"  '*>■ 


1 


As 


liii 


^  I 


■ 


304 


Edward  Randolph. 


and  subsequently  brought  an  action  of  trespass  on  the  case 
against  Mather  for  defamation,  laying  his  damages  at  ^500. 
The  writ  was  dated  Dec.  24,  1687.^  Mather  was  arrested  by 
virtue  of  the  following  precept:  — 

Suffolk  ss. 

By  Vertue  of  his  Maj"  Writt  of  Capias  to  me  Directed,  Returnable 
before  his  Maj"  Justices  at  the  Next  Superior  Court  of  Pleas,  to  be 

©held  in  Boston  on  the  Last  Tuesday  in  January  nexte,  you 
shall  Arest  Increase  Mather  to  Answer  To  Edward  Ran- 
dolph, Esqir:  of  a  Plea  of  Trespas  uppon  the  Case,  to  the 
Plaintiffs  Damage  five  hundred  pounds.     Da'  the  24"'  of  Dece.  &  in 

th»  Thirde  year  of  his  Maj"  Reigne. 

James  Shirlock,  Sher"^. 
Veria  Copia,    1  homas  Larkin.'' 

During  the  pendency  01  '"he  suit  against  Dr.  Mather,  he 
received  from  one  of  the  lawyers  whom  he  consulted  the  fol- 
lowing "opinion"  of  the  law  applicable  to  his  defence:^  — 

^  The  long  interval  between  the  date 
oi  Mather's  letter  to  Dudley  and  tlie 
bringing  of  the  suit  may  have  been  ow- 
ing in  part  to  Randolph's  long  and  fre- 
quent absences  from  New  England.  In 
t!iis  connection  the  following  letter  from 
Dudley  to  Randolph  in  noteworthy,  a> 
coming  from  a  justice  of  the  court. 


To  Edward  Randolph,  Esq*: 

S',  —  I  nude  n-.y  Excuse  yesterday  to  M' 
West  [secretary  of  the  Council]  tor  my  ab- 
sence, I  am  this  morning  ill  and  uncapable 
to  ride.  Vou  have  already  a  copy  of  the 
letter  you  desire,  and  that  which  is  in  my 
hand  is  not  Ar  Mather's  own  writing,  but 
only  his  subscription.  What  may  be  done 
with  the  one  will  alike  be  done  by  the 
other.  Give  my  humble  Seirvice  to  his 
Excellency.  I  wish  his  health  while  I  want 
my  own. 

Your  serv', 

15  Dec.  1687,  J.  Dudley. 


2  Prince  Coll. 

*  Tiie  manuscript  copy  of  this  "opin- 
ion "  is  in  the  Prince  Collection,  and 
with  other  papers,  letters,  etc.,  relating 
to  this  suit,  has  been  printed  by  the 
Mass.  Hist.  Society  in  the  "  Mather 
Papers."  The  manuscript  copy  is  un- 
signed, and  there  is  nothing  to  show 
who  was  the  author.  In  the  ''Mather 
Papers,"  as  printed,  this  paper  is  signed 
■'  C.  C. ;  "  but  the  copyist  evidently 
misread  the  abbreviation  "  &c."  for 
the  initials  of  the  writer.  The  hand- 
writing in  the  manu.script  somewhat  re- 
resembles  Bradstreet's,  but  it  would 
seem  probable  that  Checkley  was  the 
author.  In  order  to  make  the  sense 
clearer,  quotation  marks  are  now  placed 
Ijefore  and  after  the  words  taken  from 
Mather's  letter  to  Dudley  of  Nov.  10, 
1684. 


HMI 


Notes  by  the  Editor. 


305 


As  to  the  Action  of  Defamation 

Please  To  Know  that  as  to  things  incertaine  or  dubious  noe  jitic- 
uiar  Action  can  be  conlenced  vpon.  Now  't  is  noe  where  asserted  in 
that  Lre  that  Edward  Randolph  was  the  Forger  of  that  Lre.  As  to 
that  (that  "belike  the  Jewes  Name  was  either  Edward  or  Bernard 
Randolph;")  'tis  not  pticularly  appropriated  to  Edward  Randolph, 
soe  that  for  the  incertainctye  thereof  Noe  Action  can  lye  at  the  Suite 
of  Edward  Randolph,  and  "  one  of  the  Randolphs  being  detected  of 
such  villanye  is  lately  fled  to  save  his  Eares,"  which  cannot  touch 
Edward,  and  that  "  Randolph  is  a  great  Knave,"  is  too  gefiall  to 
Comcnce  an  Action  vpon,  and  that  ''  't  is  suspected  that  he  may  be 
the  author  thereof,"  is  too  gefiall  still  to  mainteyne  an  Action  ;  and 
as  to  an  Action  for  words,  it  cannot  bee,  for  that  the  pper  words  for 
such  action  are  (Retulit,  p'palavit,  &  publicavit  in  auditu  quam  plu- 
rimorum  subditorum  Dui  Regis  in  his  anglicanis  verbis  videl'  &c.) ; 
then  writcing  of  a  Lre  barely  to  one  I  cannot  vnderstand  to  be  a 
publication,  altho  the  pson  to  whome  the  Lre  was  Writt  doe  shew  it 
to  seuerall ;  but  he  may  be  said  to  publish,  &c. 

But  let  them  first  prove  the  Lre  to  be  yours,  which  you  need  not 
owne,  and  you  may  safely  plead.  That  you  are  not  guilty  (modo  & 
forma  ut  querens  versus  eum  queritur).  Et  de  hoc  poii  se  sup.  pa- 
triam  &c.  In  hast,  I  am  Yrs,  &c. 

Just  before  or  during  the  trial  of  the  suit,  Dr.  Mather  ad- 
dressed the  presiding  justice  the  following  letter.  Such  a 
proceeding  in  the  present  day  would  be  regarded  as  extraordi- 
nary and  highly  improper.  It  contains  one  very  significant 
and  important  statement  (printed  in  italics),  to  be  noticed  here- 
after. 

These  for  the  Honorable  Joseph  Dudley,  Esq.  in  Roxhury} 

S",  —  I  have  for  many  years  showed  all  the  respect  to  yourselfe 
&  yours  which  I  could  do,  &  have  wished  for  an  opportunity  of  doing 
more.     Providence  has  so  ordered  that  it  is  now  in  your  power  to  do 

'  Prince  Coll. 
39 


n 


f;-M.iv,vT  ;,"'^v;'.  i"t^-;j-i«7>v,v'5';irrr 


306 


Edward  Randolph. 


\  I' 

•    f  * 

;       ■           S 

'1! 

I 
V 


I 


■  i 


1 

UN 


U4 


me  a  kindness.  I  desire  nothing  but  what  is  just  &  righteous,  & 
therefore  am  confident  you  will  hearken  to  me.  I  then  pray  you 
to  consider  whether  it  can  stand  with  justice  in  Mr  R[andolph]s 
case  to  find  for  him  at  all.  For  i.  I  never  did  positively  charge 
him  with  the  forged  letter  ;  only  declared  my  suspicion.  Now, 
except  the  charge  be  positive  and  particular  the  case  is  not  ac- 
tionable as  a  slander.  The  truth  is  I  never  thought  that  hee  (& 
therefore  could  not  charge  him,)  but  a  brother  of  his  was  the  forger, 
only  I  wish  he  can  bond  fide,  clear  himselfe  from  being  privy  to  that 
wickedness.  2.  No  man  can  say  that  my  name  was  subscribed  with 
my  owne  hand,  or  that  the  Scribe  might  not  mistake  several  words, 
&  send  a  wrong  copy  to  yourselfe.  3.  Mr  R.  is  legally  guilty.  Hee 
that  has  falsely  to  the  Secretary  of  State  and  others,  charged  me 
with  a  letter  which  is  a  forged  thing,  is  legally  guilty  of  that  For- 
gery. But  M'  R.  has  done  so.  In  his  letter  to  M.'  Bradstreet,  (who 
has  bin  so  kind  as  to  give  it  to  me)  dated  7''"  4,  1684,  he  confesseth 
that  hee  informed  Sir  L[eoline]  J[enkins]  &  several  of  the  Lords, 
that  I  was  the  Author  of  that  letter  to  Mr  Gouge.  And  in  his 
letter  to  Ml;  Shrimpton  dated  July  18"'  84,  (which  I  have  by  me 
likewise)  hee  accuseth  me  with  that  treasonable  letter.  I  have  little 
knowledge  in  the  Statutes  of  the  Land,  but  some  acquaintance  with 
the  Laws  of  God  I  ought  to  have.  If  that  statute,  Deut.  19,  18,  19, 
20,  may  take  place,  M'  R.  ought  to  dye  the  death  for  having  falsly 
&  maliciously  accused  me  with  a  capital  crime. 

These  things  I  thought  it  my  concern  humbly  to  suggest  to  you. 
I  comend  you  to  God,  and  rest.  Sir, 

Yours  to  serve  you,  L  Mather. 

January  24,  i687[-S]. 

S", —  I  must  entreat  you  to  be  as  kind  to  me  as  M'  Bradstreet 
has  bin,  in  giving  me  Mr  R."  letter  to  yourselfe  with  which  hee  sent 
the  Forged  Letter  of  mine. 

The  olificial  record  of  the  pleas,  trial,  and  judgment  in  this 
suit  has  disappeared  from  the  files  of  the  court.     Not  a  paper 


Notes  by  the  Editor. 


307 


or  line  remains;  but  from  fragmentary  copies  of  papers  pre- 
served in  the  Prince  Collection  and  in  the  State  archives  I 
am  able  to  compile  the  following  statement.  The  cause 
came  on  for  trial  at  a  term  of  the  Superior  Court  for  the 
county  of  Suffolk,  on  the  last  Tuesday  of  January,  1687-8. 
The  Court  consisted  of  Joseph  Dudley,  presiding  justice,  Wil- 
liam Stoughton,  associate  justice,  and  several  of  the  justices 
of  the  peace  for  the  county  aforesaid.  Farewell  and  Hayman 
appeared  for  the  plaintiff";  Master  and  Checkley  for  the  de- 
fendant. The  jury  chosen  to  try  the  case  was  composed 
of  the  following  persons,  all  of  Boston  ;  namely,  George 
Turfrey,  Adam  Winthrop,  William  Hobby,  Gervaise  Bal- 
lard, Robei  I  Howard,  William  Gibson,  Simeon  Stoddard, 
Bozoan  Allen,  Humphrey  Parsons,  Thomas  Stanbury,  and 
Duncan  Campbell. 

The  following  note  of  the  trial,  hitherto  unprinted,  is,  for 
various  reasons,  interesting:  — 


■\  w 


Randolph 

vs. 
Mather. 


Dec' in  Defamacon.  Dam.^^oo.  Checkley  &  Master 
for  Def!  plead  not  Guilty.  Hay  ,an  for  Pl"^  opened  y° 
Declar.  Farewell  pursued  &  read  y'  Letter.  The  Let- 
tc  was  wrott  by  y*"  Def  to  y'"  Pres'd'-,  but  he  Says  he 
never  published  y''  Same  to  any. 

To  proue  y''  publicon  of  y"  Letter  M'  Farewell  produces 
Jn"  Hale  of  Beverley 
Gyles  Master. 

Hale  Objects  ag-  Swearing  on  y"  bible  &  was  Admit- 
ted to  Sweare  by  holding  up  his  hand. 

It  was  demanded  of  Hale  if  Euer  he  heard  or  Saw  a 
Letter  wrott  by  M'  Mather  to  y''  purports  of  that  men- 
coned  in  y''  dec' 


J 


:h  '; 


."f  ,V~-i   s""""^^ 


'TT'  ? ~- ''  '-^  ■  -™-   ■' *""' -< 


IH 


■,! 


308 


Edward  Randolph. 


Sayes  that  ab'  3  years  agoe  heareing  of  a  Letter  that 
was  published  in  England  in  abuse  of  y'  Uef  &  ab' 
which  remarkes  was  made  by  y°  observator,  he  asked  M' 
Mather  ab'  it,  who  told  him  it  was  a  false  thing  putt  on 
him,  &  showed  him  a  paper  where  in  he  had  vindicated 
himselfe,  wi''  he  delivered  him  to  Shew  to  others  &  Sat- 
isfie  them  therein,  &  that  he  did  both  Shew  it  &  declare 
it  to  Seurall  persons,  &  y""  writeing  was  Sometime  out 
of  his  hands,  but  was  after  Returned  to  M-  Mather 
againe.  That  y"  writeing  he  receiued  from  M'  Mather 
was  a  Letter  directed  to  y'^  Presid',  that  it  was  Some- 
thing like  what  he  heard  now  read,  but  cannot  remem- 
ber eury  Perticuler:  that  y'  paper  M'  Mather  gaue 
him  Seem''  to  be  a  coppy  of  a  Letter  wrott  to  y"  Presd', 
but  whether  it  was  a  true  Coppy  or  not  does  not  know, 
nor  whether  y°  Letter  in  y=  dec'  be  diverse  or  y""  Same. 

The  Letter  being  read  in  part,  Some  he  remembers 
&  Some  does  not.  Says  he  Lent  y°  paper  to  Deacon 
Hill,  &  ab'  3  yeares  Since,  on  M'  Mathers  desire,  he  Re- 
turned it  to  him  againe;  he  after  Says  he  lett  M'  Hig- 
ginson  &  M'  Cobbitt  haue  y*  paper  &  to  many  others 
of  meaner  Rank. 

Master  Ownes  y°  Seeing  y'  letter  long  before  y*. 
accon  Commencs.  Farewell  Sworne.  Sayes  he  Saw  y" 
Letter  ab'  9  months  Since  in  Boston. ^ 

As  might  have  been  expected  under  the  circumstances, 
the  plaintiff  failed  in  his  suit,  and  was  compelled  to  pay 
the  costs. 

It  has  never  been  ascertained  beyond  a  doubt  who  was 
the  author  of  the  forged  letter.  Independent  of  the  con- 
tents of  the  letter  itself,  Dr.  Mather's  denial  of  the  author- 
ship should  have  been  sufficient  at  the  time,  and  must  be 

^  Mass.  Archives. 


1 

) 

i 

t 

M 


v 


Notes  by  the  Editor. 


309 


\ 


so  regarded  now.  Was  Edward  Randolph  the  author  ?  As 
we  have  seen,  Dr.  Mather  says  in  his  letter  to  Dudley  (Jan. 
24,  1687-8):  "The  truth  is  I  never  thought  that  hee  [Ed- 
ward Randolph]  (&  therefore  could  not  charge  him)  but  a 
brother  of  his  was  the  forger."  However  inconsistent  this 
statement  seems  to  be  when  compared  with  the  general  tone 
of  Mather's  previous  letter  to  Dudley,  dated  Nov.  10,  1684, 
it  must  be  accepted  as  true.  But  Mathers  denial  as  to  him- 
self, and  his  exculpation  of  Edward  Randolph  from  the 
charge  of  forging  the  letter,  must  go  together.  It  is  testi- 
mony of  the  highest  value  in  favor  of  Edward  Randolph 
from  one  who  had  greatly  suffered  and  was  still  suffering, 
as  he  believed,  at  Randolph's  hands.^ 

It  is  remarked  above  (page  278),  that  "in  the  records  of 
that  age  no  name  is  branded  by  writers  with  so  many,  so 
varied,  and  so  strongly  denunciatory  epithets  as  that  of 
Edward  Randolph."  In  the  forged  letter,  falsely  attributed 
to  Dr.  Increase  Mather,  the  writer,  using  a  phrase  which 
had  undoubtedly  become  familiar  to  his  ears,  speaks  of  Ed- 
ward Randolph  as  "a  mortal  enemy"  of  New  England.  In 
his  letter  of  Nov.  10,  1684,  to  Dudley,  as  given  above.  Dr. 
Mather  calls   Randolph  "  a  child  of  the   Divill,"  whatever 


*  In  the  elaborate  note  appended  to 
the  forjjed  letter,  in  the  eighth  volume 
(4th  series)  of  the  Collections  of  the 
Mass.  Hist.  Society,  the  editor.  Dr. 
Chandler  Robbins,  demonstrates  be- 
yond a  reasonabli  doubt  that  Mather 
was  not  the  author  of  the  letter,  and  in 
that  note  and  elsewhere  expresses  his 
belief  that  Edward  Randolph  was  the 
author.  He  seems  to  have  overlooked 
the  letter  of  Matlier  to  Dudley  of  Jan. 
24,  1687,  printed  in  the  same  volume, 
or  to  have  regarded  it  as  inconclu- 
sive.     Dr.   Palfrey  (History,  iii.  557) 


discusses  the  same  subject,  and  comes 
to  the  conclusion  that  neither  Increase 
Mather  nor  Edward  Ranilolph  was  the 
author.  His  suggestion  as  to  the  pos- 
sibility that  Dr.  Cotton  Mather  was  the 
author  is  not  likely  to  have  much  weight. 
Cotton  Mather,  although  afflicted  from 
boyhood  with  the  disease  known  as 
cacoethes  scribetuii,  and  through  his 
whole  life  the  victim  of  j^ed  intic  tastes 
and  the  conceit  of  all  knowledge  "in 
h.df  a  dozen  languages,"  was  neither  a 
fool  nor  a  knave.  We  do  not  see  any 
motive  inducing  him  to  write  the  letter. 


!« 


% 


r 


310 


Edward  Randolph. 


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i  »  \ 

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,  il 


'  I 


i 


I  ; 


that  may  mean,  and  "  a  great  Knave."  These  are  certainly 
vigorous  epithets,  and  the  more  remarkable  as  coming  from 
the  amiable  and  courteous  Increase  Mather,  who,  unlike  his 
famous  son  Cotton,  was  rarely  "  surprised  in  his  cups "  — 
of  rhetoric  highly  spiced  with  capital  letters  and  italics. 
Randolph  himself  was  not  incapable,  when  it  served  his 
purpose,  of  graphic  or  pungent  phrases,  an  example  of  which 
occurs  in  his  letter  of  July  18,  1684,  to  Shrimpton,^  where  he 
characterizes  Mather  as  "  the  bellows  of  sedition."  Cotton 
Mather,  who  is  not  open  to  the  charge  of  undue  affection 
for  Randolph,  nor  of  feebleness  of  invective  concerning 
those  whom  he  hated  or  disliked,  had  his  last  shot  in  1724, 
when  he  wrote  as  follows :  "  I  will  here  take  my  Eternal 
Farewell  of  him,  with  Relating  That  he  proved  a  Blasted 
Wretch,  followed  with  a  sensible  Curse  of  GOD  wherever 
he   came;  Despised,    Abhorred,    Unprosperous."  ^ 

A  collection  of  some  of  the  epithetical  phrases  referred  to 
above  may  not  be  altogether  uninteresting ;  and  the  reader 
may  perhaps  discover  who  is  entitled  to  the  credit,  if  credit 
there  bt\  of  their  primary  use.  The  following  list  has  been 
gathered  in  a  somewhat  hasty  glance  at  the  books :  — 

"  Randolph,  who,  the  people  of  New  England  said,  '  went  up  and  down 
to  devour  them.'"     (Hutchinson's  Hist.,  1764,  p.  319.) 

"  Messenger  of  death."     (Hutchinson's  Hist.,  1764,  p.  337.) 
"  Messenger  of  death."     (By  the  unknown  author  of  the  British  Domin- 
ions in  North  America,  etc.,  London,  1773,  p.  147.) 

"  The  angel  of  death."     (Belknap's  Hist.,  1784,  i.  117.) 
"The  public  accuser  of  those  days."     (Morse  and  Parish's  Hist.,  1804, 
p.  294.) 

*  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  viii.,  Fourth  Series,  96. 

"^  Parentator,  or  Remarkables  of  Dr.  Increase  Mather,  107. 


Notes  by  the  Editor. 


3^1 


"An  enemy."    (Holmes's  Annals,  1805,  i.  394.) 

"The  evil  genius  of  Massachusetts."     (Holmes's  Annals,  1805,  i.  410.) 

"An  active  and  implacable  adversary  to  New  England."  (Elliott's  I3iog. 
Die,  art.  Randolph^ 

"  The  general  enemy  and  accuser  of  the  free."  (Graham's  Hist.,  1827, 
i.  438.) 

"The  general  enemy  of  American  liberty."     (Graham's  Hist.,   1836, 

»•  370.) 

"  The  hated  messenger."     (Bancroft's  Hist,  ii.  124.) 

"'The  Evil  (ienius  of  New  England,'  or,  as  he  is  called,  her  '  Angel  of 
death.'  "     (Washburn's  Jud.  Hist,  of  Mass.,  129.) 

"That  indefatigable  enemy."     (Hildreth's  Hist.,  1849,  '•  S04-) 

"  The  enemy."     (Palfrey's  Hist,  1864,  iii.  289.) 

In  a  letter  of  Randolph  to  Governor  Winslow  of  the 
Plymouth  Colony,  dated  January  29,  1679-80,  he  states 
that  he  had  just  returned  to  Boston  from  New  Hampshire, 
where  he  remained  from  December  27  to  January  22  ;  and 
adds  that  he  was  "  received  at  Boston  more  like  a  spy  than 
one  of  His  Majesty's  servants.  They  kept  a  day  of  thanks 
for  the  return  of  their  agents  [Stoughton  and  Bulkley],  but 
have  prepared  a  welcome  for  me  by  a  paper  of  scandalous 
verses,  all  persons  taking  liberty  to  abuse  me  in  their  dis- 
courses, of  which  I  take  the  more  notice,  because  it  so 
much  reflects  upon  my  master,  who  will  not  forget  it."  ^ 
The  following  are  the  verses  ^  to  which  he  refers :  — 

RANDOLPH'S  WELCOME   BACK   AGAIN E. 

Welcome,  S',  welcome  from  y'  e?.stern  shore, 
With  a  commission  stronger  than  before 
To  play  the  horse-leach  ;  rob  us  of  our  Fleeces, 
To  rend  our  land,  and  teare  it  all  to  pieces : 

'  Coll.  Mass.  nist.  Soc,  vi.  92. 

*  Hist.  Coll.,  by  Farmer  and  Moore,  iii.  30. 


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312  Edward  Randolph. 

Welcome  now  back  againe  ;  as  is  the  whip 

To  a  Foole's  back  ;  as  water  in  a  ship. 

Boston  make  roome,  Randolph 's  returned,  that  hector, 

Confirm'd  at  home  to  be  y"  sharp  Collector  j 

Whoe  shortly  will  present  unto  y'  viewes 

The  Create  Broad  Seale  that  will  you  all  amuse,  — 

Unwelcome  tidings,  and  unhappy  newes. 

New  England  is  a  very  loyall  shrubb 

That  loues  her  Soueraigne,  hates  a  Beelzebub : 

That 's  willing  (let  it  to  her  praise  be  spoake) 

To  doe  Obedience  to  the  Royall  Oake, 

To  pay  the  Tribute  that  to  it  belongs, 

For  shielding  her  from  Injuries  and  Wrongs: 

But  you  the  Agent,  S',  shee  cannot  brook  ; 

Shee  likes  the  Meate,  but  can't  abide  the  Cook. 

Alas,  shee  would  haue  Caesar  haue  his  Due, 

But  not  by  such  a  wicked  Hand  as  you  : 

For  an  acknowledgement  of  Right,  wee  scorne 

(To  pay  to  our  greate  Lord  a  pepper-corn) 

To  baulke  the  Tearmes  of  our  most  Gratious  Deed, 

But  would  ten  thousand  times  the  same  exceed. 

Some  call  you  Randall  —  Rend-all  I  you  name, 

Soe  you  '11  appear  before  you  've  played  y'  Game. 

Hee  that  keeps  a  Planta^on,  Custom-house, 

One  year,  may  bee  a  Man,  the  next  a  Mouse. 

Y'  brother  Dyer  ^  hath  the  Divell  played. 

Made  the  New-Yorkers  at  the  first  affraide, 

Hee  vapoured,  swagger'd,  hector'd  (whoe  but  hee  ?) 

But  soon  destroyed  himself  by  Villanie. 

Well  might  his  cursed  name  w"'  D  begin, 

Who  was  a  Divell  in  his  harr  for  Sin, 


1  William  Dyer  (Hutchinson,  i.  330, 
writes  the  name  Dyre)  was  appointed 
surveyor-general  of  customs,  Jan.  4, 
1683.      He   came   to  New   York   with 


Gov,  Andros  in  1674.  See  N.  Y.  Col. 
Docs.,  iii.  221  :  Mass.  Rec,  v.  383,  386, 
530;  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Fourth  Series, 
viii.  533.  —  H. 


E^t   V  h 


!.     i. 


Notes  by  the  Editor. 

And  currantly  did  pass,  by  common  vogue, 

For  the  Deceitfull'st  Wretch  and  Greatest  Rogue. 

By  him  you  're  furnish't  w"'  a  sad  Example  — 

Take  heed  that  those  you  Crush  don't  on  you  trample. 


313 


|v 


Wee  veryly  belieue  wee  are  not  bound 

To  pay  one  Mite  to  you,  much  less  a  Pound. 

If  there  were  need  New  England  yo\x  must  know 

Fiftey  p.  cent  we  'Id  on  our  King  bestow, 

And  not  begrutch  the  Off 'ring,  shee  's  so  Franck, 

But  hates  to  pay  where  shee  will  haue  no  thanke. 

We  doe  presume  Secundus  Carrolus  Rex 

Sent  you  not  here  a  Countrye's  heart  to  vex. 

Hee  giues  an  Inch  of  power :  you  take  an  Ell. 

Should  it  be  Knowne,  hee  would  not  like  it  well. 

If  you  doe  Understand  y"  occupation, 

'T  is  to  keepe  acts  of  Trade  from  Violation. 

If  Merchants  in  their  traffique  will  be  Faire, 

You  must,  Camelion-like,  Hue  on  the  aire. 

Should  they  not  trade  to  Holland,  Spain,  and  France, 

Directly  you  must  seeke  for  maintenance. 


The  Customs  and  the  Fees  will  scarce  supply 
Belly  and  Back.     What 's  left  for  's  Majesty? 
What  you  collect  won't  make  you  to  look  bigg 
With  modish  Nick-Nacks,  Dagger,  Perriwigg ; 
A  courtier's  garbe  too  costly  you  will  see 
To  be  maintained  where  is  noe  Gift  nor  Fee. 
Pull  downe  the  mill,  rente  the  ground,  you  '11  finde 
That  very  Few  will  come  to  you  to  grinde. 
Merchants  their  Come  will  alwayes  carry  there, 
Where  the  Tole  's  easy,  and  the  Usuage  Faire. 
Wee '11  Kneele  to  the  mill-owner,  as  our  Cheife  -A 
But  doe  not  like  the  Miller  ;  he's  a  Theife,  > 

And  entertaine  him  not  w"'  joy,  but  Greife.  J 

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314  Eilivani  Randolph. 

When  Heauen  would  Job's  signall  Patience  try, 
He  gaue  Hell  leaue  to  Plott  his  Misery, 
And  Act  it,  too,  according  to  it's  will. 
With  this  exception,  —  don't  his  body  kill. 
Soe  Royall  Charles  is  now  about  to  proue 
Our  Loyalty,  Allegiance,  and  Loue, 
In  giuing  Licence  to  a  Publican, 
To  Pinch  the  Purse,  but  not  to  Hurt  the  Man. 
Patience  raised  Job  unto  the  height  of  Fame, 
Lett  our  Obedience  doe  fci  us  the  Same. 


It  is  not  intended  in  this  place  to  enter  upon  an  extended 
discussion  of  any  one  of  the  several  questions  involved  in 
Randolph's  connection  with  <^he  affairs  of  New  England 
from  1676  to  1689;  nor  to  c  ,age  in  a  formal  defence  of 
his  character  or  his  acts  against  the  accusations  made  by  his 
enemies,  and  repeated  by  many  historical  writers  since  his 
day.  Nor  is  it  intended  to  discuss  at  length  the  conduct 
and  motives  of  the  leading  public  men  of  Massachusetts,  dur- 
ing the  period  in  question,  in  respect  to  those  acts  of  omis- 
sion or  commission  of  which  the  King  repeatedly  complained, 
and  on  account  of  which  he  at  last  intervened.  Whoever  de- 
sires to  learn  the  facts  will  resort  to  the  original  sources  of 
information.  The  facts  are  detailed  or  referred  to  by  Dr. 
Palfrey  in  his  History  of  New  England  with  sufficient  ful- 
ness to  enable  the  student  to  see  very  clearly  whether  or  -^t 
the  merits  of  that  controversy  were  confined  to  one  side. 
That  able  and  justly  esteemed  author  aimed  to  be  candid 
and  impartial ;  but  the  temptation  to  become  the  advocate 
of  a  party  —  a  temptation  that  assails  and  triumphs  over 
most  writers  of  history  —  was  not  wholly  resisted  by  him. 
His  readers  will  fail  to  find  any  admission  that  in  his  judg- 


Notes  by  tlie  Editor. 


315 


ment  there  was  a  reasonable  ground  or  proper  justification 
for  the  King's  intervention. 

The  only  other  American  writer  of  acknowledged  weight 
and  historical  learning  who  has  treated  the  subject  specially 
and  at  length,  is  the  author  of  a  recent  work  on  the  Puri- 
tan Age  and  Rule  in  Massachusetts.'  While  naturally 
disposed,  it  may  be  assumed,  to  make  the  best  possible 
showing  for  Massachusetts  in  that  long  and  disagreeable 
controversy  which  resulted  in  the  forfeiture  of  the  first 
charter,  he  has  stated  the  chief  grounds  of  contention  and 
defence  with  fairness  and  frankness.  The  work  referred 
to  is  a  contribution  in  the  direction  and  in  the  interest 
of  a  critical  and  impartial  history  of  the  period  named, 
and  as  such  is  a  step  towards  a  restatement  of  that 
history. 

When  that  restatement  shall  appear  in  a  formal  narrative, 
as  it  must,  we  may  reasonably  believe  it  will  be  seen  that 
there  were  two  sides  to  the  controversy,  as  there  were  two 
parties,  and  that  by  reason  of  their  obstinacy  and  lack  of 
foresight,  if  not  lack  of  statesmanship,  the  leaders  of  public 
thought  and  action  in  Massachusetts  were  themselves  :hiefly 
responsible  for  whatever  of  misfortune  befell  them  in  the 
loss  of  their  power  and  their  government.  But  was  the  fall 
of  the  theocratic  government  of  the  old  Puritan  leaders  a 
misfortune  for  Massachusetts  or  for  New  England }  It 
was  based  on  an  impracticable  theory  ;  it  had  served  its  end, 
and  so  was  destined  in  the  nature  of  things,  or  rather,  as 
we  may  more  properly  say,  under  the  hand  of  Providence, 


M 


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i\  r 


1  The    Puritan    Age  and   Rule  in     1620-1685,  by  George  E.  Ellis,  Boston, 
the  Colony  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,     1888. 


If  '1 


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I 

1. 

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316 


Edward  Randolph. 


to  be  removed  out  of  the  way  sooner  or  later.  It  was  for- 
tunate for  the  people  of  New  England  that  the  end  came 
when  it  did,  and  that  the  event  was  not  marked  by  blood- 
shed or  extreme  violence. 

We  may  also  expect  that  some  men  who  then  rested  and 
still  rest  under  a  load  of  distrust,  and  even  hatred,  will 
receive,  when  the  evidence  is  more  discriminatingly  consid- 
ered, a  less  rigorous  treatment  than  has  hitherto  been 
visited  upon  them.  Among  these  men  Randolph,  so  long 
the  target  for  invective,  will  probably  receive  a  fairer  esti- 
mate. His  side  of  the  case  will  also  be  presented.  Justice 
demands  that  he  should  be  fairly  and  fully  heard. 

It  will  appear  that  he  was  a  man  of  no  ordinary  ability, 
and  there  is  no  evidence  that  he  was  open  to  reproach  on 
the  score  of  personal  morality.  It  will  be  seen  that  he 
was  not  a  volunteer  in  the  mission  that  brought  him  to 
New  England;  that  he  came  as  the  agent  of  the  King,  with 
instructions  to  do  a  prescribed  work.  As  such  he  was  en- 
titled to  a  respectful  reception  and  to  respectful  treatment. 
It  was  charged  against  him  that  he  behaved  rudely  and 
arrogantly  towards  the  authorities.  The  inquiry  will  have  to 
be  made  whether  or  not  the  treatment  he  received  would 
not  be  likely  to  goad  a  man  of  spirit,  acting  under  the  au- 
thority of  his  sovereign,  into  a  display  of  intemperate  zeal 
and  the  expression  of  irritated  feelings.  It  was  charged 
that  he  sent  home  exaggerated  reports  and  malicious  state- 
ments as  to  the  motives  and  acts  of  the  ruling  men  in  New 
England.  It  must  be  conceded  that  many  of  his  statements 
proved  to  be  exaggerated ;  but  this  fault  was  not  peculiar 
to  Randolph.     Malice  is  always  more  easily  charged  than 


»   '(' 


4 


Notes  by  the  Editor. 


317 


j)roved.  I  le  wrote  and  probably  uttered  many  harsh  things 
concerning  the  men  who  resolutely  and  steadily  labored  to 
baffle  his  efforts  and  hinder  him  in  the  discharge  of  his 
office ;  but  did  he  in  any  case  give  more  than  a  "  Roland 
for  an  Oliver"?  Many  other  charges,  more  or  loss  grave, 
were  made  against  him.  The  question  will  be,  whether  the 
charges  rest  on  credible  evidence,  or  only  on  the  assertions 
of  his  enemies.' 

It  will  be  borne  in  mind  that  he  gained  and  retained  the 
personal  friendship  of  some  men  of  good  standing  and  in- 
Hucnce  in  New  England,  and  that  he  secured  the  confidence 
of  three  sovereigns  in  succession.  If  it  be  objected  that  to 
have  been  the  trusted  agent  of  Charles  II.  and  of  James  II, 
reflects  no  credit  upon  him,  it  must  be  remembered  that  he 
had  likewise  the  confidence  of  a  better  man  than  either,  a 
more  sagacious  statesman,  a  far  more  respected  sovereign, — 
William  III.,  and  that  he  died  while  holding  an  important 
commission  from  that  monarch. 


Of  Randolph's  early  history  little  is  known.  It  is  evident 
that  he  had  been  educated  in  the  classics.  His  occasional 
use  of  Greek  and  of  Latin  phrases,  always  accurate  and 
pertinent,  would  indicate  so  much,  at  least.  Tt  would  also 
appear  that,  previous  to  his  coming  to  New  England,  he 
had  been  employed  in  the  affairs  of  the  Admiralty,  and  per- 


1  It  appears  that  Randolph  had  one 
defect  wliich  has  not  been  charged 
against  him  :  he  laclicd  tlie  sense  of 
liumor.  But  in  this  he  was  not  very 
dif!"erent  from  the  people  among  whom 
he  lived  a  troubled  life  for  ten  years 
and  more.  The  greatest  boon  for  the 
Puritans  would  have  been  a  daily  news- 


paper, wherein  the  absurdities  and  in- 
sanities of  the  times  might  have  been 
lashed  out  of  sight,  or  out  of  hearing, 
by  tiie  whip  of  ridicule.  One  year's 
issue  of  Punch  would  have  done  more 
good  than  two  synods,  or  half  a  dozen 
sessions  of  the  General  Court. 


I    . 


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318 


Edward  Randolph. 


haps  also  in  the  department  of  Customs.  His  letters  and 
reports  compare  favorably  in  style  with  similar  papers  of 
that  day. 

When  Dudley  was  commissioned  president  of  New  Eng- 
land, Randolph  was  named  as  one  of  his  counsellors,  and  he 
was  also  a  member  of  the  council  in  Andros's  government. 
How  far  he  w?s  individually  responsible  for  whatever  was 
harsh,  arbitrary,  and  oppressive  in  Andros's  administra- 
tion, docb  not  appear. 

The  career  of  Andros  was  in  most  respects  an  ignomin- 
ious failure.  He  and  most  of  the  men  who  came  In  his 
train,  or  were  drawn  about  him  as  advisers,  were  singularly 
unsuited  to  the  business  intrusted  to  ''.em.  They  were  ill- 
fitted  CO  deal  with  a  people  who  aimed,  even  in  that  early 
period,  at  independence  of  the  Crown  and  the  Parliament, 
and  ackno'vledgcd  their  allegiance  only  under  stress  or 
compulsion.  A  more  conciliatory  policv,  a  more  moderate 
course  of  procedure,  would  in  the  end  probably  have  ac- 
complished all  that  the  King  desired. 

Randolph  was  involved  in  the  downfall  of  Andros's  ad- 
ministration by  the  uprising  of  the  people,  and  after  a  close 
and  not  very  humane  imprisonment  in  the  common  jail  in 
Boston  for  nearly  ten  months,  was,  by  the  King's  order, 
with  Andros  and  several  other  prisoners,  sent  to  England 
for  trial.  The  order  .vas  dated  the  30th  of  July,  1689,  but 
was  not  complied  with  until  the  9th  of  February  of  the  fol- 
lowing, year.^     No  one  appeared  at  the  trial  to  support  the 

1  Mass.  Arch.  XXIV.  231.  The  King's  and  otheis  our  Subjects,  tha:  have  been 
order  required  that  "  Sir  Edmond  An-  in  like  manner  seized  by  the  said  Feo- 
dros,  Edward  Randolph,  John  Trefry,     pie  of  Boston,  and  shall  be  at  the  Re- 


;l  \ 


\\  ill 


flj 


m 


Notes  by  the  Editor. 


319 


charges  made  against  the  prisoners,  and  they  were  released 
without  even  a  reprimand.  Andros  and  Randolph  were 
soon  afterward  appointed  by  the  King  to  important  offices 
in  America. 

As  has  already  been  stated,  Randolph,  though  tempo- 
rarily removed  from  America  in  consequence  of  the  revolt 
against  Andros's  government,  gained  the  confidence  of 
his  new  sovereign,  and  returned  to  America  with  a  new 
commission,  and  with  larger  powers  than  those  previously 
conferred  upon  him.  In  1691  he  was  made  surveyor- 
general  of  His  Majesty's  customs  in  all  the  English  Prov- 
inces and  Plantations  in  America,  How  soon  he  entered 
upon   the  duties  of    his  office  does   not  appear,  but    it  is 


\  <• 


HI 


ceipt  of  these  Our  Commands  rletained 
tlieie  under  Confinement,  be  forthwith 
sent  on  lioard  the  first  slrip  boimd 
hither,  to  answer  before  us  what  may 
be  Objected  agaii.st  them,  and  tiiat  you 
take  cure  tliat  they  be  Civilly  usecl  in 
their  Passage  from  New  England,  nnd 
safe!)  Conveyed  to  our  Royall  Pres- 
ence." Some  of  the  prisoners  !iad  been 
released.  The  order  to  Captain  I5ant 
to  receive  the  prisoners,  and  his  re- 
ceipt, are  as  follows  :  — 

To  Gilbert  Bant,  Comaiitier 

of  the  S/iip  AfehetaM. 

Pursuant  to  his  Ma''"  Comands  in  his 
Gracious  Letter  of  ye  30th  of  July  l.ist 
past,  Copy  -.vhereof  is  above  written,  you 
are  Reqnired  in  their  Ma""  names  to  re- 
ceive into  your  charge  &  custody  on  board 
the  Ship  ^Ieh2tahel,  whereof  you  are  CoiTl- 
andl  ,  now  boiiiul  for  P".ni;land,  Sr  luinuuul 
Andros,  K"t,  Joseph  DikIIov,  I'lsq':  ,  nv  Vx\- 
ward  Randolph,  m'  John  Palmer,  ni'  John 
V>'est,  m'  J.,nies  Grayhani,  m^  James  .She- 
lock,  and  ni;  George  Farewell,  &  every  of 
them  herewith  delivered  unto  you  by  Cap".^" 
John  Faycrwcather,  and  them  safelv  to  con- 
vay  accordi'ig  to  his  Ma"'"'  Cofuands  in  said 
Letters,  which  you  are  exactly  to  observe  in 


all  Respects,  hereof  faile  not,  as  you  will 
answer  the  contrary  at  yo'  peril.  Dated  at 
Boston  within  the  Colony  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Pay  in  New  England  the  Fifth  day  of 
Foburary,  1689.  bi  the  First  year  of  the 
Reign  of  our  .Sovereign  Lord  and  Ladv, 
William  and  Mary,  by  the  grace  of  God 
King  it  Queen  of  Lngland. 

Sim:  P.RADsrREKT,  Goim'' 

in  the  name  of  the  Gen'a'l  Cour. 

Py  virtue  of  the  withinwritten  Precept 
Signed  by  the  Hon''.'«^  Simon  Bradstroct, 
Ksqt  ,  Governo";  ,  pursuant  to  his  M.ajcsties 
Coffiands  I  have  received  (together  with  the 
said  Precept  and  Copy  of  his  Ma''V'  said 
Comands  thereabovewritten)  into  my 
charge  and  custod)',  on  board  the  Ship  Me- 
hetabel,  the  several)  persons  named  in  the 
said  precept,  viz'.  .Si;  F.dmund  Andro^-  K."', 
Joseph  Dudley,  Ivsq'  ,  m;  Edward  Rar.- 
doli)h,  m.  John  Palmer,  m'  John  West, 
nu  James  (iravhani,  m.  James  Sherlock, 
and  ni'  (ieorge  Farewell.  As  also  a  Lc-tur 
from  the  Government  directed  to  il:e  Right 
Hon''!'-'  the  Earle  of  Nottingham,  Ono  ^.i  his 
Ma"'^^''  most  IIon'''.<-'  Privy  Council!  and 
I'rincipl'  Secretary  of  .State  For  his  Ma' "^^ 
Service.  (i'Gii.hert  Hant. 

BosTrNrN  N'lw  K.nm.i.and, 
yf  qtli  Febru.iry,  iWy  |  r6S<)-,jo]. 


^^pspasp 


320 


Edward  Randolph. 


1*' 

I 


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:\\ 


probable  that  he  came  soon  after  receiving  his  commis- 
sion. From  the  glimpses  we  get  of  him  after  this  time,  he 
would  seem  to  have  been  almost  constantly  travelling  from 
one  colony  to  ^ther.  He  was  at  Annapolis,  Ma.yland, 
Dec.  16,  1697,  and  in  Philadelphia,  March  17,  1698;  in 
New  York,  April  26  and  May  21  ;  in  Rhode  Island,  May 
24;  in  Boston,  May  30;  and  again  in  New  York,  July  6 
and  August  25.  He  appears  to  have  been  in  London  in 
1699,  and  In  1702.  It  will  be  observed  that  in  his  Will  he 
speaks  of  himself  as  about  to  make  his  seventeenth  voyage 
to  America.  This  would  indicate  that  he  crossed  the  ocean 
many  times  after  the  date  of  his  last  commission. 

Where  Randolph  fixed  his  principal  residence  subsequent 
to  1 69 1  has  not  been  definitely  ascertained.  Cotton  Mather 
says :  "  Anon  he  died  in  Virginia,  and  in  such  Miserable 
Circumstances  that  (as  it  is  said)  he  had  only  Two  or  Three 
Negro's  to  carry  him  unto  his  Grave."  ^  If  this  statement 
as  to  the  circumstances  of  his  death  be  true,  it  would  seem 
to  indicate  that  he  fell  ill  while  on  a  journey,  and  d'ed 
among  strangers,  or  at  some  point  remote  from  English 
habitations.  As  his  duties  would  lead  him  to  the  West 
Indies,  as  well  as  to  the  southern  Colonies,  it  may  be  he 
had  a  residence  in  Virginia  or  in  Maryland,  at  some  place 
convenient  for  taking  ship.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  he 
had  relatives  of  the  same  name  living  in  Virginia,  and  for 
that  reason  also  fixed  his  residence  in  that  Colony.  That 
he  did  so,  is  rendered  probable  by  a  clause  in  the  certificate 
appended  to  his  Will ;  namely,  "  Edward  Randolph,  late  of 
Acquamat  in  V^irginia,  deceased."      There  is  no  place  or 

'  Parentator,  or  Remarkables  of  Dr.  Increase  Mather,  107. 


I 


.•<L 


Notes  by  the  Editor, 


321 


district   bearing   this   name.      Doubtless   Accomac   is   the 
name  intended. 


< 


No  complete  collection  of  the  letters  and  official  papers  of 
Edward  Randolph  has  as  yet  been  printed.  His  Narrati>'e, 
covering  his  proceedings  and  voyages  in  connection  wirh 
his  agency  in  the  King's  affairs  in  New  England  between 
the  years  1675  and  1687  is  printed  in  the  Andros  Tracts, 
and  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  So- 
ciety for  November,  1880.  In  the  last-named  publication 
there  are  also  abstracts  of  Randolph's  letters  in  the  library 
of  the  late  Sir  Thomas  Phillipps,  of  England.  The  Hutch- 
inson Papers  also  contain  letters  to  and  from  Randolph ; 
and  in  the  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Regis- 
ter for  1883  are  other  papers  and  letters  from  his  pen. 
Several  of  his  letters  are  preserved  in  the  Bodleian  Library, 
Oxford,  and  others  are  in  the  State  Paper  Office  of  Eng- 
land. The  Historical  Magazine  for  September,  1868,  has 
a  list  of  the  manuscripts  in  the  Bodleian  relating  to  Amer- 
ica, prepared  by  the  late  Joseph  L.  Chester,  D.C.L.  This 
list  comprises  nine  papers  and  letters  from  Randolph  ; 
namely :  — 

1.  Letter,  from  Boston,  to  Archbishop  Sancroft,  on  the 
aversion  of  the  inhabitants  to  the  discipline  of  the  Church, 
Dec.  1 1,  1682. 

2.  Letter  to  the  same,  relating  to  Patent  of  the  Com- 
pany for  evangelizing  the  Indians  in  New  England,  March 
26,  1684. 

3.  A  General  Account  of  the  Patent  granted  to  the 
Company  mentioned  above  in  No.  2. 

41 


\m 


ii 


^ffif^* 


322 


Edward  Randolph. 


4.  Letter  to  Archbishop  Bancroft,  asking  his  assistance 
in  raising  money  as  bail  in  an  action  brought  against  him, 
dated  Aug.  23,  1684. 

5.  Letter  to  Dr.  Lloyd,  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  on  the 
state  of  affairs  in  Boston,  March,  1685. 

6.  Letter  to  Archbishop  Bancroft  on  the  same  subject, 
Aug.  2,  1686. 

7.  Letter  to  the  same  on  the  sad  and  distracted  condi- 
tion of  New  England,  May  28,  1689. 

8.  Abstract  of  letters  sent  to  Randolph  from  the  inhab- 
itants of  Boston  after  the  notice  of  the  vacating  of  the 
Charter . 

9.  A  short  account  of  the  state  of  New  England.^ 

In  the  Andros  Tracts^  is  a  list  of  Randolph's  letters  and 
papers  already  printed,  prepared  by  the  editor  of  that  work. 
This  useful  list,  considerably  enlarged,  is  here  reproduced. 


f 


liii 

■      r     '  J 


1676. 

June 

17 

June 

23 

July 

6 

Sept. 

20 

Oct. 

12 

1678. 

July 

9 

1679-80. 

J.in. 

4- 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Sec.  Coventry  Jenness's  Transcripts,  60. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Gov.  Leverett  Andros  Tracts,  iii.  218. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Gov.  Leverett  Andros  Tracts,  iii.  219. 

[■  Randolph's  Report  on  the  Colonies**  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  210. 

Randolph's    Instructions    from   the 

Commissioners Mass.  H.  S.  Coll.  xxvii.  129. 

Randolph's  Letters,  —  abstracts  .     .  Jenness's  Transcripts,  84. 


;  ■  I    ' 


i 


*  Of  the  above  papers,  those  num- 
bered respectively  2,  3,  4,  and  9  are 
printed  in  the  New  England  Historical 
and  Gene.ilogical  Register  for  April, 
1883  ;  those  numbered  r,  5,  6,  7,  and  8, 
in  the  Register  for  July,  1883.  —  H. 


"^  Published  l)y  the  Prince  ."Society; 
William  H.  Whitmore,  A.M.,  editor. 

^  The  papers  marked  by  an  aste- 
risk are  printed  in  Bishop  Perry's  Papers 
relating  to  the  Church  in  Massachu- 
setts. —  H. 


11 


^' 


U;i 


Notes  by  the  Editor.  323 


ty; 

Ste- 
ers 

lU- 


1679-80. 
Jan.    29. 


1680. 


i(j8i- 

-2. 

Feb. 

IS 

1682. 

May 

29 

June 

14 

July 

14 

Dec. 

II 

1683. 

July 

II 

Sept. 

2. 

Oct. 

3 

Dec. 

13 

ICS4. 

Ma.-. 

26 

Mar.  — . 

June    19. 

July    18. 

21. 

Aug.  23. 

Sept.    4. 
Dec.     3. 

8. 
1684-5. 
Feb.     9. 


Randolph's  Letter  to  Gov.  Josiah 
Winslow  relating  to  his  proceed- 
ings at  Pascataqua Mass.  H.  S.  Coll.  vi.  92. 

Randolph's  Instructions  against  the 
Bostoners Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  264. 

Randolph  against  Gen.  Ct.  of  Mass.     Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  265. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Bp.  of  London 
Randolph's  Letter  to  E.  of  Clarendon 
Randolph's  Letter  to  Bp.  of  London 
Randolph's  Letter  to  Archbishop  of 

Canterbury* His.  &  Gene.  Reg.  xxxvii.  267. 

Randolph's  Memorial  to  Archbishop 

of  Canterbury His.  &  Gene.  Reg.  xxxvii.  268. 

Randolph's  Letter  from  Gov.  Leverett    Palfrey's  Hist.  iii.  375. 
Randolph's  Letter  to  Lords  of  Trade 

giving  account  of  the  Rebellion  in 

New  Hampshire     ...  .     .     Belknap,  Farmer's  ed.  463. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  L  M.ither  .     .     Mass.  H.  S.  Coll.  xxxviii.  524. 


Hutch. 

Coll.  ii.  271 

Hutch. 

Coll.  ii.  275 

Hutch. 

Coll.  ii.  279 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Arclibishop  of 
Canterbury,  with  an  account  of  the 
Company  for  Evangelizing  Indians 
in  New  England  * 

Randolph's  Short  Account  of  Pres- 
ent State  of  New  England  * 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Gyles  Randolph 

Randolph's  Letter  to  S.  Shrimpton  . 

Randolph's  Letter  to  S.  Shrimpton  . 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  * 

Randolph's  Letter  to  S.  B'-adstrect  . 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Lords  of  Treas- 
ury   

Randolph's  Letter  from  Bradstreet  . 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Dudley  .     .     . 


His.  &  Gene.  Reg.  xxxvii.  156. 

His.  &  Gene.  Reg.  xxxvii.  157. 
Tuttle's  His.  Papers,  325. 
Mass.  H.  S.  Coll.  xxxviii.  524. 
Mass.  H.  S.  Coll.  xxxviii.  525. 

His.  &  Gene.  Reg.  xxxvii.  15S. 
Mass.  H.  S.  Coll.  x.^cxviii.  527. 

Mass.  H.  S.  Coll.  xxxviii    530. 
Mass.  H.  S.  Coll.  xxxviii.  527. 

Hutch.  Coll.  i.i.  2S3. 


ni 


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«i,! 


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I 

! 


^r  ^ 


324 

1685. 

Mar.  28. 


July      7. 
Aug.     3. 


Edward  Randolph. 


Sept. 

21. 

1 686. 

May 

27. 

July 

7- 

July 

28. 

Aug. 

2. 

23- 

Oct. 

27. 

Dec. 

23- 

28. 

1687. 

May 

21. 

1687- 

-8. 

Jan. 

24. 

Mar. 

10. 

18. 

1688. 

June 

21. 

Oct. 

8. 

Nov. 

9' 

1689. 

May 

16. 

28. 


Randolph's  Letter  to  Bp.  of  St. 
Asaph,  with  abstract  of  Letters  of 

S.  Bradstreet  and  Richard  Wharton  *  His.  &  Gene.  Reg.  xxxvii.  268. 

Randolph's  Report  and  I'rivy  Coun- 
cil's Report N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  362. 

Randolph's    Proposals    about    Quo 

Warranto R.  L  Rec.  iii.  177. 

Randolph's    Proposals    about    Quo 

Warranto R.  L  Rec.  iii.  178. 

Randolph's  Articles  against  R.  L      .  R.  L  Rec.  iii.  175. 

Randolph's  Commission     ....  Mass.  H.  S.  Coll.  xxvii.  161. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Gov.  Treat     .  Conn.  Rec.  iii.  352. 
Randolph's  Letter  to  Archbishop  of 

Canterbury Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  291. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Lords  of  Trade  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  285. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  W.  Blathwayt  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  288. 
Randolph's  Letter  to  Archbishop  of 

Canterbury* His.  &  Gene.  Reg.  xxxvii.  270. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Lord  Treasurer  Mass.  H.  S.  Coll.  xxvii.  154 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Board  of  Trade  R.  L  Rec.  iii.  205. 
Randolph's  Letter  to  Archbishop  of 

Canterbury Hutch,  Coll.  ii.  294. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Gov.  Treat      .  Conn.  Rec.  iii.  375. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Major  Pynchon  Mass.  H.  S.  Coll.  xviii.  237. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Povey    .     .     .  Hutch.  Coll.  ii   297. 

vandolph's  Letter  to  Blathwayt  .     .  Mass.  H.  S.  Coll.  xxxviii.  531. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Povey     .     .     .  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  299. 

Randolph's  Letter  from  Blathwayt    .  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  301. 

Randolph's  Letter  from  Povey     .     .  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  303. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Povey    .     .     .  Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  304. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Lords  of  Trade  N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  567. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Pen  ....  Mass,  H.  S.  Coll.  xxxviii.  S3I' 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Gov.  of  Bar- 
bados    Hutch.  Coll.  ii.  314. 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Archbishop  of 

Canterbury  * His.  &  Gene.  Reg.  xxxvii.  273. 


4.: 


,u 


k       'l>   .    ^,     A. 


,1     \  > 


Notes  by  the  Editor. 


325 


1689. 

May  29. 
Nov.  25. 
Dec.  28. 
1692. 
Sept.  28. 
1698. 
April  26. 
May    16. 
30. 


Randolph's  Letter  to  Lords  of  Trade 
Randolph's  Letter  to  Elisha  Cooke  . 
Randolph's  Letter  to  lirockholls  .     . 

Randolph  to  John  Usher    .... 

Randolph's  Letter  to  Lords  of  Trade 
Randolph's  Letter  to  Lords  of  Trade 
Randolph's  Letter  to  Lords  of  Trade 


N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  578. 
Hutch.  Coll.  il.  318. 
N.  Y.  Doc.  iii.  6C4. 

Tuttle's  His.  Papers,  326. 

N.  Y.  Doc.  iv.  300. 
N.  Y.  Doc.  iv.  31  r. 
R.  L  Rec.  iii.  339. 


The  following  letters  ^  from  Randolph  are  now  for  the 
first  time  printed:  — 

EDWARD   RANDOLPH    TO    GYLES    RANDOLPH. 

June  19,  1684. 
Bro.  Gyles,  —  I  have  not  further  to  trouble  you  by  this  ship  only 
to  acquaint  my  friends  what  was  done  in  their  Charter  yesterday  at 
y'  Court  of  Chancery:  A  Rule  for  judgment  to  be  as  of  this  Term  : 
but  in  case  they  shall  appear  by  the  first  day  of  next  Term  &  plead 
so  as  to  go  to  tryall  that  Term,  then  the  judgment  not  to  be  re- 
corded. By  the  inclosed  you  see  what  is  done  with  D''  Oatcs.  To- 
morrow Sir  Thomas  Armstrong  is  to  be  executed  at  Tyburn.  Here 
was  a  flying  report  that  Ferguson  was  taken,  but  that  is  contra- 
dicted. Be  sure  you  [are]  very  exact  in  your  ce[r]tificates  for  ships 
loaden  for  Barbados,  Jamaica,  etc :  Sir  Richard  Button  goes  now 
aboard  for  Barbados.  My  blessing  to  my  Dear  children.  Be 
careful  in  tlelivery  of  all  my  letters  as  directed,  &  believe  that  I  am 

Your  very  Lo:  Brother, 

Ed.  Randolph. 
My  service  to  Mr.  Shrimpton,  Mr.  Wharton,  &  Mr.  Usher:  &  to 
all  my  friends. 

[Endorsed,  in   the  hand  of  John  Usher: 
"  Edward  Randolph's  letter,  19  Ju:  to  Giles  Randolph."] 

'  The  oritjinals  of  these  letters  are     Jeffries,  who  has  kindly  permitted  copies 
in  ihe  possession  of  Mr.  Walter  Lloyd    to  be  taken  for  this  volume.  —  H. 


\ 


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326  Edward  Randolph. 


EDWARD   RANDOLPH   TO   JOHN   USHER. 

Boston,  Sept.  28,  1692. 

Sir,  —  I  have  scarce  wiped  my  mouth  since  cat  a  messe  of  good 
broath  at  your  house  for  my  Breakfast :  where  your  lady,  son  Jcf- 
fryes,  your  daughter  Jeffryes,  Jenny,  John,  David,  and  Httle  pretty 
Betty  are  all  well :  I  do  not  question  your  manage  [ment]  every 
where,  nor  the  respect  shown  you  by  y'^  Inhabitants  where  you  have 
to  do ;  yett  we  are  not  without  some  foolish  sham  discourse  which 
no  wise  body  believes,  tho'  many  fooles  employ  themselves  about  it. 
I  expected  Mr.  Hirst  of  Salem  here  to  make  out  the  truth  of  what 
he  said  to  me  about  y"  Dutch  bottom  at  Great  Island  &  salt.  But 
upon  a  second  enquiry  she  was  loaded  with  European  goods  and 
came  directly  from  Cales  [Cadiz]  &  was  consigned  to  M'  Gedney 
&  M'  Hirst,  having  Goods  &  bills  for  building  a  very  large  ship 
So  that  she  is  seizable.  M'  Brenton  (J"  Court)  [  ?]  has  appealed,  but 
against  a  verdict  &  judgment  in  Court:  &  he  can  make  nothing  of 
it.  Now,  if  M'  Elliott  can  prove  her  unlivery  [unlading  T\  of  Goods 
before  Entry,  pray  upon  your  Establishing  of  Courts  both  ship  & 
cargo  of  salt  be  prosecuted  upon  my  Information,  you  will  save  the 
King's  &  your  third  part,  &  pay  the  charges  of  my  journey  &  save 
M'  Brenton  100  £  :  which  he  will  be  forced  to  pay  if  Tho:  Wilkinson 
obtain  a  confirmation  of  his  verdict.  You  will  hear  from  me  befor  I 
leave  this  place.     I  am,  dear  frind. 

Your  obliged  humble  s'v't, 

Ed.  Randolph. 

Let  M'  Newton  be  retained  for  me. 


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APPENDIX. 


I'i: 


No.  1.     Page  1 08. 

COMBINATIONS    FOR    LOCAL    GOVERNMENT    IN    NEW 

HAMPSHIRE. 

THE  grant  of  territory  in  New  England  to  Capt.  John  Mason 
did  not  confer  upon  him  any  power  of  political  government ; 
but  the  grant  of  so  mu(  h  power  as  should  be  necessary  to  protect  his 
own  rights  and  the  rights  of  his  servants,  as  well  as  to  preserve 
order,  must  be  understood  as  implied  in  the  concession  made  to 
him.  In  the  absence  of  any  general  government,  even  of  the  sim- 
plest sort,  the  several  communities  or  clusters  of  inhabitants  in 
New  Hampshire  found  themselves  compelled  at  an  early  period 
to  combine  for  self-protection.  These  separate  communities  were 
settled  at  and  in  the  neighborhood  of  Strawberry  Bank  (Ports- 
mouth), Great  Island  (New  Castle),  Exeter  and  Dover. 

The  Lozver  Pascataqua. 

It  is  not  possible,  at  the  present  time,  to  determine  the  year  when 
the  inhabitants  on  the  lower  Pascataqua,  including  Strawberry 
Bank,  Great  Island,  and  Little  Harbor,  first  entered  into  a  "  com- 
bination "  or  local  government.     Hubbard '  says,  that  "after  Captain 

1  History  of  New  England,  219,  220. 
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Appendix. 


Neal's  going  away  "  to  England  (1633)  the  inhabitants  entered  into 
a  combination  for  the  better  enabling  them  to  live  orderly  one  by 
another."  They  chose  for  their  first  governor  "  Mr.  Francis  Wil- 
liams, an  agent  sent  by  Captain  Mason,  this  Williams  being  a 
prudent  man,  and  of  better  quality  than  the  rest."  He  held  this 
office  for  several  years.  In  1638  he  exercised  his  authority,  seem- 
ingly, however,  beyond  the  limits  of  his  jurisdiction,  in  quelling 
the  violent  disturbance  at  Dover,  which  grew  out  of  the  factious 
disputes  between  Larkham  and  Knollys  and  their  respective 
partisans.^ 

It  would  appear  that  the  inhabitants  on  the  lower  Pascataqua 
entered  into  a  combination  for  a  second  time  previous  to  1643. 
The  editor  of  the  Provincial  Papers  of  New  Hampshire  mentions 
an  existing  court  record,  bearing  date  the  year  last  named,  in  which 
"John  Pickering  is  injoyned  to  deliver  the  old  combination  of  Straw- 
berry Bank  the  next  court."  And  in  the  grant  of  glebe  lands  by 
the  "inhabitants  of  the  lower  end  of  Pascataquack,"  May  25,  1640, 
signed  by  "  Francis  Williams,  Governor,  Ambrose  Gibbins,  Assis- 
tant," and  others,  reference  is  i/.ade  to  an  existing  "  combination."  ^ 
The  record  of  both  the  earlier  and  later  combinations  has  undoubt- 
edly perished,  nor  is  there  any  record  of  their  substance.  When 
Massachusetts  extended  her  jurisdiction  over  New  Hampshire,  all 
these  combinations  were  dissolved,  and  some  of  the  persons,  like 
Williams,  who  had  been  prominent  in  the  local  governments,  were 
appointed  to  civil  or  military  offices  under  the  government  of 
Massachusetts. 


Exeter. 


\\ 


.1 


In  the  year  1638  the  Rev.  John  Wheelwright  and  others,  who 
had  been  banished  in  the  preceding  year  from  the  Colony  of 
Massachusetts    Bay,  on   account   of    their  p  :tive   participation   in 


'  Belknap,  Farmer's  ed.,  chap.  ii. 

"  Prov.  Papers  of  New  Hampshire,  i.  iii,  112. 


Appendix. 


331 

the  theological  controversy  incited  by  Mrs.  Ann  Hutchinson  or 
on  account  of  their  known  sympathy  for  her  doctrines,  made  a  set- 
tlement at  Exeter.  They  first  instituted  a  church,  concerning 
whnh  Winthrop,  under  date  of  Dec.  13,  1638,  says:  — 

Those  who  went  to  the  falls  at  Pascataquack  gathered  a  church  and 
wrote  to  our  church  [in  Boston]  to  desire  us  to  dismiss  Mr.  Wheelwri^dit 
to  them  for  an  officer ;  but  because  he  desired  it  not  himself,  the  elders 
did  not  propound  it.  Soon  after  came  his  own  letters,  with  theirs,  for  his 
disn.ission,  which  thereupon  was  granted.  Others  also  (upon  their  re- 
quest) were  dismissed  thither.^ 

The  people  whom  the  Rev.  John  Wheelwright  led  or  early  at- 
tracted to  the  "falls  at  Pascataquack,"  entered  into  a  written  com- 
bination for  the  purpose  of  government  in  1639.  Shortly  afterward 
this  instrument  was  altered  to  suit  the  views  of  those  who  were  not 
inclined  to  profess  in  strong  terms  their  allegiance  to  the  Kin- 
But  in  the  year  1640  there  was  a  reaction  in  public  sentimenT 
and  the  original  combination  "  in  substance"  was  readopted,  with 
the  following  preliminary  statement : 

Whereas  a  certen  combination  was  made  by  us,  the  brethren  of  the 
church  of  Exeter,  w'l' the  rest  of  the  Inhabitants,  bearing  date  Mon     c'" 
d.  4,  1639,  wh  afterwards,  upon  the  instant  request  of  some  of  the  brethren 
was  altered  &  put  into  such  a  forme  of  wordes,  wherein  howsoever  we' 
doe  acknowledge  the  King's  Majesty  our  dread  Soueraigne  &  our  selves 
his  subjects  :  yet  some  expressions  are  contained  therein  wh  may  seeme  to 
admit  of  such  a  sence  as  somewhat  derogates  from  that  due  Allegiance 
wH  we  owe  to  his  Hignessc,  quite  contrary  to  our  true  intents  &  meaning   • 
We  therefore  doe  revoke,  disannul!,  make  voyd,  and  frustrate  the  said  latter 
combmation,  as  if  it  never  had  beene  done,  and  do  ratify,  confirme    & 
establish  the  former,  w-  wee  onely  stand  unto  as  being  m  force  &  virtue 
the  w"  for  substance  is  here  set  downe  in  manner  &  forme  following! 
Mon.  2''  d.  2,  1640.  ^ 

Whereas  it  hath  pleased   the   lord   to  moue  the  heart  of  our  Dread 
1  Winthrop's  Hist,  of  New  England,  i.  338. 


I'< 


11 


I     ) 


;  i 


4i 


m 


\ 


332 


Appendix. 


Soueraigne  Charles  by  the  grace  of  god  king  of  England,  Scotland,  France, 
&  Ireland  to  grant  license  &  liberty  to  sundry  of  his  subjects  to  plant 
them  selves  in  the  Westerne  partes  of  America :  Wee  his  loyall  subjects, 
brethren  of  the  church  of  Exceter,  situate  &  lying  upon  the  riuer  of  Pisca- 
taquacke,^  w'''  other  inhabitants  there,  considering  w'""  our  selves  the  holy 
will  of  god  &  our  owne  necessity,  that  we  should  not  liue  w""  out  wholsome 
lawes  &  civil  gouernment  amongst  us,  of  w*^  we  are  altogether  destitute, 
doe  in  the  name  of  Christ,  and  in  the  sight  of  god,  combine  our  selves 
together,  to  erect  &  set  up  amongst  us  such  Government  as  shall  be  (to 
our  best  discerning)  agreeable  to  the  will  of  god :  professing  our  selves 
subjects  to  our  Soueraigne  Lord  King  Charles  according  to  the  libertys  of 
our  English  Colony  of  the  Massachusetts,  and  binding  our  selves  solemely 
by  the  grace  &  htipe  of  christ  &  in  his  name  &  feare  to  submit  our  selves 
to  such  godly  &  christian  laws  as  are  established  in  the  Realme  of  Eng- 
land to  our  best  knowledge  :  &  to  all  other  such  lawes  w''  shall  upon  good 
grounds  be  made  &  inacted  amongst  us  according  to  god,  y'  we  may  live 
quietly  &  peaceably  together  in  all  godlyness  &  honesty.  Mon.  s'''  d.  4''^, 
1639.* 

The  following  names  were  subscribed  to  the  above  :  — 


*  It  will  be  observed  that  Gov.  Win- 
throp  uses  the  phrase,  "  the  falls  at 
Pascataquack,"  and  that  the  Exeter 
compact  of  civil  government  contains 
the  expression,  "  Exceter,  situate  & 
lying  upon  the  riuer  of  Piscataquacke." 
Both  expressions  refer  to  the  stream 
now  called  the  Exeter  River,  the  Indian 
name  for  which  was  Squamscott.  The 
falls  in  the  river  are  still  popularly 
called  Squamscott  Falls.  The  reader 
will  consider  the  importance  of  the  fact 
that  in  1638  and  1639  the  expressions 
above  cited  were  used  to  designate 
the  Pascataqua  River,  or  a  branch  of 
it,  as  bearing  upon  the  contention 
of  Mr.  Jenness  (Notes  on  the  I-'irst 
Planting  of  New  Hampshire,  etc.)  re- 
specting the  southern  limits  of  the 
Hilton  Patent.  He  remarks  (pp.  54, 
55)  :  "  It  may  well  be  doubted  whether 
at   the    time    the    Hilton    Patent   was 


granted  [1629-30],  the  name  Piscata- 
qua  was  ever  ajiplied  by  the  English  or 
the  Indians  to  Exeter  River."  As  we 
have  seen,  the  name  was  so  applied  in 
1638  and  1639,  and  it  is  probable  that  its 
application  then  was  in  harmony  with 
the  popular  usage  from  the  time  of  the 
first  English  settlements  on  the  Pas- 
cataqua. See  note  3,  pp.  103,  104, 
an  tea.  —  H. 

2  It  appears  that  the  original  writing, 
containing  the  combination  adopted  in 
1639,  has  been  lost;  but  we  have  it 
"for  substance"  in  the  n'^w  combina- 
tion adopted  in  1640,  as  given  above. 
Unless  this  fact  is  borne  in  mind,  the 
date,  "Mon.  5">  d.  4"',  1639,"  affixed  to 
the  paper  draughted  in  1640,  is  likely 
to  mislead  the  reader.  For  a  fac- 
simile of  the  paper,  see  Bell's  History 
of  Exeter.  —  H. 


John  Wheelwright 
Augustine  Storre 
Thomas  Wight 
William  Wentworth 
Henry  Eliiins 

Ills 

George  X  Walton 

nark 

Samuel  1  Walker 
Thomas  Pettit 
Henry  Toby 
William  Wenbourne 

his 

Thomas  X  Crawley 

mark 

Chr  Helme 
Darby  X  Feild 

mark 

his 

Robert  x  Read 

mark 


Appendix. 

Edward  Rishwortb 

his 

Francis  X  Mathews 

mark 

Ralph  Hall 

his 

Robert  X  Soward 

mark 

Richard  Bullcfar 
Christopher  Lavvton 

his 

George  X  Barlow 

mark 

Richard  Moris 
Nicholas  Needham 

his 

Thomas  X  Wili.on 

mark 
his 

George  X  Rawbone 
mark 


zzz 


William  X  Code 

mark 
his 
James  X  Walles 

mark 

Thomas  Levitt 
Edmund  Littlefield 

his 

John  X  Crame 

mark 

his 

Godfrye  X  Dearborne 

mark 

Philemon  Pormort 
Thomas  Warden 

Willia  X  Warden 

mark 
his 

Robert  X  Smith 

mark 


Hilton  Patent. 

It  is  probable  that  the  settlers  within  the  territory  granted  in 
1630  to  Ed^'ard  Hilton  (see  note  3,  pages  103  and  104)  had  some 
kind  of  civil  government  as  early  as  1633.  but  there  is  no  record  of 
a  formal  combination  for  that  purpose  prior  to  the  year  1640     The 
form  of  local  government  entered  into  on  the  22d  of  October   1640 
IS  usually,  but  erroneously,  spoken  of  by  Hubbard,  Belknap,  and 
more  modern  writers,  as  the  "Dover  Combination."     The  instru- 
ment IS  here  reproduced.     It  will  be  observed  that  the  name  Dover 
does  not  occur  in  it,  and  that  the  signers  describe  themselves  as 
residing  on  "the  River  Pascataquack."   The  Hilton  Patent  included 
SO  It  was  claimed,  not  only  a  portion  of  the  present  town  of  Dover 
but  also  a  portion  of  the  present  towns  of  Newington,  Greenland" 
and  Stratham.     Among   the   signers  was  Captain  Francis  Cham- 
pernowne.     Champernowne  never  resided  in  Dover.     His  residence 
in  1640  was  in  that  part  of  Greenland  which  was  then  claimed  to  be 
a  portion  of  the  Hilton  Patent. 


-1 

I    > 


«! 


•ii      ) 


334 


Appendix. 


'  \ 


I 


'■'■\- 


The  original  Hilton  Patent  Combination  is  supposed  to  be  lost, 
but  a  copy,  made  for  Governor  Cranfield,  was  sent  by  him  to  Eng- 
land in  1682,  and  is  now  in  the  Public  Record  Office.  Some  of  the 
subscribed  names  are  evidently  misspelled.  The  following  copy  is 
taken  from  Jenness's  Abstracts  of  Original  Documents  re',  iting  to 
New  Hampshire  :  — 

Whereas  sundry  Mischeifes  and  inconveniences  have  befaln  us,  and 
more  and  greater  may  in  :egard  of  want  of  Civill  Government,  his  Gra- 
tious  Ma"«  having  hitherto  Settled  no  Order  for  us  to  our  Knowledge  — 

Wee  whose  names  are  underwritten  being  Inhabitants  upon  the  River 
Pascataquack  have  voluntarily  agreed  to  combine  ourselves  into  a  Body 
Politique  that  wee  may  the  more  comfortably  enjoy  the  benefit  of  his 
Maj''"  Lawes,  and  do  hereby  actually  engage  our  Selves  to  submit  to 
his  Royal  Maj''"  Lawes,  together  with  all  such  Orders  as  shalbee  con- 
cluded by  a  Major  part  of  the  Freemen  of  our  Society,  in  case  they  be  not 
repugnant  to  the  Lawes  of  England  and  administered  in  the  behalfe  of 
his  Majestj. 

And  this  we  have  mutually  promised  and  concluded  to  do,  and  so  to 
continue  till  his  Excellent  Maj''«  shall  give  other  order  concerning  us. 

In  Witness  wee  have  hereto  Set  our  hands  the  two  and  twentieth  day  of 
October  in  the  Sixteenth  yeare  of  the  Reign  of  our  Sovereign  Lord  Charles 
by  the  grace  of  God  King  of  Great  Briftain,  France,  &  Ireland,  Defender 
of  the  Faith,  &c. 

Annoq :  Dom'  1640. 


John  Follett 
Robert  Nanney 
William  Jones 
Philip  Swaddon 
Richard  Pinckhame 
Bartholomew  Hunt 
William  Bowden 
John  Wastill 
John  Heard 
John  Hall 
Fran.  Champernoon 


Hansard  Knowles 
Edward  Colcord 
Kenry  Lal.orn 
Abel  Cannmond 
Henry  Beck 
Robert  Huggins 
Thorn.  Larl<ham 
Richard  Waldern 
William  Waldern 
William  Storer 
William  Furbur 


Tko.  Layton 
Tho.  Roberts 
Edward  Starr 
James  Nute 
Anthony  Emery 
Richard  Laham 
Bartholomew  Smith 
Samuel  Haines 
John  Underhill 
Peter  Garland 
John  Dam 


! 

k 

M.l^^-. 

Steven  leddar 
John  Ungroufe 
Thomas  Canning 


Appendix. 

John  Phillips 
Tho.  Dunstar 
William  Pomfret 


335 


John  Cross 
George  Webb 
James  Rawlins 


This  is  a  true  copy  compared  with  y*  Original!  by  me 

Edw.  Cranfield. 
[Endorsed]  New  England  N.  Hampshire.     The  Combination  for  Gov- 
ernment by  ye  people  at  Pascatq  (1640). 
Pcd  abt  i3«i>  Febr.  82-3. 


No.  2.     Page  123. 
FRANCIS    CHAMPERNOWNE'S    WILL.i 

In  the  Name  of  God,  Amen  :  I,  Francis  Champernowne,  Gent 
Inhabitant  of  the  Island  commonly  called  Champernowne's  Island' 
in  the  Towneship  of  Kittery  in  the  Province  of  Main  in  New  Eng- 
land, being  vveake  in  Bodie  but  of  sound  and  perfect  Memory  doe 
make  and  ordaine  this  my  Last  Will  and  Testament  in  manner  and 
forme  following,  Vizt. : 

Imprimis.  I  commit  my  soule  unto  God,  hoping  by  his  Mercy 
through  the  Merits  of  Jesus  Christ  to  enjoy  Life  Eternall,  and  my 
Bodie  to  the  Earth  to  be  decently  buried  in  such  manner  as  my 
Executrix  hereafter  named  shall  think  fitt.  and  as  for  my  Temporall 
Estate  and  Goods  with  which  it  hath  pleased  God  to  endue  me 
after  my  Just  Debts  and  Funerall  Charges  are  payd.  I  give  and 
bequeath  as  followeth  : 

Item.  I  make,  Ordaine,  and  Constitute  my  welbeloved  Wife  Mary 
Champernowne  full  and  sole  Executrix  of  this  my  last  Will  and 
Testament. 

Item.  I  give,  bequeath,  and  confirme  unto  my  said  Executrix  the 
One  half  part  of  y-  said  Champernowne  Island,  w^i- 1  now  possesse. 

H  Vl^r  M"n''  ''n?'lr^  *°  I"'"'/*?-     PPyoft'-e  ^V-ill,  made  from  the  original 
"•  ^ogg,   M.D.,    of  Boston,  for  this     in  his  possession. 


I 


i     •    ) 


■t  .  , 


\  vli 


\  m 


(I 


! 


U 


fir 


:: 


336 


Appendix. 


to  her  my  said  Executrix  for  Ever,  which  I  have  already  given  by 
Deed  under  my  hand  and  scale  to  my  said  Executrix. 

Item.  I  give  and  bequeath  and  confirme  unto  my  Son  in  Law 
Humphrey  Elliot  and  Elizabeth  his  now  wife  and  their  heirs  for 
Ever  the  Other  part  of  my  said  Island,  which  I  have  already  given 
by  Deed  under  my  hand  and  scale  to  the  said  Humphry  and  Eliza- 
beth his  Wife. 

Itevi.  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  Son  in  Law  Robert  Cutt,  my 
Daughter  in  Law  Bridget  Scriven,  my  Daughter  in  Law  Mary  Cutt, 
and  my  Daughter  in  Law  Sarah  Cutt,  and  to  their  heires  for  Ever, 
All  that  part  of  Three  Hundred  Acres  of  Land  belonging  unto  me 
lying  between  Crocket's  Neck  &  the  Land  formerly  belonging  unto 
Hugh  Gullison  on  the  Eastward  side  of  Spruce  Creek,  to  be  equally 
divided  between  the  said  Robert,  Bridget,  Mary,  and  Sarah,  JCxcept 
what  I  have  not  before  the  making  of  this  my  Last  Will  and  Testa- 
ment disposed  of  to  any  other  person,  and  also  excepting  Thirty 
Acres  of  Land  in  this  my  last  Will  and  Testament  hereunder  given 
to  Elizabeth  Small. 

Item.  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  Elizabeth  Small  my  Servant  Maid, 
and  to  her  heirs  for  Ever,  in  behalfe  of  what  I  formerly  promised 
her.  Thirty  Acres  of  Land  at  Spruce  Creek,  which  s"^  Thirty  Acres 
of  Land,  part  of  the  aforesaid  Three  hundred  Acres,  It  is  my  will 
shall  be  first  layd  out  by  my  Executrix  and  my  Overseers  hereunder 
named.  And  also  I  doe  give  and  bequeath  unto  the  said  Elizabeth 
Small  Ten  Pounds,  to  be  payd  to  her  in  Cattle,  and  ten  pounds  in 
goods,  which  is  in  Lieu  of  what  I  promised  her. 

Item.  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  Son  in  Law  Richard  Cutt  the 
SuiTime  of  Five  pounds,  to  be  payd  by  my  said  Executrix. 

Item.  In  respect  of  the  great  Affection  that  I  beare  unto  my 
Granchild  Champernowne  Elliot,  Son  of  Humphry  Elliot,  I  doe  by 
these  presents  adopt,  declare,  and  make  the  said  Champernowne 
Elliot  my  heir,  giving  to  him,  the  said  Champernowne,  all  the  Lands 
of  right  belonging  unto  me  or  that  may  belong  unto  me  either  in 
Old  England  or  in  New  England  not  by  me  already  disposed  of,  and 


II 


Appendix. 


337 


doe  by  this  my  last  Will  and  Testament  appoint  and  constitute  him 
the  said  Champernowne,  my  Executor  of  all  my  Estate  that  ei-her 
is  or  may  of  right  belonr  .r  be  due  unto  me  in  Old  England  from 
any  person,  and  the  same  lo  have  and  enjoy  to  him  the  said  Cham- 
pernowne  and  his  Heires  for  ever. 

//m^  I  doe  hereby  constitute  Robert  Mason,  Esq^  John  Hincks. 
Esq;  Major  John  Davies  of  Yorke,  and  Robert  Elliot  of  Great 
Island  Merchant,  my  loving  Friends,  to  be  Overseers  of  this  my 
Last  Will  and  Testament,  and  desire  they  may  see  the  same  per- 
formed and  be  Assistant  to  my  said  Executrix 

Lastly.  I  doe  declare  and  Publish  this  to  be  my  Last  Will  and 
Testament,  annulling  and  making  void  all  former  and  other  Wills 
and  Testaments.  In  witnesse  whereof  I  have  hereunto  put  my 
hand  and  Scale  this  Sixteenth  day  of  November,  in  the  Yeare  of 
our  Lord  God  One  thousand  Six  hundred  and  Eighty  Six,  Annoqe 
K.  R'  Jacobi  secundi  2^°,  &c. 

Signed,  Sealed,  declared  and  published  ^^''''''  '    ^HAMPERNOWNE. 

to  be  the  last  Will  and  TcsUment  of 
Francis  Champernowne,  Gent. 
In  the  presence  of  us. 

William  Milborne, 
Edm:  Geach, 
RoBT  Elliot. 

M^  William  Milborne  made  oath  this  28 :  nouember,  1687,  before 
John  Hinckes,  one  of  his  Majestes  Councill  for  his  Teritory  and 
Dominion  of  New  England,  that  this  was  the  Last  will  and  Testa- 
ment of  Captin  Francis  Champernown. 

John  Hinckes. 

Edmon  Gaege  and  Rob'  Eliot,  Esq;,  Came  before  us  this  20'"  day 
ot  Sept^  and  made  oath  they  weare  present  and  Saw  Cap"t  Fransis 
Champernown  Signe,  Scale,  and  declare  this  Instrument  to  be  his 
Last  will  and  testament. 

W.  Bap.efoote,  J.  P., 
Tho  :  Graffold. 
43 


I   !> 


■M 

.')  I*; 
i 


m\ 


Hi 


Ill 


I  i      ! 


^f 


M   ■ 


V:    I 


.  ^ 


338 


Appendix. 


At  his   Majestyes   Inferiour  Court  of  Common 
P[l]eas  held  at  Wells  for  this  Province  this    14''' 
Province  of      March,    1687,    M'  Robert   Ii;il[i]ott,  &    Edmund 
Main.  Gage    appeared    before    Joshua    Scottow,    Esq^ 

Judge  of  the  Said  Court  for  the  S^!  Province,  & 
M'  Samuell  VVheelright  &  Cap'  P'rancis  Hooke, 
two  of  his  Majestyes  Justices  of  the  Peace  for  the  Sayd  Province,  & 
made  Oath  that  they  Saw  the  late  Cap'  Francis  Champernoon  Sign, 
Scale,  &  proclaimed  the  within  written  Will  as  on  the  other  Side 
expressed  (he  the  S**  Champernoon  being  in  full  and  perfect  Under- 
standing), &  that  they  Sett  their  handes  to  the  Said  Instrument  as 
Witnesses, 


Francis  Hooke,  Just,  p, 
Sam'-'-  WiiEELvvKiGHT  :  Jus:  Pece. 


Josh  :  ScoTTOVir, 
Thomas  Scottow,  Cler". 


The  within  written  Will  entered  in  y'  Book  of  Records  for  Wills, 
&c.,  Aug"  i8^  1698,  Fol.  56. 

^  Joseph  Hammond,  Register. 


No.  3.    Page  122. 
THE   CUTT,   ELLIOT,   AND  ELLIOTT   FAMILIES. 

Three  brothers,  John,  Robert,  and  Richard  Cutt  (in  modern 
times  the  name  is  Cutts),  came  to  New  England  and  settled  on  the 
Pascataqua.  Savage  states  that  they  were  natives  of  Wales,  but  upon 
what  authority  it  does  not  appear.  The  precise  date  of  their  immi- 
gration has  not  been  determined.  John  Cutt  was  an  eminent  mer- 
chant at  Portsmouth,  in  the  Province  of  New  Hampshire,  and  by 
appointment  of  the  Crown  in  1679  was  the  first  President  of  the 
royal  government  instituted  in  that  Province.  He  died  in  168 r,  and 
was  spoken  of  as  an  aged  man.     He  is  usually  mentioned  as  the 


^S' 


Appendix. 


339 


eldest  of  the  brothers.  In  the  town  records  his  name  does  not 
appear  until  Jan.  30,  1653-4;  his  brother  Richard's  name  is  re- 
corded under  date  of  April  5,  1652.  The  last  named  was  at  first 
engaged  in  the  fisheries  at  the  Isles  of  Shoals ;  but  he  finally  settled 
at  Portsmouth,  and  died  there  in  1676.^ 

Robert  Cutt  was  a  shipmaster,  and  resided  for  some  time  at  Bar- 
bados, where  he  married  his  second  wif ;,  Mary  Hoel.  Returning 
to  New  England,  he  settled  at  Kittery,  in  the  Province  of  Maine. 
Here  he  carried  on  the  business  of  ship-building.  He  died  in 
1674,  and  his  will,  dated  June  18,  1674,  was  admitted  to  probate 
on  the  6th  of  July  next  ensuing.  His  estate  was  inventoried  at 
;C890 ;  a  large  sum,  says  Savage,  for  that  neighborhood.  Among 
the  chattels  onumerated  were  eight  negro  slaves. 

By  his  wife  .vla.-y,  Robert  Cutt  had  one^  son  and  four  daughters  ; 
namely,  Mary,  Bridget,  Sarah,  Elizabeth,  and  Robert.  Sometime 
subsequent  to  1675  his  widow  married  Capt.  Francis  Champer- 
iiowne.  As  will  be  seen  by  reference  to  Champernowne's  Will 
(Appendi.\,  No.  2),  his  wife  and  her  children  received  by  gift  or 
devise  the  principal  part  of  his  estate. 

Bridget  Cutt  married  the  Rev.  William  Screven,  the  first  Baptist 
minister  in  Kittery.  Having  suffered  persecution  for  his  relig- 
ious opinions,  and  being  finally  expelled,  he  removed  to  South 
Carolina,  where  he  helped  to  establish  his  religious  denomination 
on  a  permanent  basis.  He  appears  to  have  been  an  able  and  de- 
voted minister.  His  descendants  are  among  the  most  respected 
people  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia.^ 

Elizabeth,  the  fourth  daughter  of  Robert  and  Mary  Cutt,  married 
Humphrey  Elliot,  a  resident   on   the  Pascataqua.      They  had  two 


1  For  the  Wills  of  John  and  Richard 
Cutt,  see  Brewster's  Rambles  about 
Portsmouth,  First  Series,  No.  5.  —  H. 

"^  Champernowne  in  his  Will  men- 
tions his  son-in-law,  Richard  Cutt. 
Hence  it  has  been  inferred  that  this 
Richard  was  also  a  son  of  Robert  and 
Mary  Cutt;  but  the  inference  is  not 


a  necessary  one.  He  may  have  been 
a  son  of  Rol)ert  Cutt  by  his  first  wife. 
Champernowne     bequeathed    to     him 

*  For  a  notice  of  Mr.  Screven  and 
his  labors,  see  New  England  Historical 
and  Genealogical  Rej^ibier  for  October, 
1889.— H. 


IW 


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1 1 

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340 


Appendix. 


sons,  Robert  and  Cluimpernownc.  The  latter,  who  was  named  heir 
and  residuary  legatee  by  Captain  Champernowne,  is  supposed  to 
have  died  early,  as  no  mention  is  subsequently  made  of  him  in  the 
records  of  Maine  or  in  those  of  South  Carolina. 

Humphrey  Elliot,  with  his  wife  and  family,  and  his  mother-in- 
law,  Mrs.  Mary  Champernowne,  accompanied  or  followed  Mr. 
Screven  to  South  Carolina,  where  it  is  supposed  they  continued 
to  reside,  and  where  they  died.  After  the  death  of  Humphrey 
Elliot  his  widow  married  Robert  Witherick,  also  of  South  Carolina. 
Robert,  son  of  Humphrey  Elliot,  married  Elizabeth  Screven,  proba- 
bly a  daughter  of  the  Rev.  William  Screven.  The  descendants  of 
the  Elliots  and  Screvens  are  numerous. 

The  Elliotts  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  are  for  the  most  part 
descended  from  Joseph  and  Elizabeth  Elliott,  who  removed  from 
Barbados  to  South  Carolina  previous  to  1697.  It  is  not  improbable 
that  the  Elliots  of  Pascataqua  and  the  Elliotts  of  Barbados  were 
originally  of  the  same  stock,  and  nearly  related  by  blood.  Persons 
bearing  this  surname  have  been  eminent  in  every  succeeding  gen- 
eration, in  Church  and  State,  in  arms  and  in  civil  life.  By  inter- 
marriage the  family  is  connected  with  many  of  the  families  in 
South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  who  for  more  than  a  century  have 
been  most  distinguished  and  influential.^ 

'  An   extended    genealogy   of    the  Esq.,   of    Charleston,   S.   C,    will    be 

Elliots  and  Elliotts  of  South  Carolina  found  in  the  New  England  Historical 

and    Georgia,    communicated    to    the  and  Genealogical  Register  for  January, 

writer  of  this  note  by  Langdon  Cheves,  1890.  —  H. 


I! 


mm 


wmss; 


"mm 


Appendix. 


341 


No.  4.     Page  135. 

THE   KING'S   LETTER  TO   MASSACHUSETTS,  ANNOUNCING 
WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  PROVINCES.  Aprx  3,  1672.1 

Charles  R. 

Trusty  and  Wcllbcloved,  Wee  greet  you  well. 

Having  found  Our  selfe  obliged  for  the  iust  vindication  of  the 
ant.ent  &  undoubted  Rights  of  Our  Crowne,  and  for  reparation  as 
well  of  the  many  affronts  &  indignities  done  to  Our  Royall  Person 
&  Dignity,  as  of  the  frequent  wrongs  and  iniuries  done  to  Our  Sub- 
jects by  the  States  Gcnerall  of  the  United  Provinces,  to  declare  warr 
against  them.  Wee  have  thought  good  hereby  to  give  you  Knowl- 
edge  thereof,  willing  you  forthwith  upon  receipt  hereof  in  the  usual 
manner  to  cause  the  said  warr  to  bee  proclaimed  within  that  Our 
Colony  according  to  Our  Declaration  (Coppies  of  - '  xh  Wee  have 
directed  to  bee  herewith  sent  you),  and  that  att  the  same  time  you 
cause  seizure  to  bee  made  of  all  Shipps-goods  &  Marchandises  be- 
longing to  the  said   States  Generall.  or  their  Subjects.     And  be- 
cause  Wee  have  reason  to  beleeve  from  the  constant  evill  mind  they 
have  always  been  known  to  bea;  to  Our  Foreigne  Colonies  &  Plan- 
tations, and  having  likewise  understood  that  a  considerable  number 
of  private  men  of  warr  are  preparing  in  Holland  &  Zealand  to  bee 
forthwith  sent  into  the  West  Indges  to  infest  &  annoy  our  Plan- 
tations there,  Wee  have  thought  fitt  of  Our  Princely  care  &  regard 
to  the  safety  of  tho.se  remote  parts  of  Our  Dominions,  and  for  the 
securing  Our  good  Subjects  inhabiting  there,  or  trading  thither  to 
recommend  it  to  you,  as  Wee  do  by  these  very  particularly,  for'th- 

1  Mass.  Archives,  ccxll.  263,  264. 


i! 


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;42 


Appendix. 


with  to  apply  your  selves  jointly  to  consider  of  the  condition  there- 
of, and  by  all  the  speediest  &  most  eflfectuall  means  you  can,  early 
to  provide  for  its  safety  h.  defense,  and  for  the  protection  and  secur- 
ity of  t-uch  Shipps  &  Vcssells  as  shall  bee  from  time  to  time  rideing 
in  the  Roads  &  Harbo'^s  there  from  the  assaults  &  attempts  of  the 
Dutch.  And  particularly  Wee  think  fitt  to  repeat  Our  former 
orders  to  you,  That  all  such  Shipps  which  shall  come  thence  bee 
enioined  to  saile  in  considerable  numbers,  for  their  common  secur- 
ity, and  that  then  and  ever  during  their  stay  there,  it  will  bee  fitt, 
some  of  the  most  experienced  Officers  have  authority  given  them  to 
command  the  rest.  Wee  have  thought  fitt  hereby  to  authorize  & 
empower  you  to  do  therein  what  according  to  this  or  any  other 
emergencies  shall  appear  to  be  most  for  the  safety  of  Our  Colony  & 
Navigation  of  Our  Marchants  ;  and  further,  that  in  all  other  matters 
relating  to  the  Jurisdiction  of  Our  most  Dear  Brother,  the  Duke  of 
York,  Our  High  Admiral!,  &c.,  you  observe  such  orders  and  direc- 
tions as  you  shall  from  time  to  time  receive  from  him,  whom  Wee 
have  commissionated  to  grant  letters  of  Marque  &  generall  Rcpri- 
salls  against  the  Shipps.  goods  and  Subjects  of  the  States  of  the 
United  Provinces :  conformable  to  which  Our  Will  &  Pleasure  is, 
that  you  take  &  seize  the  Shipps,  Vessells,  &  goods  belonging  to  the 
said  States  or  any  of  their  Subjects  or  Inhabitants  within  any  their 
Territories,  and  to  bring  the  same  to  Judgmer  t  and  condemnation 
according  to  the  course  of  Admiralty  &  laws  of  Nations.  And 
these  Our  letters  that  you  communicate  to  the  rest  of  our  Colonies 
your  Neighbo''s  ;  Our  Pleasure  being  that  with  all  care  and  appli- 
cation possible  they  arme  themselves  against  the  dangers  which 
threaten  them  in  this  coniuncture  from  such  an  Enemy,  and  pro- 
ceed according  to  these  Our  directions,  and  such  as  they  shall 
receive  from  Our  said  Dear  Brother,  assuring  them  and  all  Our 
loving  Subjects  in  those  parts  that  Wee  shall  not  bee  wanting  on 
Our  part  on  all  occasions  to  helpe  and  succor  them  to  the  utmost 
of  Our  power,  and  to  contribute  all  possible  means  for  the  security 
and  improvement  of  the  trade  and  Commerce.     And  so  Wee  bid 


Appendix. 


343 


you  farewell.     Given  att  Our  Court  att  Whitehall,  the  x^  day  of 
Apnll,  in  the  24"'  year  of  Our  Reigne.  .  0      «*/  ui 

By  His  Maj'-  Command.  Arlington. 

These,  for  Our  trusty  &  VVellbeloved  the  Govern.  &  Council  for 
Our  Colony  of  the  Massachusetts,  To  bee  communicated  to  the 
otner  Colonies. 


No.  5.     Page  137. 

ACTION   OF  THE   GOVERNOR  AND  COUNCIL   ON   RECEIPT 

OF  THE   KING'S   LETTER   IN   REGARD   TO 

THE   DUTCH   FLEET.i 

Att  A  meeting  of  the  Gourm  &  Council  in  Boston,  31.H  July 
1673.  upon  Information  of  a  Considerable  fleet  of  Dutch  Infestino^ 
the  Coasts  o  Virginia,  It  is  Ordered  that  all  masters  and  Com"- 
panr  of  vessells.  whither  ketches,  shallop^,  or  other  Coasting  boates 
tha  rainge  these  Coa.ts  &  doe  belong  to  this  Jurisdiction,  doe  aftT; 
publication  hereof  endeavou'  to  make  a  true  discovery.  &  forthwith 
give  notice  unto  the  Govern^  or  any  magistrate,  or  others  in  Au- 
thority of  the  approach  of  any  iieet  of  shipps  being  fower  in  number 
or  upwards;  for  which  their  care  &  timely  intelligence  givin,  the 
Counci  will  Order  a  meet  recompense  to  be  Given  to  them  for  that 
service. 

By  the  Councill. 

Edward  Rawson,  Secret^. 
It  is  Furthe' ordered  that  the  Constables  in  the  Port  tounes  doe 
Commicat  this  Order  unto  the  masters  of  the  Severall  vessells  be- 
longing to  or  Coming  into  such  Ports,  and  Give  them  Expresse 
order  to  be  vigilant  &  circumspect  in  the  prosecution  thereof  from 
time  to  time  until  the  Council  shall  take  further  Order. 

By  the  Council. 

Edw.  Rawson,  Secrct'y. 
1  Mass.  Archives,  Ixi.  6,  7,  8. 


i 


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H 


I! 


344 


Appendix. 


It  is  ordered  that  Cap'  James  Oliver  of  Boston  do  take  special 
care  that  there  be  some  meet  person  or  persons  appointed  to  look 
out  by  day  &  night  upon  Point  Allerton,  to  descry  the  approach 
of  any  fleet  of  ships,  and  upon  discouery  of  four  or  more  to  fier  a 
beacon,  the  W^"*  he  shall  ord'  to  be  erected  on  the  highest  part  of 
y^  said  Point,  as  also  on  Long  Island,  soe  that  it  may  be  scene  at 
Castle  Island  by  the  Coiiiand''  in  cheife,  who  is  to  act  accordingly, 
&  the  charges  thereof  the  Treas'  is  hereby  ordered  to  sattisfie. 

E.  R.,  S. 

It  is  ordered  that  y^  Secretary  issue  out  speedy  warrants  accord- 
ing to  these  orders  to  the  seuerall  Constables,  requiring  all  the 
Inhabitants  to  yeild  due  &  speedy  assistance,  &  to  the  parties 
concerned. 

At  the  opening  of  the  Council  the  Gouern'  declaring  wh'  Infor- 
mation he  had  recieued  from  Nathaniel  Walker  &  William  Masters  ^ 
lately  arrived  here  from  Virginia,  that  seuenteen  Dutchmen  of  war 
being  there,  &  had  engagement  w"*  two  of  his  Majesty's  friggots 
&  seuerall  other  English  Shipps  &  vessells  there  in  the  road,  who 
fierd  and  burnt  sixc  of  the  English  &  took  sixe  more.  What 
further  their  intents  are  or  may  be  towards  the  Country  not  fully 
understood.  The  Gouern'  &  Council  Assembled  judged  it  an 
Incumbent  duty  on  them  to  improue  all  opportunity  and  meanes 
that  God  hath  put  into  their  hands  for  the  safety  and  welfare  of  his 
Majesty's  interests  in  these  partes  ;   in  order  whereunto 

It  is  ordered  that  all  masters  of  ketches  &  other  vessells,  shallops 
Cruising  to  and  againe  [going  ?]  betwcv-jn  the  Capes,  Cape  Ann  & 
Cape  Cod,  on  thoir  fishing  &  other  occasions,  take  notice  that  they 
&  euery  are  hereby  required  in  his  Majesty's  name  to  make  dilligent 
&  exact  discouery  of  the  Dutch  Cap[tai]n[sj  or  other  vessells,  which 
they  shall  see  to  be  in  Company  aboua  the  number  of  three  on 
any  part  of  our  Coasts,  and  of  their  number  of  men  &  intents 
what  they  can,  and  to  speed  such  intelligence  so  obtained  to  the 

1  The  last  two  words  may  he  Williams,  masters.  —  H. 


I 


I: 


Appendix. 


345 


first  Magistrate.  Gouern'  or  Assistant  in  the  nearest  port,  that 
so  an  due  further  meanes  may  be  used  for  the  preservation  of 
the  Country. 

To  tlie  Constable  or  Constables  of  Boston  or  either  of  them 
These  reqmre  you  &  every  of  you  in  his  majestyes  name  to  take 
specjall  notice  of  the  Orders  of  the  Council  above  written,  and  that 
you  &  every  of  you  forthwith  put  forth  yo-  utmost  dilligence  effec- 
tually to  Accomplish  the  same  in  all  respects,  as  you  will  answer 
the  Contrary  at  yo^  utmost  perrill.  Dated  in  Boston  this  first  of 
August,  1673. 

By  order  of  y=  Council, 

Edvv.  Rawson,  Secret'y. 


No.  6.    Page  141. 

LETTERS   OF   COUNT   FRONTENAC. 

Count  Frontenac  to  M.  Colbert} 

Memoire  de  M.  le  Comte  de  Frontenac  au  Ministre. 

A  Quebec,  le  14  Novembre,  1674. 

Quoyque  je  suis  d^sespoir  de  n'avoir  qu'i'vous  mander  des  nou 
vel  es  aggr^ables,  je  ne  puis  m'empescher  de  vous  donnir  avis  du" 
malheur  arnv^  4  M.  de  Chambly,  de  sa  blessure.  de  sa  prTson  et  d 
la  pnse  de  PentagoUet  avec  celle  de  Gemisic  dans  la  RivLe  S^  Tean 
et  du  S:  de  Marson.  qui  y  commandoit.  -' 

Ce  que  j'en  S9ay  par  une  lettre  que  le  dit  S^  de  Chamblv  m'a 
escnt.  est  que  le  10  Aoust.  il  fust  attaqu6  par  une  bastlL  de 

Bas  on.  dans  lequel  il  y  avoit  cent  dix  hommes.  qu'apr^s  avoir  mis 
pied  d  terre.  soustenu  pendant  une  heure  leur  attaque     II  re^Tun 

»  Paris  Documents,  Mass.  Archives,  ii.  287-289. 

44 


iii^ii 


i  . 


346 


Appendix. 


coup  de  mousquet  au  travers  du  corps,  que  le  mist  hors  de  combat, 
et  qu'aussy  tost  son  Enseigne  et  le  reste  de  sa  garnison  qui  n'estoit 
composee  avec  les  habitans  que  de  trente  hommes,  mal  intentionnez 
et  mal  armez,  se  rendisent  cl  discrdtion.  Que  ces  forbans  ont  pille 
le  Fort,  emport6  tout  le  canon,  et  qu'ils  devoient  mener  le  dit  S-  de 
Chambly  h.  Baston  avec  le  dit  S-  de  Marson,  qu'ils  envoy^rent  prendre 
dans  la  Riviere  St.  Jean  par  une  detachment  qu'ils  firent,  et  I'ayant 
mis  h.  rangon,  et  luy  voulant  faire  payer  mille  castors. 

Comme  je  n'ay  re^eu  cette  nouvelle  qu'apr^s  le  fin  de  Septembre, 
par  des  Sauvages  que  le  dit  Sieur  de  Chambly  m'a  envoyde  son  en- 
seigne, pour  me  conjurer  de  donner  ordre  i  sa  rangon,  et  que  ne 
restant  plus  qu'un  mois  de  navigation,  j'estois  dans  I'impuissance  de 
pouvoir  envoyer  k  I'Acadie  du  secours,  quand  mesme  j'aurois  eu  les 
choses  ndcessaires  pour  cela,  je  ne  suis  contentd  d'envoyer  quelques 
gens  avec  canots  pour  essaier  d'avoir  de  nouvelles  de  I'estat  oCi  il 
aurent  laiss6  le  Fort,  et  s'il  n'aurent  rien  entrepris  contre  Port 
Royal,  de  leur  ordonner  de  remdner  la  damoiselle  de  Marson  et 
ceulx  qui  sont  restez  dans  la  Rividre  St  Jean,  et  d'envoyer  cl  un 
correspondant  que  le  S-  Formont  m'a  donnd  ^  Baston,  les  lettres  de 
change  pour  la  ran^on  de  M.  de  Chambly,  que  je  me  suis  obligd  de 
faire  acquitter  par  mon  marchand  A  la  Rochelle,  ne  croyant  pas 
qu'il  fust  de  la  gloire  du  Roy,  pour  laquelle  je  sacrifiray  toujours 
le  peu  que  j'aurai  de  biens,  de  laisser  cl  la  vue  de  nos  voisins  un 
Gouverneur  entre  le  mans  des  Pirates,  qui  I'auroient  amend  avec 
fculx,  on  pent  estre  assomd,  outre  que  ce  pauvre  Gentilhomme  est 
assurdment,  par  son  merite  et  ses  longs  services,  digne  d'une 
meileure  destinde. 

J'ay  aussy  escrit  au  Gouverneur  de  Baston  une  lettre  dont  je  vous 
envoye  la  copie  pour  laquelle  je  luy  tesmoigne  I'estonnement  ou  je 
suis  de  voir  que  n'y  ayant  point  de  rupture  entre  sa  Majestd  et  le  Roy 
d'Angleterre,  il  donne  retraite  ^  des  forbans  qu'ils  nous  ont  faict  un 
pareille  insulte  et  que  pour  moy  je  croyois  manquer  aux  ordres  que 
j'ay  d'entretenir  avec  eulx  une  bonne  correspondance  si  J 'en  usois  de 
la  sorte. 


..  apsweqw^Tsr-t . , 


Appendix. 


347 


Je  suis  persuadd  que  ceulx  de  Baston  se  sont  servis  de  ces  gens  \k 
pour  nous  cette  avanie.  leur  ayant  mesme  donne  un  Pilote  Anglois 
pour  les  conduire,  supportant  impatienment  nostre  voisinage  et  la 
contraintre  que  cela  leur  donne  pour  leurs  pesches,  et  pour  leur 
traitte. 

Je  ne  sais  sy  ceulx  que  j'ay  envoyez  pourront  estre  de  retour  avant 
le  depart  des  vaisseaux,  et  si  je  pourray  vous  mander  d'aultre  nou- 
velles  plus  escris  presentement,  et  sur  ce  que  M.  de  Chambly  vous 
mandera  infailliblement  par  la  premiere  voye  qu'il  trouvera  vous 
pournez  voir  les  ordres  que  vous  a  donner  pour  la  seurete  de  I'Acadie 
et  ce  que  vous  voulez  que  je  fasse  puisque  vous  S9avez  bien  que  je 
suis  dans  I'lmpuissance  d'y  pouvoir  manquant  de  toutes  choses,  et 
que  vous  me  deffendez  tr^s  expressement  de  faire  aulcune  depense 
extraordinaire,  ce  que  j'observeray  avec  la  derni^re  exactitude. 

II  est  h.  propos,  je  croy.  que  je  flnisse  cette  lettre  qui  vous  doibt 
ennuyer  il  y  a  desjA  longtemps,  et  que  j'y  ajouste  seulement  les 
protestations  que  je  vous  faicts  d'estre,  jusqu'au  dernier  soupir  de 
ma  vie.  *^ 

Monseigneur, 
Vostre  tr^s  humble,  tr^s  obdissant,  et  tr^s  obligd  serviteur, 

Frontenac. 

Count  Frontenac' s  Letter  of  Safe-Conduct  to  M.  Normanville} 

The  Earle  of  Frontenac;  Counseller  of  the  King  In  his  Counsels, 
gouernor  &  generall  Lieftenant  for  his  majesty  In  Canada.  Acadi 
Isles  of  newfoundland,  and  others  places  of  the  Northerne  french 

To  all  Lieftenant-generalls,  gouernors  of  Principaltyes  ;  mayors 
Consults,  Sherifs,  Judges  &  officers  of  Cittyes,  Cap"^  of  b  idge^l' 
Customes.  places,  passages  &  Straigh's.  Greeting:  h.^,eing  Coinanded 
m   Normanville  to  goe  speedilly  to  Boston  for  the  express  affaires  of 

IS.  &  Intreate  all  others  to  lett  him  freely  &  safly  pass  with  one  of 
»  Mass.  Archives,  ii.  515.     The  original  is  missing.  -  H. 


H 


1 


I 


III 


< 

y 

348 


Appendix, 


our  Line  gard  their  men,  Canoes,  &  Equipage  ;  without  any  trouble 

or  hinderence  both  in  goeing,  staying,  &  Returning,  Butt  Rather  to 

giue  them  all  helpe  &  fauor  In  what  they  shall  haue  need,  tendreing 

for  the  licke  Case  to  Doe  the  same.    In  witnesse  whereof  wee  haue 

signed  these  presents,  to  which  wee  haue  sett  our  seale  &  vnder- 

written  by  one  of  our  secretairyes.     giuen  In  Quebec  the  24"'  of 

May,  1675. 

Frontenac, 

By  my  Lord,  vahassem.^ 

Letter  of  Count  Frontenac  to  the  Magistrates  at  Boston? 

A  Quebec,  ce  25  May,  1675. 

Messieurs,  —  Si  tost  que  j'eiis  appris  I'lnsulte  qu'on  avoit  fait  au 
Sr  de  Chambly,  Gouverneur  de  I'Acadie,  et  qu'apres  la  prise  du  fort 
de  Pentagoiiet  on  I'avoit  conduit  prisonnier  4  Baston.  Je  vous  dep^- 
chay  par  deux  diffdrents  endroicts  pour  vous  temoigner  la  surprize 
ou  j'etois  que  nonobstant  la  bonne  correspondance  dans  laquelle  le 
Roy  mon  maistre  m'a  command^  de  vivre  avec  vous  et  les  ordres  que 
vous  avez  dfl  regevoir  du  Roy  d'Angleterre  sur  le  meme  sujet,  de 
forbans  et  gens  sans  aveu  eiissent  trouvd  une  retraite  dans  vostre 
ville  ;  ^  et  pour  vous  conjurer  aussi  en  mesme  temps  de  procurer 


1  It  is  impossible  to  determine  what 
was  the  original  name  whicli  tlie  trans- 
lator in  1675  transformed  into  vahassem. 
It  may  have  been  S'  Luisson.  —  H. 

"^  Mass.  Archives,  ii.  517. 

8  It  has  been  seen  that  Frontenac, 
in  his  Memoir,  dated  Nov.  14,  1674,  to 
the  minister,  M.  Colbert,  after  giving  an 
account  of  the  capture  of  Pentagoiiet, 
and  the  captivity  of  M.  de  Chambly  and 
the  Sieur  de  Marson,  goes  on  to  say 
that  he  had  written  to  the  "Governor of 
Boston  "  a  letter,  of  which  he  encloses 
a  copy.  This  letter  is  not  now  in  the 
Archives  of  Massachusetts,  nor  have  we 
any  copy  of  it.  But  we  may  gather  the 
substance  of  it  from  a  passage  in  the 


Memoir  above  referred  to.  A  translation 
of  the  passage,  beginning  with  the  words 
"Je  luy  tesmoigne"  (p.  346),  is  as  fol- 
lows :  "  I  expressed  to  him  my  astonish- 
ment at  seeing  that,  while  peace  exists 
between  his  Majesty  and  the  King  of 
England,  he  gives  shelter  to  pirates 
and  ruffians  without  a  commission,  after 
they  had  so  grievously  insulted  us  ;  and 
that,  for  my  own  part,  I  should  deem 
myself  delinquent  in  respect  to  the 
orders  I  had  received,  to  cultivate  a 
good  understanding  with  them,  if  I  had 
behaved  toward  them  in  like  manner." 
He  repeats  this  language,  in  part,  in  the 
foregoing  letter  to  the  magistrates  at 
Boston.  —  H. 


>^- 


Appendix. 


349 


aupr^s  deux  la  liberty  du  dit  Sieur  de  Chambly  ayant  mis  entre  les 
mains  de  ces  m6mes  personnes  par  qui  je  vous  Renvois  des  lettres  de 
Change  pour  payer  la  Ran^on  dont  il  estoit  convenu  avec  eux 
Cependant  quoique  je  leur  eusse  ordonn^  devenir  me  retrouver  sur 
les  neiges  avec  toute  la  diligence  possible  je  vois  I'hiver  pass^  et  la 
saison  fort  avancee  sans  que  j'aye  eue  de  leurs  nouvelles  ny  que  i'ave 
pii  apprendre  ce  que  le  Sf  de  Chambly  est  devenu. 

C'est  ce  qui  m'oblige  Messieurs  h.  vous  depescher  pour  la  trois  fois 
le  S'  de  Normanville  accompagne  d'un  de  mes  gardes  pour  vous 
reiterer  la  mesme  pri6re  et  vous  supplier  de  lever  tous  les  obstacles 
qui  regarderont  la  liberty  tant  du  S^  de  Chambly  que  des  autres 
personnes  qui  sont  avec  luy.  Si  par  hazard  ils  estoient  encore  pri- 
sonniers.  J'ay  meme  est^  bien  ayse  que  cela  m'ait  fourny  une  occa- 
sion de  vous  donner  de  nouvelles  assurances  de  la  bonne  union  & 
mtelligence  que  je  desire  entretenir  avec  vous  dans  I'esperance  que 
J  ay  que  vous  y  correspondrez  avec  autant  de  franchise  que  vous  me 
I'avez  assure  par  vos  lettres. 

Prenez  done  s'il  vous  plaist  une  enticVe  croyance  en  tout  ce  que 
le  S  de  Normanville  vous  dira  de  ma  part  et  me  croyez  tres 
ventablement, 

Messieurs, 
Votre  tr^s  humble  &  tr^s  obeissant  Serviteur, 

Frontenac. 


Hi' 


No. 


7.     Page  145. 


COMPLAINT  OF  JOHN   FREAKE.i 

To  the  Hon'"^  Gouerno'  &  the  Rest  of  the  Hon'^  Magistrates 
betting  in  Councill  at  Boston,  Feb.  15,  1674-5.     Amen 

The  Complaint  of  John  Freake  of  Boston  humbly  shevveth  That 
whereas  yo  Complainant  had  a  Small  Vessell  under  the  cotTmnd  of 
George  Manning  bound  home  on  her  voyage  from  the  Eastward  was 

^  Mass.  Archives,  Ixi.  66. 


-I  I     I 


iwttii 


■ 


I  It 


35° 


Appendix. 


I  I 


l>.    i 


by  accident  met  with  all  in  the  River  of  St.  John  by  John  Roades 
&  some  Dutchmen  his  complices  in  a  small  vessell  Sometime  in 
the  Month  of  December  last  past ;  who  overpowering  of  them  with 
men  pyratically  seized  my  said  Vessell  &  goods  on  board  her,  & 
haue  wounded  the  Master  of  her  &  another  of  his  Company,  & 
doe  still  keepe  both  vessell,  goods,  &  men,  as  by  a  letter  from  the 
Master  given  in  to  yo'  Hono" 

My  humble  Request  therefore  to  yo'  Hono"  is  that  you  would  be 
pleased  to  take  some  speedy  Order  for  the  Seizing  of  the  said 
Roades  &  his  Complices  by  Commissioning  some  meete  persons 
whom  yo'  Hono"  shall  think  ft  with  such  aide  as  may  be  requisite 
to  go  out  in  a  small  vessell  &  range  along  the  said  Coast,  &  to  seize 
&  secure  the  said  Roades  &  all  his  Complices,  &  to  bring  them  to 
Boston  for  due  tryal,  being  out  upon  a  pyraticall  Account,  &  having 
Seized  severall  of  the  goods  of  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Jurisdiction 
besides  yo'  Complainants,  &  it 's  very  probable  will  doe  much  more 
mischief,  without  yo'  Hono'*  in  yo'  Wisdoms  finde  some  speedy 
Course  to  prevent  the  same.  Submitting  myselfe  to  yo'  Hono" 
Wisdom  &  dispose  therein,  I  subscribe 

Yo'  Hono"  Most  humble  Servant, 

Jno.  Freake. 


No.  8.     Page  146. 

ORDER   OF  THE   GOVERNOR  AND   COUNCIL  TO   STOP   ALL 
VESSELS   GOING   EASTWARD    FROM    BOSTON.^ 

Whereas  M'  Waldern  &  others  not  long  since  complayned  to  the 
Goun'  &  Councill  Assembled  in  Boston  29  December  last  past,  and 
M'  John  Freake  of  Boston,  merchant,  complayning  to  the  Honoured 
Goun'  &  Councill  of  y^  peratical  actions  of  one  Jn"  Roades  &  others, 
Inhabitants  of  y°  Colony  joyning  w""  some  Dutch  &  other  nations 

1  Mass.  Archives,  Ixi.  67. 


Appendix, 


351 


in  seizing  of  seuerall  of  o'  vessells,  spoiling  them  both  of  their  vesscUs 
&  goods  to  their  great  losse  &  damage,  and  hauing  lately  taken  y° 
ketch  of  y°  said  Jn"  Freake,  wounding  of  y'  Master  of  his  said  ketch, 
George  Manning,  &  some  other,  w""  seuerall  their  acts  of  Piracy  on 
y°  seas  upon  seuerall  Inhabitants  of  y'  place  their  lawfull  negotia- 
tions, in  all  hich  the  Council  judgeth  it  meet  to  order  a  cornission 
be  granted  to  A.  B.  C.  for  y°  Apprehending  &  seizing  of  y''  said 
Jn°  Roades  &  his  Company  in  order  to  his  &  their  tryall  before  any 
Court  of  y''  jurisdiction  that  hath  cognizance  of  such  cases,  and  that 
he  &  they  so  Apprehended  &  seized  be  brought  before  y"  Goun'  & 
other  Authority  of  the  Colony  to  be  secured  in  order  to  his  &  their 
tryall ;  that  so  y'=  said  Freake  and  such  others  as  have  suffered  may 
be  in  a  way  to  get  their  satisfaction  &  reparation  for  such  their  losses, 
and  that  y°  trade  of  this  country  be  y'  better  secured  &  damage 
prevented.     Past  by  y"  Councill  this  15""  Feb.  1874. 

E.  R[awson,  Secretary]. 


W 


Cap'  Samuel  Mosely  being  proposed  to  y"  Councill  by  M'  Jn" 
Freake  as  y""  Commander  of  ye  design,  the  Goiin'  &  Councill  approve 
thereof.  —  E.  R.,  5". 

Also  y°  Councill  ordered  that  the  vessells  stopd  by  y"  Goun'  on  y" 
Saturday  last,  y'  Councill  ordered  y'  all  vessells  going  or  to  go  forth 
into  those  parts  till  y"  said  Capt.  Samuel  Mosely  be  gone,  till  y"" 
Goiin'  give  further  order  &  that  y"  secretary  issue  out  warrants  to 
y'  seuerall  Constables  of  Boston  accordingly.  —  E.  R.,  5. 


1/ 


:J 


Instructions  for  Cap'  Samuel  Mosely} 

1.  That  you  looke  to  yo'  Company  y'  they  keepe  Good  orde'  aboard 
y*  vessell  and  abroad  : 

2.  that  you  suffer  no  Injury  to  be  done  to  any  of  His  Majesties 
subjects  in  these  pts  or  any  in  Freindship  w""  his  miijty  their  Goods 
or  Estates  by  Sea  or  land, 

^  Mass.  Archives,  Ixi.  68. 


,1  si 


f 


m 


i  i 


«l 


iliiifl 


352 


Appendix. 


3.  that  you  Labour  w"'  all  your  Care  &  skill  to  seaze  &  surprize  y" 
said  Roades  &  his  Company  \v'''out  blood  if  it  may  be  :  &  to  secure 
them  &  bring  them  forthwith  to  Boston  in  order  to  their  tryall. 

past  by  y"  Councill, 

IS  Fcbr.  1674.  E.  R.,  5. 

To  f  Constables  of  Boston. 

You  &  euery  of  you  by  virtue  of  an  ord'  of  the  Goun'  &  Councill 
[are]  hereby  Required  in  his  Majesty's  name  forthwith  to  make  stop 
of  all  such  ships  or  other  vessells  that  are  now  in  the  Harbour  bound 
out  to  the  Eastward  till  Cap!  Samuell  Mosely  begon  forth  ;  and  untill 
further  Order  be  Given  by  y°  Honoured  Goun'  hereof  you  &  they 
are  not  to  fail  at  yo'  &  their  pcrill. 

p'  Edward  Rawson,  Secretary, 

By  ord'  of  the  Goiin"  &  Councill. 

Dated  in  Boston,  the  15*  February,  i674[5]. 


No.  9.     Page  146. 
DEPOSITION   OF   GEORGE   MANNING.' 

The  Deposition  of  George  Manning,  Aged  thirty  years  or  there 
Aboutts,  Testiffieth 

That  Being  sent  outt  By  the  Latte  M'  Jo"  Freke  a  traideing  voy- 
adge  to  the  Eastward  in  y"  Shaliopp  Called  the  Philipp,  Was  on  the 
Fowerth  day  of  Decemb[  last  Surprized  and  taken  in  Adowake  Bay 
to  Y  Estward  of  Mount  deZart  By  Cap!  Fetter  Rodrigoe  &  Cap! 
John  Rodes  In  Maner  as  ffollowing :  I  Being  att  an  Ancor  as  aboue 
Said,  they  Came  vpon  vs  w'l"  theire  Duch  Cullers  fflyn,  and  Co- 
manded  me  a  board  By  Cap!  Fetter  Rodrigoe,  &  their  vpon  I  went 
w'!'  my  boatte  on  board  of  their  vesell ;  and  being  there  hee  ordered 
mee  to  bee  their  detained,  &  Went  him  Sclfe,  w'l'  seu"!'  of  his  Comp" 

1  Mass.  Archives,  Ixi.  117,  ii8. 


ass 


^r 


Appendix. 


353 


on  board  of  my  shallop,  &  thoir  Opened  the  hatches  &  tooke  all  my 
peltery  &  Caried  itt  on  board  their  owne  Vesell,  and  alsoe  Scu'" 
Other  things,  and  then  they  would  haiic  me  Sett  my  hand  to  a  paiper 
that  they  had  taken  nothing  Frome  me  but  w':  was  of  the  groath  of 
that  Countrey  ;  butt  knowing  of  itt  to  bee  F"als,  I  Refused  Soe  to  doe, 
butt  I  deseired  him  to  Showc  me  his  Comition  by  Vcrtue  of  wf  hee 
was  Soe  Impowered  to  acctt  as  hee  did,  vpon  w',''  hee  said  hee  would 
goc  and  Fech  itt,  and  then  brought  a  lardg  paiper  w'l'  Seuer'"  sealls, 
an  Extract,  butt  nether  Read  itt  nor  would  sufer  me  soe  to  doe,  butt 
only  asked  mee  what  I  thought  of  itt ;  to  w',''  I  Replyed,  nott  haueing 
opertunity  to  hearr  itt  nor  to  Read  itt,  I  Did  not  know  butt  itt  might 
bee  a  Lawfull  Comition ;  vpon  w'.''  hee  Demanded  my  Invoice  of  y" 
goods  I  had.  1  Replyed  againe  that  his  people  hauing  rumedgcd  my 
Chest  &  Cabin,  that  some  of  his  Comp"  might  haue  itt ;  butt  hee  asking 
of  them  they  all  denied  itt,  whervpon  I  went  on  board  to  Looke  for 
itt,  and  their  found  itt,  and  then  being  downe  in  y"  Cabing,  James 
Debeck  handing  one  of  the  Small  guns  that  was  on  the  Deck  downe, 
before  I  Receud  the  Other  thcr  was  an  vproar  amcngst  them,  and  they 
presently  Fiared  in  Sen'"  Shott  vpon  vs,  by  w''!'  I  was  wounded  in  my 
hand,  and  presently  Comanded  James  on  board  of  their  vessell  and 
much  abused  him  in  striking  him  many  blowes,  w'l'  I  heard,  and  alsoe 
heard  him  Crie  for  god  sake  to  spaire  his  Life  ;  after  w',''  y^^  Cap! 
hauing  broake  his  Cuttles  aboutt  James,  he  presently  went  aft  and 
fetched  my  Cuttles,  &  Came  Forwa''d  to  mee  saying,  wher  is  this  dogg, 
Maning,  I  must  talke  w"'  him  alsoe  ;  whervpon  I  beged  them  to  Spaire 
my  Life.  Sume  of  them  Replyed  that  if  I  would  Come  vpe  I  should 
haue  noe  harme ;  butt  Coming  vp  by  y'  Scuttell  I  Receud  Seuerall 
blows  vpon  my  head,  w"'"  soe  stuned  me  that  for  a  good  Space  of  time 
was  depriued  of  my  Senses,  nott  knowing  where  I  was,  thought  [I  had 
been]  throwne  ouerboard  ;  and  Caried  [me]  one  board  of  their  vessell 
and  keept  me  prisner  till  the  next  day,  whereupon  they  Concluded  to 
Send  me  away  wV'  my  Boatt,  and  hall  my  vessell  ashoer  and  burne 
here  ;  I  then  heareing  of  theire  Sentance,  I  beged  Cap!  Rodrigoe 
that  I  might  nott  be  sent  away  ;  soe  Considering  the  Condition  I  Was 

4S 


U 


IH  D-\ 


t  I 


I 


II 

it 


r  i 


I 


'; 


.^54 


^ 


1ppc}tdix. 


in,  and  y*"  time  of  y'  yeare,  &  wounded  as  I  am,  hee  Shaking  of  his 
herd  replied  that  hee  Could  nott  doe  anything  in  itt  w'i'out  y'  Con- 
sert  of  y"  Rest  of  y"  Comp",  wherevpon  I  Adresed  my  Selfe  to  Cap' 
Rcedes ;  hee  then  Replyed  w'l"  an  oth,  Saying,  Dam  you !  what  doe  you 
Come  to  mee  For  ?  Can  I  Clear  you  ?  then  I  Adresed  my  Selfe  to  Ran- 
da'  1  Jetson,  desiering  of  him  y"  Like,  hee  then  vv'l'  y""  Like  others  told 
me  if  I  had  my  desarts  should  bee  turned  ashoar  vpon  an  Island  and 
there  to  Eatt  the  Rootts  of  the  trees,  where  vpon  I  desiercd  that  I 
might  Rather  bee  keept  as  a  prisnor  amongst  them  and  goe  A  Long 
w  I'  them  then  to  bee  done  Soe  by,  w'.''  Could  nott  bee  granted.  Then 
I  desiered  that  I  might  bee  putt  outt  of  my  troubles  and  End  my 
days  att  y''  mast ;  they  then  hering  of  What  I  Said  Withdrew  them 
Selues,  Consulting  what  they  should  doe  w"!'  mee,  and  hailing  Tho: 
Michells  Vesell  on  board  of  me  and  take  outt  all  my  goods  and 
prouision  Except  a  Small  Mattr  of  prouition,  pretending  itt  Was  to 
Cary  mee  home,  and  gaue  mee  my  Vessell  againe,  butt  by  Cap'.  Roeds 
&  Tho:  Michells  Doengs  was  Forced  to  Condesend  to  goe  along  w'l' 
them ;  &  Further  Cap!  Roads  did  before  my  going  Frome  boston 
thretne  John  King  that  if  hee  went  to  the  Estward  w'!"  me  hee  would 
be  y''  death  of  him  ;  &  iff  itt  had  nott  ben  for  y"  rest  of  their  Com- 
pany hee  had  .suffered.  The  nit  before  I  Sailed  Frome  boston  I 
demanded  of  Cap!  Urrin^  iff  hee  did  grant  any  Comision  to  Cap! 
Roades  or  any  of  y"  Comp'.  that  went  w'!"  him  For  to  take  any 
Englishmen.  I  desiered  him  iff  hee  did  hee  must  Resolue  mee  of 
itt ;  where  vpon  hee  replyed  hee  had  nott  nor  would  nott  grant 
any,  and  that  I  had  as  much  liberty  to  goe,  or  any  one,  as  they 
had,  and  Wishing  mee  a  good  prosperous  voyadge,  wherevpon  hee 
departed. 

After  wee  Sett  Saille  Frome  Adowaket  to  Aplaisse  Called  muspeka 
Racke,  where  I  Caused  ou'  boatte  to  bee  histed  outt,  and  went  aboard 
of  them,  and  Desiered  that  they  would  looke  vpon  my  hand  ;  Finding 
My  Selfe  in  much  paine,  I  desiering  they  would  Clear  me  For  I  was 

1  Capt.  Jurriaen  Aernouts,  commander  of  the  Flying  Horse,  is  probably  the 
person  referred  to.  —  H. 


Appendix. 


355 

afraid  of  loosing  of  my  hand,  and  they  Replyed  itt  was  a  fleshe  wond, 
and  their  was  noe  fear  of  y"  Cure,  Soe  would  nott  lett  me  goe  home, 
butt  was  forced  to  goe  withem  ;  and  further  sayeth  nott.  taken  vpon 
oath  in  open  Court  the  i/""  of  June,  1675. 

As  Attests  Edward  Rawson,  Secrefy, 

Georg  Mannig  on  his  forme'  oath  ouned  y"  testimony  on  his 
forme'  oath  to  y'  trueth  as  to  y'  p'  of  Judgmt. 

,_  T         /r  E.  R.,  S. 

17  June,  1675. 


A  ir 


No.  10.     Page  147. 

EXAMINATION   OF   THE   PRISONERS   CHARGED  WITH 

PIRACY.! 

2.  Aprill :  1675  :  The  Examinacon  of  the  severall  prison'*  brought 
in  by  Cap?  Sam"  Mosely^  are  as  folioweth  :  — 

Jn"  Rhodes  3  Examined.  S'"  that  hee  came  now  from  the  Eastward 
w'!'  Cap'  Mosely  :  being  asked  whither  hee  had  any  comission,  hee 
Answered  No;  being  asked  why  hee  Fought  ag!  the  King's  colours, 
hee  answered,  because  that  they  with  Cap!  Mosely  fought  under 
French  colours,  dutch  colours,  &  English  colours,  &  they  thought 
they  should  haue  noe  quarter  &  therefore  fought. 

This  was  ouned  to  be  the  trueth  by  Jn"  Rhoades  in  open  Court  25 
May,  1675.— E.  R.,  S. 

Peter  Rodriego*  Examined.  S'"  that  his  name  is  Peter  Rodriego,  & 
that  hee  sailed  from  Boston  to  Nova  Scotia  with  power  from  Cap! 
Vrin-Arnelson,5  which  po-.ver  was  written  at  the  beare  in  Boston,  & 
that  the  s'.'  Arnelson  put  the  Scales  to  it.  —  S'"  that  hee  hath  taken 
two  english  vessells,  one  from  George  Manning,  the  other  from  Wal- 
ton, &  that  goeing  to  the  Eastward,  stopping  at  Casco,  hee  was 


1  Mass.  Archives,  Ixi.  72. 

2  Mosley  is  the  correct  spelling. 
8  Riicade. 


*  Roderigo 

*  Jurriaen  Aernouts. 


\\ 


u 


h  !i 


356 


Appendix. 


' 

\\ 

■  f 

i 


i 


;    ):! 


lii 


I 


one  day  asleep  in  his  rabbin,  &  his  men  went  ashoare  &  killed 
four  Siieep  &  brought  them  aboard.  Ouned  in  Court  by  Peter 
Rodriego,  24  May,  1675,  this  his  confession  on  examination  to  be 
the  trueth,  &  in  open  Court,  as  Ates's  E.  R.,  5. 

Cornelius  Anderson,^  Examined.  S'!'  that  hee  came  now  from  round 
pond  as  neere  Muscongus  Island,  S'!'  that  hee  hath  taken  two  Eng- 
lish Vessells,  one  from  Waldron,  the  other  from  Hilliard.  Ouned 
that  he  had  took  two  vessells  vnder  his  inst'.''  but  deliuered  them 
againe;  only  took  the  peltry  from  them.  —  E.  R.,  5. 

Tho:  Mitchell  Examined.  S'!'  that  hee  lives  neere  Mauldon,  &  that 
hee  came  last  from  Penequid,  &  that  hee  sailed  in  a  vessell  part  of 
her  his  own,  &  that  the  privateers  hee  carried  with  him  tooke  some 
English  Vessells,  that  hee  himselfe  was  in  her,  &  one  Peter  Rodriego 
coiiianded  her ;  but  it  was  against  his  s!'  Mitchell's  will  they  tooke 
the  vessells,  &  that  hee  eat  of  the  mutton  that  the  company  on  board 
his  vessell  tooke  away  from  mr  Mountjoy,  which  were  in  number 
Four,  and  that  Rodrigo,  Grant,  Fowler,  &  Rhodes  compelled  him  to 
pilot  the  vessell  from  Johns  unto  twelve  penny  harbour,  where  they 
plundered  one  Lantrimony  &  killed  his  cattle. 

Randolph  Judson  —  Examined.  £'!'  that  hee  rame  now  from 
Matchias  with  Cap-  Mosely,  &  that  hee  was  one  of  Cap!  Rodrigo's 
company,  &  was  at  the  taking  of  George  Manning's  Vessell,  VValdron's 
Vessell,  &  Hilliard's  Vessell,  &  that  they  tooke  them  by  virtue  of  the 
comission  given  to  Peter  Rodrigo,  &  that  George  Manning  ^as 
wounded  in  the  hand  &  James  Debeck  was  cut  over  the  arme  by 
Cap!  Rodrigo.     Ouned  in  Court  17"'  June,  1675. —  E.  R.,  S. 

Edward  Youring  Examined.  S"'  that  hee  went  out  in  a  vessell  with 
Thomas  Mitchell  upon  a  trading  Voyage  to  the  Eastward,  &  that 
going  along  the  Shoare  Cap!  Rodrigo  &  the  Company  on  board 
theire  vessell  tooke  George  Manning's  &  Waldron's  vessells. 

Richard  Fowler  Examined.  S'!'  that  hee  was  in  company  with  Peter 
Rodrigo  &  sundry  others  when  they  tooke  George  Manning's  & 
George  Walton's  vessells  &  goods,  &  that  hee  was  on  shoare  at  casco 

'  Cornelis  Andreson.  


Appendix. 


ZSl 


&  Fetcht  on  board  theire  vessel!  some  Sheep,  from  off  an  Island  saide 
to  bee  m'  Mountjoy's,  &  that  Tho:  Mitchell  sent  him  on  shoare  for 
them,  Saymg  there  was  noebody  lookt  after  them.— y^  examination 


i;'"  June,  1675.  — E.  R.,  S\ 


was  ouned  as  abuve  writt 

Peter  Grant  Examined.  S'!'  that  hee  was  in  company  with  Peter 
Rodrigo  &  sundry  others  when  they  tooke  George  Manning's  & 
George  Walton's  vessells  &  goods  by  order  of  theire  Cap'  Rodrigo 
&  that  hee  was  ashoare  at  Casco&  did  help  take  the  Sheep  on  board 
&  Fech't  wood  to  make  the  Fire  to  dress  them  with  &  eat  part  of  them. 
—  Peter  Grant  ouned  the  r'  pt  ot  this  Confession  as  to  be  w'"  Cap' 
Peter  Rodriego,  &c.  —  E.  R.,  5. 

John  Williams  Examined.  S'"  that  hee  is  a  cornish  man,  sailed  out 
of  Jamaica  with  Cap'  Morrice,  was  taken  by  the  dutch  &  carried  to 
Carrisaw.i  came  hither  with  Cap!  Urin-Arnelson,  &  that  hee  went 
from  Boston  in  comp?  with  Cap!  Peter  Rodr'go  &  sundry  others,  & 
was  in  company  &  acted  with  the  s:'  Rodrigo  &  the  rest  in  the  taking 
of  George  Manning's  Vessell ;  but  was  ashoare  at  Machias  when  the 
rest  were  taken. 

John  Tomas  Examined.  S"-  that  hee  was  one  ,5  the  company  that 
sailed  with  Cap:  Peter  Rodrigo  &  sundry  other  t,  was  present  at 
the  taking  of  George  Manning's  &  George  Walton's  Vessells  Being 
asked  whither  hee  did  not  kill  a  Frenchman,  hee  denyed  it ;  confessed 
that  hee  did  shoote  at  him,  but  knew  not  that  hee  hit  him. 

Taken  and  read  to  the  several  persons  &  ouned  by  them  before  us 

John  Levkrett,  Gov. 
Edward  Tyng. 

The  partyes  all  ouned  in  Court  their  seQll  Confessions  as  aboue 
written,  being  Read  to  them  in  Court  of  Admiralty  .a 


*  Curagoa. 

'  The  original  record  of  the  exami- 
Tiation  of  the  prisoners,  from  which  the 
foregoing  ^  iper  is  copied,  is,  except  the 


last  two  sentences  and  the  signatures, 
in  the  handwriting  of  Isaac  Addington 
The  signatures  appear  to  be  auto- 
graphs.— H. 


3m           iB 

i 

H-.ll  •JSBT' 


358 


Appendix. 


No.  II.     Page  149. 
INDICTMENT  AND   SENTENCE   OF   PETER   RODERIGO.^ 


Ji;  , 

n 


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1    ^ 

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f: 

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1 

Att  a  Court  of  Assistants  held  at  Boston  y"  24'^  of 
may,  1675,  8,  called  b}  y°  Court  for  tryall  of  the 
prisoners. 

Peeter  Rodriego^  Dutchman  being  presented  &  In- 
dicted by  the  Grand  Jury,  was  Indicted  by  the  name 
of  Peeter  Rodriego  for  that  he  not  hauing  the  feare 
of  God  before  his  eyes,  he  w'h  other  his  Complices 
sometimes  in  the  mounth'  of  November,  December, 
&  January  last  by  force  of  Armes  did  vpon  the 
sea''  pyrattically  &  Felloniously  seize  &  take  severall 
smale  English  vessells  (and  theire  Companyes)  be- 
longing to  his  Majtys  subjects  of  this  Colony  & 
made  prize  of  theire  Goods,  &  in  particular  the 
barque  Phillip  &  her  goods  belonging  to  the  late 
m'  John  Freake  of  Boston,  Georg  mannig  being 
master  then  of  hir,  wounding  the  said  manig  &  his 
mate  contrary  to  the  peace  of  our  Soueraigne  Lord 
the  King  his  Croune  &  dignity,  the  lawes  of  God  & 
of  this  Jurisdiction.  To  wch  Indictm'  y^  prisoner  at 
the  barr  pleaded  not  Guilty,  put  himself  on  triall  by 
God  &  the  Country,  saying  he  had  no  exception  ag' 
any  of  y"  Jury :  the  Case  proceeded,  and  after  the 
Indictment  &  euidences  in  the  case  were  Read,  Cofii- 
itted  to  the  Jury  &  are  on  file  w'h  the  Reccords  of 
this  Court  the  Jury  brought  in  the  virdict ;  they  found 
him  Guilty  according  to  the  aboue  written  Indict- 
ment, and  Accordingly  had  sentenc  of  death  pro- 
nounc'  ag'  him  by  y^  Court  to  be  Carryed  from  hence 


p'^sent 
Jno.  Leueret  Esq'  j 
Goui  j 
SamSymondEsqi 
dept  Go. 
Symon  Bradstreet 
Synion  Willard 
Rich'i  Russell 
Tho.  Danforth  Esqr 
W"'  Hathorn 
Edw.  Tyng 
W"i  Stoughton 


Grand  Jurymen 
KetumJ  to  serve  at 
yo  Court  &  sworne 
were ; 

Mr  Jno  Sherman 
Rich''  Willington 
KiclKl  Baker 
TIio.  Russell 
Jn"  Long 
Symm  Lynd 
Jn<J  Woodmansey 
Jnothan  Bob-ton 
Habbaccuk  Glouer 
In"  Bateman 
Jonas  Clarke 
Fearing  Moore 
Tlio.  Hastings 
Jn"  Bowles 
Tho.  Weld 


Jurymen  Return''  to 
serve  on  the  Jury  of 
tryalls  ; 

mf  John  Checkly 
In"  Bird 
Benj  Bale 
Bcnj  Moore 
Benj  Gillam 
Samuel  Goffe 
Tho.  Langhorne 
Tho.  Fanig 
Tho.  Hastings 
Jn"  Stone 
Edw.  Bridge 
Daniel  B/ewer 


1  Records  ofthe  Court  of  Assistants,      in  the  records.     Roderigo  is  the  correct 
*  This  n.ime  also  is  variously  spelled     spelling.  —  II. 


Appendix. 

to  the  place  from  whence  he  came,  &  thence  to  the 
place  of  Execution,  &  there  to  hang  till  he  be  dead, 
and  on  his  peticon  the  Court  Gaue  him  opp'tunity  to 
peticon  the  Geiill  Court  for  his  life. 


359 


:i 


sqr 


e  at 
)rne 


1 
ler 


INDICTMENT  AND   SENTENCE   OF  JOHN   RHOADE.i 


vUo 
ry  of 

;ly 


rect 


Att  A  Court  of  Assistants  on  Adjournment  held  at 
Boston  i7">  June,  1675,  Jn"  Roads  was  brought  to  the 
barr  &  holding  vp  his   hand  was  Indicted  by  the 
name  of  John  Roads  late  of  Boston,  for  that  he  not 
having  the  feare  of  God  before  his  eyes,  he  w'h  others 
his  Complices  sometimes  in  the  months  of  November, 
December,  &  January  last,  past  did  by  force  of  Armes 
vpon  the  seas  Pyrattically  &  Felloniously  seize  &  take 
seuerall  smale  English  vessells  &  theire  Companyes 
belonging  to  his  Maj'^  subjects  of  this  Colony,  and 
made  prize  of  their  Goods,  &  in  particcular  the  barque 
Phillip  &  her  Goods  belonging  to  the  late  m'  John 
Freake  of  Boston,  George  Mannig  being  then  master 
of  hir,  wounding  the  said  Mannig  &  his  mate  Con- 
trary to  the  peace  of  our  Soueraigne  Lord  the  King 
his  Croune  &  dignity,  the  lawes  of  God  &  of  this 
Jurisdiccon,  to  wch  he  pleaded  not  Guilty,  put  him- 
self on  God  &  the  Country  for  his  triall.   After  y^  In- 
dictment &  evidences  produced  ag'  him  were  read, 
Conitted  to  the  Jury  &  are  on  file  w'h  the  Reccords  of 
y'   Court,  the  Jury  brought  in   their  virdict;   they 
found  him  Guilty  according  to  Indictment,  and  ac- 
cordingly f  next   day  had   sentenc  of  Death   pro- 
nount  ag'   him  :  y'  he  should  Goe  from  the  barr  to 
y*  place  from  whenc  he  Came,  &  thence  to  the  place 
of  executione  where  hang  till  he  be  dead. 

1  Records  of  the  Court  of  Assistants. 


present 
Jn"  Leueret  Esqr  J 
Gour  J 
Sam   Symonds     j 
Esqf  dep'  Go'  J 
Synion  Kradstreet 
Daniel  Gookin 
Daniel  Denison 
Symon  Willard 
Kichii  Russell 
Tho.  Danforth 
Edw'i  Tyng 
W'"  StouKhton 
Thomas  Clarke 

Jno     Roads     ob- 
jected ag'  y^  foremn 
Jn"     Chcckly,     so 
Hcnja    Gillani  was 
Foreman  in  the  rest. 
Jurymen  'mpaneld 
&  Sworne  were  for 
y-'  Triall  of  these. 
Capt  Bcnja  Gillam 
Jno  Bird 
Benj  Hale 
W"'  Whitwoll 
Rich'i  Knight 
Sam  Goffe 
Tho.  Longhorne 
Edw.  Bridge 
Daniel  Brewer 
John  Holbrook 
Jn"  Swett 
Jno  Davenport 


;'  i 


1  , 


II) 


KTH 


m\ 


If 


I 


1:       ■ 

1  ■    ' 

1 

] 

,. 

'  a 

1 

■ 

* 

1 

m\ 

1 

360  Appendix. 


No.  12.  Page  151. 

THE  DEFENCE  OF  RODERIGO,  ANDRESON,  AND  OTHERS 
CHARCED  WITH  I'lRACY. 

CapV  PettE:  Rodrigo,  &  Cap"  Cornelius  Andreson,  and  theire 
Asociates,  officers  &  Souldiers  belonging  to  the  Prince  of  Orrange, 
&  as  his  Subiects  Inhabytants  In  his  highneses  Terrytories  in  New 
Holland,  AUias  Nova  Scotia,  And  now  Prisono"  in  the  jurrishdiction 
of  the  Massathusetts  Collony,  in  New  England,  etc.  Thier  Plea 
And  Answare  for  theire  Defence  against  what  they  stand  Charged 
With  and  Impeached  of  as  Pirates  For  Acting  Pirazie  on  Sev- 
erall  vessells  belonging  to  the  inhabytant:>  of  the  aforesaid 
Jurishdiction : 

May  it  Please  yo'  Honno7  The  Honno'';''  Bench  :  To  take  notis 
that  wee  thankefully  acknoledg  the  Hon'''°  Benches  Fauou'  in  a 
Redy  Answareing  ou'  Petition  by  vouchsafeing  vs  to  Express  our 
Broaken  English  by  way  of  Decleration,  And  that  wee  might  not 
be  to  Copiuous  therein,  shall  in  shortt  p'sent  this  Hono''.'^  Court  as 
a  direct  Answare  to  the  Tenor  of  our  jnditement  as  wee  st?nd  Im- 
peached of  Pirazie,  or  being  Pirates,  we  doe  Say  that  wee  are  not 
Guiltye,  neither  in  Act  nor  yet  intent,  neither  are  wee  Contieous  to 
ou'  Selues  of  anny  thing  that  wee  have  Done,  that  is  either  a 
breach  of  anny  knowne  Law,  or  may  So  much  as  tend  either  by  ou' 
words  or  acts  jniureous  to  the  Libertyes  or  Genurall  Priveleadges 
of  this  yo[  jurishdiction  or  Coinon  Wealth  ;  but  if  anny  of  yo' 
inhabytants  haue  Sustayned  Loss  by  vs  they  haue  benne  only 
ptickeler  psons  Private  Intrests  occationed  by  them  Selues  (or 
there  owne  Scekeing)  and  not  ours,  in  theire  Presumeing  To  In- 
treanch  vppon  our  Great  Princes  Rights  and  Priveledges  Gained 
him  From  His  Declared  Enemies  by  the  Blood  &  Swoards  of  his 
Leige  Subiects,  amongst  whome  wee  are  nombread.  Yett  notwith- 
standing had  anny  of  those  yo'  Inhabytants  Found  themselues 
Agreeued,  there  was  a  more  regular  way  for  theire  Releefe  w'''  they 


'Si^'l : "  ■ti^'^k  ■  -r^.-t  i',^ . 


^  ^jw,c^i^'FSc-^rw 


Appendix. 


361 


y 

(or 
n- 


might  haue  had:  Naimely,  that  vppon  Makeing  theire  Complaynt 
to  this  Authoritie,  We  should  vppon  the  Least  Summons  from  the 
Cheife  Authoritye  of  this  Place,  in  honno-  to  our  Prince,  and  vinde- 
cation  of  our  Selues,  So  farr  Honnored  them  (being  Desireous  of 
a  Continewed  amecable  vnitye  &  Commerce  of  Trayd  as  Naighbores, 
and  being  Subiects  to  Such  Great  Princes  in  Loue,  pease,  And 
ametye  with  each  other)  as  forthwith  to  a  dispatched  a  shallop 
away  with  not  only  one  to  Give  acc°"  of  our  actions,  but  with 
Soffitient  Effects  to  a  Answared  anny  Civell  action  in  yo'  Law  ; 
and  then  if  by  Law  wee  Could  not  a  warranted  our  Actions  we 
ware  Redy  to  giue  and  make  the  iniuried  psons  Sattisfaction,  w'^  in 
our  Aprehentions  would  A  benn  farr  better  then  Such  Indirect 
And  hosteele  proseeding  against  vs,  that  Except  by  the  wisdom  of 
yo^  Authority  be  not  tymely  Pevented,  will  inevetably  invoulue  the 
Subiects  of  a  Potent  Prince,  and  yo-  Coinonwealth  whare  euer 
they  meete  in  such  Brieles  &  Discontents  (w'''  yet  by  a  Preu- 
dentiall  Care  may  be  Prevented,  but  if  not)  as  will  hardly  Bee 
Determaned  without  a  Declaritiue  warr  from  ou  Great-masters, 
Which  God  Forbids  that  anny  of  our  Blood  Should  be  shead  to  be 
onynus  as  bespeak  So  Sad  a  Conclution :  for  as  its  ile  nedling  with 
edg  tooles  so  its  as  ile  intermedleing  to  vsurp  Princes  Prerogatiues 
&  Priveledges.  .  .  . 

I''  Therefore  v^ith  Leaue  may  it  please  the  Honor'*''''  Court  to 
take  Cognizence  that  wee  are  parsons  whome  by  our  Aleigance  are 
Swoarne  Subiects  to  the  Great  Prince  of  Orrange  his  heires  And 
Sucsesers,  and  as  Such  ware  the  Last  yeare  vndo-  the  Coiiiand  of 
Cap':'  Vrine  Arnhoutson,  Comando'  of  the  Flying  horse  P>igott, 
whome  Receued  from  the  Renouned  Governo:  our  Princes  Repre- 
sentatiue  at  Carrysaw  in  the  west-indias  a  Generall  Comition  in 
our  Princes  naime,  in  Genarall  tearmes  Comprehending  to  take 
Plundo':  Spoyle  and  Poses  anny  of  the  Garrisons,  Townes,  terrytories, 
Priveleadges,  Shipps,  Persons,  or  Estates  belonging  to  anny  of  his 
highneses  Enemies  that  are  at  varyence  and  in  acts  of  Hostilitye 
against  his  highnes  &  the  Great  states  of  Holland.     And  accompt 

46 


n 


li 


£     1 


■!i   ! 


P 


362 


Appendix. 


thereof  to  take,  and  the  Tenths  thereof  Secure  all  Princely  Preroga- 
tiues  indeauou-  tc  mayntayne  for  the  Honno'  of  our  Prince  accord- 
ing to  our  Powre  and  AUeagence  jn  psueance  of  w'^''  Comition 
ou:  Frigatt  Arriued  at  New  Yoarke,  Dureing  w"^.''  tyme  of  our  abode 
theire  to  recruit  with  Vituall,  Cap-  John  Roades  Came  t6  vs  from 
Boston,  who  Gaue  ou'  Coinando'  Such  a  Satisfactory  accompt  of 
his  aquaintence  on  the  Coasts  of  Nova  Scotia  and  occada,  and  Ras- 
inall  Probabilities  of  makeing  ou'selues  Masters  thereof  to  ad  to  or 
inlardg  our  Great  Princes  terrytories,  it  being  then  Mantayned  and 
Possesed  by  the  French,  our  Masters  Implacable  and  Declared 
Enemies  in  open  hostillitye,  wee  did  with  a  vnanimus  Consent  all 
conclude  to  dispatch  the  Designe  as  an  Honnor^'i'"  Expedition,  to 
w-  end  ingaged  Cap"  John  Roades  as  our  Pilott,  haueing  Swoarn 
him  to  aleagence  To  our  Prince,  the  Prince  of  Orrange  our  master, 
and  then  admited  him  one  of  vs  our  Princes  Leige  Subiects,  whare 
in  Due  tyme  wee  Arrived  on  the  Coast  of  Nova  Scotia  and  Landed 
at  Penobscott,  the  Enemies  Priuceple  Garrison,  the  w""*"  in  storming, 
after  a  shortt  Dispute,  by  Gods  Blessing  quickly  made  our  Seines 
Masters  thereof ;  but  haueing  not  Sofitient  Strength  to  Leaue  to 
Garrison  the  Place,  wee  demolished  the  Fort  and  fired  Sume  of  the 
houses  of  the  French,  brnging  away  the  Artillerye  &  Plundo'.  And 
after  we  had  made  oure  Selues  masters  also  of  S'  Johns,  Mathyas, 
and  Gamshake,^  &  Severall  other  Places  of  Fortification  And  trayding 
houses  of  the  French  and  Brought  away  the  Plundof  and  Princeple 
Persons  Prisono",  wee  did  not  only  Burrye  in  two  Glass  Botles  at 
Penobscott  &  S!  Johns  vnde'  Ground  A  tru  Copia  of  our  Cap'.'  Coin- 
ition,  and  a  Breviate  of  the  Manno'  of  takeing  the  Said  Places  by 
the  Swoards  of  the  Prince  of  orringe  Subiects  for  his  hignes 
vse,  but  also  Left  both  att  Penobscot  and  gamshake  sume  men  of 
the  poorer  soart  of  oure  Cap"'""  the  formor  Inhabytance,  whome 
had  Submited  to  be  subiects  to  our  Prince,  to  whome  wee  gaue 
libertye  to  trayd  and  order'-  to  keepe  Possion  for  his  highncs  till 
farther  ordo'  or  Sum  of  vs  Retorned  theither.    Wee  then  Coming  a 

1  Gemesic  or  Gemsic.  —  H. 


m 


Appendix. 


Z^Z 


way  in  ou'  Frigott  to  Boston,  whare  after  your   Authorytie  was 
aquainted  with  our  Comision  and  Enterprizes,  w^."  was  So  farr  Satis- 
factory to  them  as  manufasted  theire  Aprobation  theireof  by  Admit- 
ing  vs  to  Dispose  &  share  ou^  Plundo^  &  sell  our  Marchandize  & 
Plundo'  to  the  Inhabytants  heere.  yea  ou^  Cannon  or  Great  Gunns 
being  Bought  for  the  Safegaurd  &  vse  of  this  very  Collony  wharc  our 
Cap'  was  Adresed  to  by  Severall  trayders  to  the  East-ward  belong- 
ing to  this  Jurrishdiction,  to  grant  them  Libertye  to  trayd  in  those 
his  higneses  the  Princes  of  Orranges  psinctes  taken  by  vs,  but  by 
our  Comando^  in  Cheife  was  Reffused,  whome  Replyed  to  them  that 
if  there  was  anny  Priveleadg  of  trayd  to  be  had  it  did  pperly  belong 
to  his  men,  who  had  with  him  ventered  theire  Lines  with  the  Loss  of 
there  blood  for  it.     And  therefore  all  Such  psons  vppon  the  Perrcll 
of  there  being  made  Prize  on  was  by  him  forbid  Comeing  to  trayd 
on  those  Coasts,  within  our  Masters  psinctes,  &c.     Yett  not  with- 
standing did  sum  of  these  psons  in  Contempt  intrench  on  our  Prive- 
ledges  as  is  heere  after  Expresed.    For  after  our  Frigott  was  Gofi 
From   Boston,  and   the   Cheife  Comandof  had  Given   Cap"  Petter 
Rodrigo  &  Cap"  Cornelius  Andreson,  with  8  more  of  there  Consearts 
an  ordo'  to  Retorne  to  new  holland.  Alias  novascotia  &  occada,  our 
Princes  Lands  (w^'-  after  wee  had  Gained  it  by  the  Swoard  Called  it 
as  afforesaid,  new  holland),  and  ordors  from  him  theire  to  trayd 
keepe  posesion,  &  in  what  vs  Lay  mantayne  our  Princes  Prerogatiues 
theire  till  Kirther  Ordor,  either  from  our  Masters  in  holland  or  him- 
selfe.  Wee  then  did  with  the  Assistance  of  sume  Creditt  in  Boston 
fitt  a  Cople  of  smale   vessells  out  &  went   to  new  holland.  Alias 
Nov*  Scotl^  whare  as  we  ware  on  our  Coasts. 

The  First  English  we  mett  with  theire  was  one  billiard,  of  Sallem 
whome  finding  him  trayding  on  ou^  Coast  Comanded  him  aboa-d' 
whome  jmediatly  Submiting  and  Complayning  of  his  bad  voyage' 
And  that  he  was  ignorant  of  our  being  theire,  we  Retorned  him  not 
only  his  vessell  and  Goods  againe,  but  also  all  there  Peltry  And 
after  we  had  Bought  Sume  nesesaryes  of  them.  Paying  them  theire 
Price  for  the  Same,  wee  dismissed  them  with  an  Admonition  And 


I'l 


mn' 


364 


Appoidix. 


warning  to  Com  no  more  on  there  Perrell  to  trayd  theire  within 
those  our  Masters  persinctes. 

The  Second  English  vessell  wee  tooke  was  William  Waldron, 
whome  we  had  forwarned  Severall  tymcs  not  to  p'sume  to  Com  to 
take  away  our  Priveledges  of  trayd  on  therre  Perall  of  being  made 
Prize  on  by  vs ;  yet  in  verry  Contempt,  as  wee  may  say,  he  Came  to 
take  our  trayd  from  vs,  whom  when  wee  found  him  that  he  had  ben 
trayding  with  the  jnaians  and  was  vppon  our  owne  Coasts,  wee  tooke 
him  and  made  Prize  of  ownly  his  Peltry,  And  after  A  Civell  treating 
them,  Dismised  them  with  is  vessell  and  other  Goods. 

The  Third  English  vessell  we  tooke  was  Georg  Mailing,  whome 
was  forewarned,  both  by  our  Coinando!:  cf  our  Frigott  &  our  Selues 
at  Boston,  that  if  Came  to  trayd  theire  in  ou'  Princes  Persinctes  wee 
would  make  Prize  of  him  ;  but  now  finding  of  them  that  he  had  ben 
trayding,  wee  Coiiianded  him  aboard  And  demanded  of  him  weather 
he  had  Anny  ordo'  from  the  Honno*"''  Governo'  or  Authoritye  of  this 
Place  to  Com  and  trayde  theire  or  Anny  Lett  Pass  from  anny 
Authoritye  of  this  Jurishdiction,  he  tould  vs  no  ;  so  then  finding  his 
Peltry  aboard  him  wee  only  tooke  that  from  him,  and  Civerly  treat- 
ing him,  we  tendread  him  also  a  Pass  to  Goe  free  from  being  againe 
Examined  by  our  other  Consoarts,  and  also  A  Letter  to  m'  John 
Freake  his  Marchan!  that  wee  would  Secure  his  Peltrye  by  it  Selfe 
&  Send  it  to  Boston  (with  others)  in  the  Spring.  And  if  we  did 
not  then  and  there  Cleare  to  be  a  Leagall  Prize  would  Retorn  it  to 
his  Imployer  againe,  and  in  the  mean  tyme  haue  a  faire  Corry 
Spondengsye  with  them  ;  to  which  End  the  Said  Mailing  went 
aboard  his  owne  vessell  And  theire  invited  Cap"  Rodrigo  aboa'-d, 
whom  (after  that  Civell  vsedg)  he  had  Privately  designed  to  murdor, 
haueing  prepared  a  Pistell  Charged  with  a  Brace  of  Bullotts  vndo'  his 
Pillow,  And  whilst  he  was  a  drinkeing  in  his  Cookeroome  to  a  Pis- 
tolled him,  Butt  was  discovered  by  the  boye  aquainting  Cap"  Rodrigo 
to  Looke  to  him  Selfe,  informing  of  his  masters  designe,  w'^*'  Caused 
the  Said  Rodrigo  forth  with  to  CoiTi  out  vppon  the  Deck,  and  rann 
to  the  Cabbin  of  Georg  Mailing  according  to  the  boyse  information, 


i' 


Li  S 


■\\' 


Appendix. 


365 


And  found  the  Pistoll  theire  Loaden  as  aforesaid,  whome  after  he 
had  in  few  words  sharply  Reproued  Georg  Mailing  for  his  treach- 
erous and  Murdorous  designc,  Cald  for  his  owne  Boat  and  Goes 
aboard  his  owne  vessell,  whare  had  not  ben  Long,  but  vnexspectcdly 
Geo.  Mauing,  haueing  had  all  his  Gunns  and  Blunderbuss  Reay  on 
his  decke,  at  once  Presented  his  Gunns  at  vs,  Leueling  them  each 
one  at  our  men  vppon  our  deckes,  Desineing  at  once  to  Cutt  them 
off,  and  then  to  Surprize  vs  and  Cutt  off  the  Re^t.  And  whilst  they 
ware  Thus  a  Fireing  at  vs,  as  God  in  his  mercie  and  wisdom  ordered 
it,  there  Powde  Flashed  in  there  Panns,  and  there  Gunns  Did  not 
Goe  off  (to  Admiration  by  w''"  Meanes  wee  may  all  thanke  God 
theire  hath  benn  no  blood  shead),  the  w'^'"  oure  Men  Perceueing  at 
once  Leapt  Doune  for  theire  Armes,  Cryeing,  Cap"  shall  wee  be 
Killed  without  Fighting  for  our  Liues  ;  at  w""''  word  in  A  Maize 
euery  man  of  vs  hasted  vpp  his  Armes  and  forthwith  Gaue  them 
Such  a  charge  as  Coiuanded  him  aboard  vs  ;  tuo'^  wee  thougiit  ihat 
wee  had  Good  Reason  to  Condemnc  him  whollye  for  a  Prize,  but 
instead  thereof  wee  only  tooke  his  Goods  and  Gaue  him  his  vessell 
againe,  and  would  a  dismissed  ;  but  he  so  erneslly  beged  and  Be- 
sought vs  that  he  might  stay  with  vs,  and  that  wee  would  take  his 
vessell  and  men  into  our  Scruis,  at  whose  solicitation  wee  hired  of 
him  his  vessell  with  him  selfe  &  men,  and  jngaged  to  Pay  him 
Seauen  Pounds  j>  month ;  it  being  his  first  pfer  &  full  demand 
of  vs. 

The  Fourth  and  Last  English  vessell  wee  tooke  Was,  viz  Mai.' 
Sheapleigh  Barque,  whome  wee  Found  by  Seuerall  Papers  that  they 
had  not  only  trayded  for  Peltry,  but  was  Coiii  with  pvition  from  Port 
Royall  to  Releue  ou'  Enemies  at  Gamshake,  w'!'  Place  had  Reuoalted 
From  vs,  w"!'  actions  to  vs  was  Ground  Sofitient  to  make  Prize  there 
of ;  but  we  only  tooke  from  them  y"  quantitie  of  three  Beefes  and  a 
few  Skynes,  and  after  a  Civell  vseadge  of  them,  Gaue  them  a  dis- 
mission, et^  After  w'''  wee  ware  betrayed  by  Georg  Mauing  to 
Cap"  Saffl:  Mosely,  whome  at  the  takeing  of  vs  wee  ware  at  one 
tyme  psued  And  chaced  with  vessells  vndo'  both  English,  French, 


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Appendix. 


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&  Dutch  Collors,  Cap'  Sam"  Mosely  Fighting  vs  vndo'  English  Col- 
lors,  And  had  Putt  Both  force  and  men  aboard  the  French,  and 
Georg  Mafiing  fircing  vppon  vs  vndo'  dutch  Collors ;  w'.*"  manor  of 
disiplyn  and  actions  wee  vndo'stand  not,  And  therefore  with  Sub- 
mision  Ucsiere  Cap"  Moselyes  CoiTiission  may  be  Produced  and 
Read  to  the  Honn '''.'"'  Bench,  ihat  So  it  may  Appcare  weather  the 
Cuntrey  And  Authoritye  will  vindicate  not  only  Such  theire  actions, 
Butt  by  Force  bringing  of  's  from  out  of  our  Princes  Countrye 
Gained  him  by  the  Swoards  of  his  Lcige  Subiects  and  also  his 
Accomadateing  of  our  Princes  declared  Enemies,  with  both  force, 
men,  Amonition,  &  pvition  against  vs,  and  thereby  to  disposes  our 
Great  Prince  ol  his  Rights,  Priveleadges,  &  Preiogatiues  So  Honnor- 
ably  Gained  him. 

Thus  may  it  Please  y'  Hon'';''  Bench  we  haue  Given  A  shoart 
accompt  of  our  Particuler  acts  and  tranceactions  as  they  are  in 
truth  ;  &  now  with  Leaue  in  the  Second  place  shall  shoe  by  what 
Powre  or  the  Reasons  of  our  thus  farr  psecdings  and  wherfore  wee 
haue  thus  Acted  as  viz":  — 

r'  Because  wee  Looke  at  and  beleeue  Cap"  Vrn  Arnhoustons 
CoiTiissio  To  be  Sofitiently  Lawfull  and  warrantable  for  the  takeing 
the  fore  Mentioned  Places  of  Nova  Scotia,  w""  the  Priveledges  and 
trayd  thereof  To  Ad  to  his  highnes  our  Masters  Terrytories  and  also 
alike  Confirmed  Lawfull  by  this  authoretye  as  by  ou"^  Second  Con- 
seption  heereafter  Expresed. 

2''' :  A  second  Reason  for  ou'  thus  acting  is  Because  wee  ware 
pswaded  and  doe  judg  the  ordo'  wee  had  from  Cap'  vrin  Arnhout- 
son,  as  our  then  Cheife  ('ofnando":,  had  it  ben  only  verbaly,  ware 
Equivealent  with  his  Coiiiii.iv.'n  vnto  vs  that  was  Equally  Concearned 
in  the  stonneing  &  takeing  y^  Same,  Butt  more  Espeatially  for  the 
keepeing  Possesion  &  mantayneing  our  Princes  Prerogatiues  & 
Priveleadges  w^""  wee  had  for  the  Honno'  of  our  Prince  before  so 
gained  by  our  Swoards  with  the  Loss  of  our  Blood  and  Perrill  of  our 
Liues. 

3'^ :   Because  of  the  Great  ^vocations  of  and  Insolencies  Coinited 


Il 


Appendix. 


367 


by  the  English  in  thcire  first  abuseing  and  Plundering  ou'  Subiccts, 
And  Conquered  Places  before  cucr  wee  Assumed  to  medle  with 
anny  of  yo'  jnhabytants  vessels,  w^''  is  more  Fully  Kxplayned  heere- 
after  in  the  first  &  Second  Recited  iniuryes  wee  haue  Sustayned. 

4'' :  we  had  Sofitient  Reason  because  wee  ware  not  vnscnsable 
that  verry  Places  thus  for  our  Prince  Gained  him  by  vs  hath  in  all 
Changes  of  Govermen|  ben  a  Lowed  a  distincke  Privcledg  Place  of 
Trayd ;  and  all  psones  Attempting  So  to  trayd  without  Licence 
from  the  th<;n  Present  ppriato's  to  be  made  Lyable  to  be  made  Prize 
on  ;  &  that  both  vessells  and  Goods,  w''  Propriato's  at  p'scnt  wee 
owne  our  Selues  to  bee  in  the  behalfe  and  for  the  vse  of  the  Prince 
of  Orrange,  to  whome  only  we  are  Legaly  accomptable  for  what  we 
haue  doune. 

5''' :  Because  we  ware  farther  Sensable  that  the  Authoritye  of  this 
jurrishdiction  hath  taken  Such  Cognizence  of  our  Last  foregoing 
Reasons  as  hath  made  it  a  Ground  to  Establish  a  Law,  as  in  Pag: 
75,  Granting  Libertye  to  anny  Private  Parson,  as  an  inhabytant,  To 
zeise  both  vessell  and  Goods  of  anny  so  trading  in  the  persincts  of 
this  Jurrishdiction,  and  Therefore  warrantable  for  vs  to  mantayne 
those  formar  Privelcdges,  as  we  mind  the  vindication  and  mantayne- 
ing  of  the  Honno'  Prerogatiue  and  Privelcdges  of  our  Great  Prince 
in  this  his  highneses  Territories  Gaind  him  by  vs  As  aflforesaid. 

6'*" :  Because  wee  being  jletterate  ouf  Selues,  or  at  Least  the  prin- 
ceples  of  vs,  The  Consideration  of  the  Aprobation  of  the  Authoritye 
of  this  Place,  Aproueing  of  ou'  Comando"  Coiiiision  Manufasted  by 
Admiting  vs  not  only  to  sell  and  share  our  Plundol  heere,  but  yo' 
Authoritye  Byeing  our  Great  Gunns  for  the  vse  &  Safegaurd  of  this 
verry  Jurrishdiction,  Confirmed  our  judgmen"?  in  the  Legality  of  our 
pseedings  and  actions. 

7  :  Eecause  those  Coiiiando"  of  the  vessells  wee  did  so  take  & 
make  Prize  off  ware  only  such  men  whome  wee  had  forbiden  and 
Given  fore  warning  not  to  Com  to  trayd  or  p'^sume  on  our  Prive- 
leadges  in  these  our  masters  psinctes  vppon  the  Perrill  of  Being 
made  Price,  w'.''  we  Legaly  might  according  to  the  Practis  of  Sum  of 


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368 


Appendix. 


the  Inhabetants  of  this  Jurisdiction  when  they  had  the  Povvre  as 
ppriato"  of  the  very  Same  places  ;  witnes  the  Case  of  Cap  Spenser 
&  others  ;  but  wee  ware  so  favorable  as  tookc  only  there  Peltrye. 

8.  Because  further,  what  wee  haue  acted  hath  not  bin  out  of  anny 
Mallace  or  Prejudize  wee  haue  to  this  Cuntrey  or  ile  will  to  the 
Authoritie  thereof,  but  out  of  a  tru  Souldiers  of  Fortunes  intrest  and 
vallou',  and  an  vpright,  Ilonnest  heart  to  Mantayne  the  Honno', 
Priveleadges,  &  Prerogatiues  of  our  Prince,  w'"  wee  haue  Lately 
Espoused  in  his  highneses  jntrest  in  new  holland,  Allias  Nova 
Scotia,  etc. 

And  thus  haucing  Given  the  Ifonno"'''*  Court  sum  Princeple 
Groundes  and  reasons  vv*^.''  we  make  for  our  defence  and  vindecation, 
shall  in  the  Third  Place,  with  Leaue,  give  the  Bench  a  short  acc:  of 
the  jnjuries  wee  haue  Sustayned  And  Abuisses  given  vs  by  yor  in- 
habctcnts,  and  then  Leaue  to  yo'  worships  IJreasts  to  Consider 
weather  wee  haue  not  benne  Sofitiently  4)Voaked  to  a  acted  with  farr 
Grcate!"  Seuerritye  then  as  yett  wee  haue  donn. 

r.'  Gamshake  P^'ort,  w'^''  wee  Left  for  a  Garrison  for  those  that  wee 
Left  behind,  in  w"'  wee  putt  Sum  of  the  Honnestest  and  Poorer 
Soart  of  the  Formal  Inhabytents  that  Submited  themselues  to  vs  in 
y^  Possesion  theire  of,  and  to  kcepe  the  Same  for  the  vse  of  ou' 
Prince  vntill  Sume  of  vs  Retorned ;  but  George  Hollett,  Rich.  Suiet, 
And  John  Greene,  in  octobef  Last,  went  to  Port  Royall,  &  from  thence 
Trance  Ported  Frenchmen,  our  Enemies,  to  the  Said  Fort,  &  Setled 
them  theire.  Furnishing  of  them  with  Arms,  Amonition,  &  Goods  ; 
that  when  wee  Came  to  S'  Johns  Riuer  in  ordo!;  to  Posses  the  said 
Fort,  The  F"rench,  so  setled  by  them,  maintayned  it  against  vs,  and, 
being  ,^  inter  time,  wee  Could  pseed  no  farther,  but  Retreated  to 
Peiiob  .cott  and  the  other  of  our  Conquared  Places,  whare  wee  found 
those  wee  Left  there  welcoming  vs  and  Redely  yealding  there  obe- 
dience to  vs ;  w"''  thing,  when  Com  to  vnderstand,  wee  thought  it 
rtraing  that  yo'  inhabytants  should  not  only  indeauoer  to  Cercomvent 
vs  of  the  Priveledges  of  our  trayd  with  the  Indians,  the  w'*"  they 
might,  one  would  a  thought,  haueing  taken  there  share  thereof,  a 


Appendix. 


369 


benn  Contented,  and  not  a  medled  with  states  matters  in  furnishing 
the  French,  ou'  Enemies,  and  Suporting  of  them  against  y-  Dutch, 
(with  whonic  you  are  at  Amytie),  and  that  in  ouT  Princes  ownc  Cun- 
trye.  So  that  how  this  is  Consistant  with  the  Late  Articles  of 
Peace  made  betwext  our  Great  masters,  wee  Leaue  for  the  wise  to 
judg. 

2^'' :  The  jnhabytants  of  Pcmequick  or  quid  &  severi.ll  English 
Fishermen  Came  to  Penobscott,  wharc  did  noi;  only  IJreake  vpp  the 
Plankes  of  our  Demolished  Fort  and  Gott  out  y"  Iron  workc  and 
Spikes  &  Carryed  them  away,  but  also  Robed,  pilidgcd,  &  Plun- 
dered ou''  Poore  Subiects  theire,  \v'''  wee  Left  to  keepe  Possesion  for 
our  Prince  till  we  Rctvrned  of  all  theire  pvition  and  store  w"""  wee 
Left  them  for  to  Sustayne  their  Poore  Famclyes  in  the  hard  winter 
that  nessetated  The  men  to  Leaue  there  wifcs  and  Children  to  Joyne 
with  the  Indians,  and  with  them  Runn  in  the  woods  a  hunting  for 
there  P^am'^lyes  to  Keepe  them  from  starueing,  whilst  yo""  English  had 
taken  there  pvition  as  aforesaid  from  them  ;  soe  that  when  wee  Re- 
torncd,  those  our  Subiects  presently  welcoming  of  vs  Gaue  vs  a 
ptickeler  accompt  thereof,  &  with  all  declareing  to  vs  that  the  abuises 
they  so  Receved  From  the  English  was  tenne  times  worse  then  when 
the  dutch  first  Came  and  tooke  there  P'orts  ;  and  all  this  was  done 
before  euer  wee  offered  to  take  anny  of  yo'  vessels,  accorditig  to  our 
third  Reason,  before  Recited. 

S'*':  On  march  the  10':''  Last  Thomas  Coole,  of  Nantaskett,  on  of 
yo'  Jnhabytants,  Came  to  maythyas,  a  place  whare  wee  had  built  A 
Trayding  howse  and  Layd  in  a  stocke  of  Goods,  the  said  Coole 
Came  a  shoare  with  his  boat  full  of  men.  Armed  with  Gunns,  Pistcls, 
swoards,  whare,  finding  but  foure  of  our  men,  takes  them  at  a  disad- 
vantadge.  Surprizes  ther  psons  Prisonors,  Riefels  and  Plundo"  ou' 
house,  and  Carryes  away  all  ouf  Peltry  and  other  trading  Goods, 
Plucks  Downe  our  Princes  Flagg  as  it  was  Flying,  &  Carryes  our 
men  Prisoners  aboard  his  vessell,  and  in  pticuler  binds  Randall 
judgsons  Arms  behind  him  and  torncd  him  ashoar  for  foure  nights 
&  foure  dayse  with  out   anny  shelter  or  Couering  in  that  Could 

47 


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370 


Appendix, 


Season,  but  in  that  Condition  to  be  Left  as  a  pray  to  the  mercye 
of  his  Enemies,  had  they  found  him,  and  all  this  without  anny  Powre 
or  CoiTiision  from  anny  Authorityc ;  so  that  how  farr  this  Lookes 
like  Pirazie,  we^'  Leaue  the  jmpaitiall  to  judg. 

4'*':  Geo:  Mailing,  after  that  Ciuell  vsedg  shewed  to  him  at  our 
first  takcing  of  him,  that  he  should  so  Secritly,  in  a  treacherous  way, 
Contriued  and  Designed  to  murdor  our  Cap',  &  after  discoveied,  and 
our  men  all  aboard  our  owne  vessell,  to  Com  vp  vnexspectedly  and 
Attempt  to  fire  a  broad  side  of  smale  shott  vppon  vs,  who  Could 
a  done  Less  in  there  own  defence  then  wee  did  ?  yett  wee  Rewarded 
him  Good  for  his  F>uell,  as  witnes  Geo:  mailings  owne  Letters  to 
m'  John  Freake;  this  Likewise  wee  desire  may  be  Considered,  with 
its  Cercomstances. 

5''':  vppon  Cap'!  Moselyes  takeing  of  vs,  this  Geo:  mailing  Re- 
uoalts  fro  vs,  being  then  vndoT  both  our  Comand,  jmploy,  &  hire, 
both  for  men  and  vessell,  and  with  a  Lye  in  his  mouth  he  betiayes 
vc,  and  afterwards  fires  vppon  vs  or  Fights  vs  vndo''  dutch  ou''  owne 
Princes  Collors ;  and  how  like  New  England  Pirazie  or  Pirates  this 
may  be  tearmed,  w*^''  Law  of  Pirazie  defines  those  that  Rise  vpp  in 
Rebellion  against  ther  Comando'^',  marchan'.',  owno",  or  Imployers, 
to  be,  such  wee  Leaue  to  the  jmpartiall  oppinion  of  this  Honnor'''^ 
Bench  to  judg,  etc. 

6'*' :  whilst  wee  ware  thus  taken  by  Cap''  Mosely,  hee  had  before 
Furnished  a  French  man,  our  Enemie,  with  both  men  S:  force  to 
assist  him  against  vs  ;  and  after  wee  So  Submlted,  he  Plundo'r  vs 
of  all  wee  had  Gotten  the  whole  Winter,  not  only  by  ou''  Swoards 
from  on''  Enemies,  but  all  that  w'.''  wee  had  trayded  with  the  stocke 
w'^.'"  wee  Carryed  out  of  Boston  with  vs,  and  also  all  our  owne  Goods 
&  the  Remaindo''  of  the  Goods  w'"  wee  had  on  the  Credit  of  those 
Mcrch'"  in  Boston  to  whome  wee  are  still  obleiged,  and  thus  Biings 
vs  all  away  from  our  Princes  Cuntrey,  Leaucing  it  to  be  Sirpriz''  by 
our  Enemies,  whilst  hce  by  his  Consoarts  Reapes  the  Great  Benefitt 
&  Advantadg  of  our  Spring  trayd,  and  that  with  our  Goods,  And  wee 
kept  Close  Prisono'r  all  the  while,  and  not  Admited  neither  our  owne 


W.  ! 

Ml        I      I 


fir 


.  ::SS!£2KS2!HSS2I2SUift 


Appendix. 


371 


nor  yet  a  Copia  of  our  Coru'  sion  or  ordo"  from  Cap"  Vrin  Arn. 
houthson,  our  Cheife  Comandoy  and  Papers  taken  from  vs  By  Capp" 

f^r  A,^r  Vr\'-"''  better  be  Capassitated  to  make  our  D^: 
fence  Although  hath  ben  Requested  of  Cap"  Mosely  Several!  times; 
and  how  farr  these  actions  are  Consistant  with  the  Maintaynence  of 
that  Amycable  Peace  made  betwext  ou'  Great  masters  for  there 
Sub.ects  „.  these  Parts  thus  to  act,  wee  Leaue  to  the  wisdom  of  the 
Prudent  jmpart.aly  to  Judg  Whome  are  the  Trancegressers,  et^ 

Ihus  may  it  Please  the  Hon--  Court,  haueing  Given  Sum  shoart 
accompt  of  the  Princaple  Iniuries  wee  haue  sustayned.  Crau    only 

La.t  p'"''.  p"""'  ''  "^''"^  "^^^  ^"'^"^•^'«"-  ^"  the  fourth  And 
Last  P  ace,  to  Present  you  with  Sume  few  Conseptions  of  ou^  owne 
as  an  Ad.tmall  matter  for  our  Defence  And  Confirmation  of  our  Rea- 
sons before  Recited,  &  that  Grounded  vppon  either  Precept  or 
Example  of  This  verry  Jurisdiction,  viz"  ^ 

Arnhnlur  ^''T^  ^""''f  '^  '''  ^'''  ^^"''•^°"'  ^liven  Cap"  vrin 

Panfes^-n  H  T  T  -^  •'  '  '"  ''  "'  "''^'■^  PPortionably  Concearned  & 
Parties  in  that  Lxpeduion.  all  that  wee  haue  acted  for  the  Keepein^ 
Posesion  &  Mayntayning  the  Priveledges  of  the  Same  for  the  Honno^ 
of  ou,  Pnnce  IS  alike  warrantable  and  by  Law  Legall  ;  for  if  the 
Cuntry  thus  Gained  becomes  thereby  pperly  the  stats  of  hollands 
Land,  then  all  the  intrest  and  Priveledges  of  trayd  in  those  his  high- 
neses  pS.nckes  Belongs  to  the  Hollands  o'  likewise. 

2^•  Wee  Huaibly  Conceue  that  if  the  Authoritye  of  this  Place 
when  they  first  saw  our  Comando^^  Comision  and  had  a  full  &  tni 
accomp.  of  our  Actions,  jn  there  wisdom  had  not  benne  well  &  fullv 
Satisfied  jn  the  justis  or  justness  and  Lcgalytie  of  our  Enterprizes 
hey  would  not  a  Suffered  anny  Such  Goods  or  Plundo.  Soe  vniustly 
taken  to  a  benue  Receued  or  Sould  Amongst  yo^  jnhabytants,' By 
Reason  Receuers  And  takers  in  A  Sence  are  termed  a  like,,  Bui 
Rather,  by  a  Discountcnanceing  the  Same,  would  A  bear  a  testymony 
agains^  vs  as  an  Enterprize  vn  Lawfull,  and  so  ile  legall,  etc.  Butt 
ou.  Conus.on  and  Enterprize,  by  this  Authoritye,  was  so  well  Ap,  oued 


J 

\ 

'1 

1 

J 

-  f 

5 

' 

•  1 

i 

A 

/ 

1 

l\ 


!i 


I 


ill 


ili 


i 

1 

i 

1 

K'... 

372 


Appendix. 


on  &  Satisfied  in,  as  boath  ou'  CoiTiando^  &  men  ware  Civelly  treated 
and  Admited  to  share  and  Sell  our  Plunder  to  yo'  Inhabytent,  and 
our  Great  Gunns,  Bought  By  yo'  Authoritye  for  the  farther  Safe- 
guard And  vse  of  this  verry  Collony,  and  therefore  vnto  vs  Con- 
firmes  our  Enterprize  and  Actions  to  be  boath  Lawfull,  warrantable, 
and  Legall,  By  w"''  this  Authoritye  also  hath  Confirmed  our  frst 
before  Recited  Reason,  etc.,  as  we  humbly  Conceue. 

3'f  Wee  Humbly  Conceue  that  should  wee  out  of  zeale  for  the 
Honno"'  of  ou'  Prince  through  our  want  of  judgment,  as  being  jleiter- 
rate  or  misvnderstanding  of  ou'  ordo"  Goe  beyond  our  Comision  in 
anny  of  the  acts  wee  haue  donne,  Wee  are  accomptable  only  to  ou' 
Prince  For  the  Same,  at  whose  marcie  wee  are,  who  •'"  Sofitiently 
Respond  to  make  Good  anny  jnjurie  his  Subiectes  '^if  rather  it 
be  Reall  or  in  Pretence),  yndo'  a  Collo"'  of  his  name  or  Athorietye, 
he  haueing  Security  given  in  hollonds  from  all  pravateteers  to  make 
good  y"  same  before  there  Comision  is  granted. 

4'r:  Wee  Humbly  Conceue  that  as  ou'  Accusations  toucheil;  Life, 
that  wee  are  not  Lyable  to  answare  anny  such  charge  heere  ;  neither 
doe  wee  beleeue  the  Authoritye  of  this  Place  is  pper  for  the  tryall 
and  determening  this  our  Case  (at  Least  without  a  joynt  consent) 
by  Reason  the  Fact  wee  are  Charged  with  was  Donne  in  the  Hol- 
lando'  Cuntrye,  Farr  Enough  out  (with  Submition)  of  the  Powre  of 
the  Charto'  of  this  jurishdiction,  the  Case  and  matter  indefferrance 
arriseing  there  by  Sum  English  of  the  inhabytants  of  this  Collony.s 
intrcanching  vppon  the  Prince  of  orrange,  ou'  Great  masters  tr?^-d 
&  Privelcdges  in  his  owne  pSincte  ;  and  that  without  anny  ord<  r 
Comision  from  either  anny  Authoritye  or  ppriato'  to  jmpowre  t'  ,; 
soe  to  doc  but  at  the  ownly  Hazerd  of  theire  owne  fortunes  of  beiug 
made  Lyable  to  be  made  Prise  off. 

5'*':  Wee  Humbly  Conceue  againe,  that  the  Esentiall  Part  of  this 
Diffcrrence  Lyeth  not  so  much  in  Meum  &  tueum  of  Single  psons 
Intrest  properly,  as  matters  of  Genaiall  Priveledges  and  Princely 
Prerogatiues.  And  therefore  none  but  ou.  Great  masters  or  Sume 
j  mediately  Authorized  from  them,  is  Legally  Capable  to  take  Cogni- 


wasmm 


Appendix. 


373 


zence  thereof,  So  as  to  Contradict  vs  or  hindo'  vs  in  ou'  Dutys  as 
obleiged  by  ou'  oaths,  &  in  Honno'  to  mantayn  to  ou'  Powre  for 
OU'  Prince  all  Formar  Priveledges  in  this  ou'  Case  vntill  wee 
are  Contradicted  by  ou'  Superiours  of  ou'  Great  Masters  Lei-e 
Subiectes,  etc.  '^ 

&r:   Wee  Humbly  Conceue  if  yo'  Honno''  Please  only  to  Consult 
yor  owne  Lawse  and  Record,  and  but  Exarsize  yo'  Refletiue  Facul 
ties  by  Lookeing  back  on  the  Practises  in  yo'  Remembrances,  you 
will  find  Such  Parellell  Cases  with  ours  to  bee  tearmed  warrantable 
and  Legall. 

That  Putt  vs  to  a  startle  how  wee  Can  be  questioned  for  ou'  Liues 
with  Pirazie  without  Breach  of  yo'  owne  Law,  Page  143,  Grant- 
ing Libertye  for  straingers  to  haue  Equall  Priveledges  of  justis  as 
yor  owne  inhabytants  without  Parshallitye,  and  that  wee  may  Cleare 
this  ou'  Argument  wee  shall  indeauoer  to  Euince  the  Honno'able 
Bench  with  the  truth  of  ou'  Assertion,  by  Sum  pticuler  Instances 
w-  wee  may  appeale  to  the  Contiences  of  Sum  of  yor  Honno" 
Breasts,  for  the  verrytie  of  a  Good  Part  theireof,  viz". 

(r')  Instance  Maio'  Sedgwicke.  that  well  Knowne  Worthy  Com- 
ando^  whome  jn  his  Comision  for  these  parts,  Doubtles,  by  pticuler 
instructions  was  Designed  agst  new  yoarke,  the  Dutch  being  then 
Declared  enimies  Although  his  CoiTiision  at  Lardg  against  anny  of 
the  protecto'?  Enemies  (if  sum  of  vs  then  ware  not  mis  informed) 
but  when  he  Came  heere,  before  he  Could  Gett  Redy,  newse  of  peace 
betwext  the  two  states  Came  that  torned  his  Expedition  another 
way  to  these  verry  French  Forts,  w^"  places  after  so  taken  became 
the  then  states  of  Englands  Lands  trayd  and  Priveledges  w^"  was 
by  this   Authoritye   Counted  warrantable   and    Lawfull.     A   Case 
pellell  with  our  first  before  recited  Reason,  whare  ou'  Cap"  Coinision 
though  in  Genarall  tearmes  against  ou'  Princes  Enimies  yet  pticu- 
lerly  Expressed  to  Coin  to  these  Parts  on  the  Coasts  of  ver-ina 
against  the  English,  our  Enemies,  as  the  Dutch  ware  then,  but  se^'nce 
our  Coming  Into  these  parts,  the  welcom  newse  of  Peace  Came  be- 
twext ou'  Great  Masters  that  torned  our  Expedition  another  way,  to 


V 

■■■; 
i 

1 

i 

i 

1  .      < 


I)  tt  'I 

nit 


HI 


ilif- 


St     > 


374 


Appendix. 


the  makeing  ou'selues  Masters  of  the  selfe  same  Forts  and  Places 
now  gained  from  oir  Declared  Enemies  ;  and  therefore  those  Lands, 
trayd,  And  Priveledges  of  Nova  Scotia  are  now  properly  becom  the 
staits  of  Hollands  Proprietye,  and  so  with  Submision  wee  humbly 
Conceue  alike  Lawful!  &  warrantable. 

(2)  Instance,  Those  officers  and  Souldiers,  maiof  Sedgwicke  Left 
behind  to  keepe  posesion  Looked  at  it  as  theire  Dutye  to  mantayne 
those  Priveledges  of  traydc  in  those  parsincts  w'''  they  ware  actiue 
in  Gaineing  by  the  Swoard,  for  doeing  of  w'^''  they  ware  not  Deemed 
Pirates,  but  by  this  Authoritye  Such  actions  then  ware  accompted 
iu'^'^  and  Legal! ;  a  Case  parelell  with  ou'  Second  before  recited  Rea- 
son, Wee  being  psons  Equally  ingaged  in  the  Gaineing  the  Places 
with  the  Loss  of  ou[  Blood  and  Perrell  of  our  Hues,  and  thereby 
obleiged  to  mantayne  the  Priveledges  thereof,  &  therefore  ou"' 
Actions  therein  a  Like  Legall. 

(3)  Instance  Both  in  Maio!  Sedgwick  &  CoUonall  temples  tyme, 
and  all  other  chang  of  Govermen"  those  vessells  that  hath  Presumed 
to  a  traided  with  the  Indians  in  those  psinctes  without  Lycence  from 
the  Propriato"  hath  Ben  Deemed  by  this  Authoritye  Law  Full 
Priztis  (to  pticulerize  the  Case  of  Cap?  Spencer  not  out  of  memory), 
A  Case  pelell  with  ou'  3  before  Recited  Reason. 

Where,  we  being  for  our  Prince  till  farther  ordor  the  psent 
ppriato",  Such  vessells  Coming  not  only  without  ou'  Leaue,  but  in 
Contempt  to  vs,  after  fare  warning,  to  vsurp  from  vs  our  trayd  and 
Priveledges,  becoiils  Legaly  a  like  Lawful!  Prize. 

(4)  againe  ;  for  anny  Private  inhabytent  in  this  jurrishdiction  to 
zeise  and  make  Prize  both  of  vessel!  and  Goods  of  anny  So  trayding 
in  this  Jurislidiction  it  is  by  yo'  Law,  Page  75,  warrantable,  w'"'  Case 
is  pelell  with  ou'  fourth  before  recited  Reason,  whare  wee  in  like 
nature  Acting  for  the  Priveleadges  for  ou'  Prince  in  his  Territories 
may  with  Submision  to  yo'  Honno    Judgm|  be  a  like  warrantable. 

So  that  wee  thinke  we  may  say  we  haue  eitlier  by  Preceipt  or  Ex- 
ample of  the  Practises  or  Lawse  of  this  Cuntry  for  to  justifie  the 
Lcgallitye  of  wliat  wee  haue  donn  without  being  deemed  Pirates,  the 


*.«.^.M'^->^;-;i  W,rjff*""""_„ 


Appendix. 


375 


Cercomstances  of  w<^-  with  submition  shall  Leaue  to  the  Breasts  of 
the  Hoiv^';'^  Court  to  seriously  Consider. 

Butt  seventhly,  and  in  the  last  Place,  with  out  troubling  yo'  Hon- 
no^s  farther  wee  Humbly  Conceue  that  if  the  Authoritye  vppon 
heereing  and  Debateing  our  Case  see  Ground  to  acquit  vs,  as  we  see 
no  Cause  to  the  Contraye ;  yett  wee  Cannot  but  psvvade  ou'Selues 
that  there  might  be  Such  a  Coinodations  propossed  or  found  out  as 
Rationaly  might  Reconsile  all  psons  agreeable  or  injured  on  boath 
sides  ;  that  so  our  masters  might  heere  only  of  the  Amicable  accord- 
ing of  theire  Leige  Subiects  in  these  Parts  of  ou'  Great  masters  ter- 
ntoryes.  .  .  .  Thus  may  it  please  the  Hon^':'=  Court,  having  vouch- 
safed vs  yo^  Patienc,  now  to  beare  with  our  Copiaousnes,  Exscusein- 
ou  obserd.tycs.  Pardon  ou^  Bouldnes  and  Accept  of  this  ou'  Deffcnce 
and  declerat.on  as  wee  are  not  only  in  the  vindecation  of  ou'  persons 
Arraigned  for  ou'  Lines,  but  the  Honnor  Priveledges  and  Prero^-a- 
lues  of  otr  Prince  w-  as  Swoarn  Subiects  wee  are  in  Good  Contience 
to  ou  Gods,  tru  valour  as  Souldiers,  and  Loyaltye  to  ou'  Lord  anc 
master,  ob  e.ged  to  mantayne  to  the  Last  Drop  of  Blood  in  ou'  Bod^  es 
And  Surely  then  wee  that  hath  So  oft  Hazearded  and  jeoperc'.crour 
hues  for  tnefels  or  things  of  Nought,  wee  hope  shall  not  vppon  So 
Honorable  accompt  be  affrieghted  at  the  threating  of  Death   for  its 
not  that  wee  feare,  being  Consceous  to  our  selues  That  it  is  not 
imposeble  for  men   by  the   Subtlety  of  there   Adversaryes   to    be 
Cheated  out  of  there  sweet  Hues  when  in  justis  they  Cannot  be  taken 
from  them  ;  but  blessed  be  God  that  we  haue  not  only  Ground  to 
hope  but  beleeue  our  Lott  is  not  Cast  in  such  a  place,  but  amongst 
mers.fuU  judges,  and  men  so  feareing  God  as  we  doubt  not  but  vviU 
judge  for  God.     And  then  will  before  judgment  Consider  That  what 
wee  haue  Donne  and  acted  against  anny  of  the  Inhabytents  of  this 
Junshdiction  hath  Benne  from  the  Reasons  Before  Expressed,  and 
not  out  of  anny  Piraticall  designe,  or  mallas  to  the  Cuntrye.  but  in 
Honno'  and  Aleigence  to  ou'  Prince  ;  and  if  we  haue  Earred  therein 
weo  hope  the  Hono'able  Court  will  impute  it  Rather  to  ou'  ignorance 
then  anny  mischeife  Designed  by  vs  ;   and   thus   Beseaching  the 


# 


Mi 

i>  it 


ii> 


:  ( 


III, ; 

376 


Appendix. 


Hon""=  Court  with  the  most  favourable  Construction  of  ou'  Lynes 
to  way  the  varrieous  Cercomstances  of  this  our  Defence  in  the  Bal- 
lance  of  a  tru  and  jmpartiall  judgnien'  To  which  End  that  wisdom 
may  be  a  directorye  therein,  wee  doe  Submissiuely  Conclude,  Sub- 
scribing ou'  Selues  Loyall  Subiects  To  our  Great  masted  the  Prince 
of  Orrang,  And  yo'  Honno?  Closs  Confined  Prisono",  to  Doe  with 
all  in  justis  As  wisdom  shall  Dirrecte. 

wee  Subscribe  fo-  ou'  selues  "^  ■''" 

And  our  Asociates 

or  Soldiers 

his 

Cornelius  x  Andreson. 

mark 

Jn°  Rhoades 


PeTTER    X    RODRIGO. 

mark 


Randall  Judson 
Richard  Fowler 
Peter  Grant 
John  Thomas 
Jn°  Williams. 


all  these  in  open  Court 

owned  this  pap'  or  their 

declaration  to  be  there 

deffence  to  y°  Court  as  i/*"  may,  1675. 

E.  R.,  5. 


No.  13.     Page  153. 
THE   COMMISSION   OF  JOHN   RHOADE.i 

The  Directors  of  the  Privileged  General  West  India  Company  of  the 

United  Netherlands. 

To  all  tho'^e  who  shall  see  or  hear  these  presents  —  Greeting  : 

Know,  that  wiicreas,  in  the  year   1674,  Captain  Jurriaen  Aer- 
nouts,  Master  of  the  Frigate  The  Flying  Horse,  from  Cura9oa,  and 

1  The  originals  of  the  Commissions  Society.     Translations  of  the  same  are 

of  John  Rhoade  and   Cornells   Steen-  printed  in  General  De  Peyster's  mono- 

wyck,  and  the  other  documents  included  graph,  The  Dutch   at  the   North  Pole 

in  No.  13  of  the  Appendix,  are  in  the  and  the  Dutch  in  Maine  :  New  York, 

possession  of  the  New  York  Historical  1857.  —  H. 


mm 


moi 


^^^^^^^ffWB|ff!BBi5WH! 


Appendix.  ,__ 

charged  with  a  Commission  ot  his  Highness  the  Prin,-,  „f  o 

has  conquered  and  subdued  the  coastsLdToun.  ie  TNota  SX' 

by  he  co'    "to?  the  r         M.;'"?""  ''"°^°'=' '"  "^=  -""=  -1 
session  nf,h  ?""'''  *■="  '"""^  Company,  shall  take  pos- 

session of  the  aforesaid  coasts  and  countries  of  Nova  Scotia  and 

himself  a<vainst  eTv  fn'Ji  f?"^  P^"'"' '°  ^^^^"^  ^"^  '"^'"tain 

we  char'e  an?.       ^    .   ^"  '""^  ^°'"'''^"  P°^^^^  °f  ^"emies.    Also 
we  cnarge  and  command  our  Managers  rnntnme   cu-    tit 

all  other  officers  in  the  service  of  frr^'  ^■^'P-^^^^^'-S'  '-^"^ 

persons  who  do  not  belonT  '  our  Co     ^''"^'  '"'^  "^  ^^^"^^^  ^" 
turb  the  aforesaid  RhoTdp     ^oou    Company,  not  to  trouble  or  dis- 

assist  him  irtheeLcui^tht'^f 

and  assistance.  ''''''°^'  ^"^  ''  ^''^  ^^"^  -"  help,  aid, 

Given  at  Amsterdam,  Sept.  n,  1676. 

For  Ordinance  of  the  aforesaid  Director^'"'"  ^^^-^^o^n.. 

C     QUINA. 


48 


'H 


I'  ,.,„i 


I 


li  ! 


■■■ 


1 


If 


il 


I 


I      ! 


378 


Appendix. 


COMMISSION   OF   CORNEL: 


■NWYCK. 


<     f 


The  Directors  of  the  Privileged  General  West  India  Company  of  the 

United  Netherlands. 

All  those  who  shall  see  or  hear  these  presents  —  Greeting  : 

Know,  that  we,  being  convinced  that  the  wealth  of  this  Company 
would  be  greatly  increased  by  the  cultivation  of  those  lands  and 
places  under  the  jurisdiction  of  our  aforesaid  grantees,  and  that  it 
will  be  useful  that  these  aforesaid  lands  and  places  should  not  remain 
uninhabited,  but  that  somebody  be  duly  settled  there,  and  populate 
the  country;  and  afterwards  thinking  on  expedients  by  which  the 
navigation,  commerce,  and  traffic  of  the  aforesaid  Company,  and  of 
all  others  who  belong  to  it,  may  after  some  time  be  increased  and 
augmented  ;  so  is  it  that  we,  wishing  to  put  our  useful  intention  in 
execution,  for  the  aforesaid  and  other  reasons,  by  which  we  are  per- 
suaded; following  the  second  article  of  our  aforesaid  grant,  and  by 
the  authority  of  the  high  and  miglity  States-General  of  the  United 
Netherlands,  and  upon  mature  deliberation  of  the  Council,  have 
committed  and  authorized,  and  we  do  commit  and  authorize  Cor- 
NELis  Steenwyck,  in  the  name  of,  and  for,  the  High  and  Mighty 
and  the  Privileged  General  West  India  Company,  to  take  possession 
of  the  coasts  and  countries  of  Nova  Scotia  and  Acadie,  including 
the  subordinate  countries  and  islands,  so  far  as  their  limits  are  ex- 
tended, to  the  east  and  north  from  the  River  Pountegouycet ;  and 
that  he,  Steenwyck,  may  establish  himself  there,  and  select  such 
places  for  himself,  in  order  to  cultivate,  to  sew,  or  to  plant,  as  he 
shall  wish. 

Moreover,  to  trade  with  the  natives  of  the  country,  and  all  others 
with  whom  the  Republic  of  these  United  Netherlands  and  the  afore- 
said Company  are  in  peace  and  alliance,  to  negotiate  and  to  traffic 
in  the  goods  and  merchandizes  belonging  to  them,  send  them  hither 
and  thither,  and  fit  out  ships  and  vessels  for  the  large  and  small 
fisheries,  to  set  the  cargo  ashore,  to  dry  and  afterwards  to  sell  them, 


I 


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Appendix. 


379 


he 


so  as  he  shall  think  it  best ;  and,  generally,  to  sustain  and  maintain 
himself  and  his  family,  by  no  other  than  honest  means. 

Moreover,  that  he,  Steenwyck,  in  the  name  of  the  High  and 
Mighty,  and  of  the  General  West  India  Company,  will  be  admitted 
to  make  contracts  and  alliances  and  engagements  with  the  natives 
of  that  country  ;  also  to  build  some  forts  and  castles,  to  defend  and 
to  protect  himself  against  every  foreign  and  domestic  force  of  ene- 
mies or  pirates  ;  and  also  to  admit  and  to  protect  all  other  persons 
and  families  who  wish  to  come  under  obedience  to  the  Company, 
if  they  swear  due  faithfulness  to  the  much  esteemed  High  and 
Mighty,  as  their  highest  Sovereign  Magistrate,  to  his  Highness,  My 
Lord  the  Prince  of  Orange,  as  the  Governor-Captain  and  Admiral- 
General,  and  to  the  Directors  of  the  Privileged  West  India 
Company. 

That,  moreover,  the  aforesaid  Steenwyck,  with  the  title  and 
power  of  Manager  and  Captain,  will  provide,  deliver,  and  execute 
everything  that  belongs  to  the  conservation  of  these  countries  ; 
namely,  — 

The  maintenance  of  good  order,  police,  and  justice,  as  would  be 
required  according  to  the  laws  and  manners  of  those  countries  ;  and, 
principally,  that  the  true  Christian  reformed  religion  is  practised 
within  the  limits  of  his  district,  after  the  usual  manner  ;  that  Steen- 
wyck, according  to  this,  may  place  some  one  —  if  he  is  a  free-born 
subject  —  in  his  office  ;  who,  in  name  and  authority,  moreover,  with 
the  title  and  a  power  as  aforesaid,  may  take  possession  of  the  afore- 
said countries  to  establish  himself  there  ;  and  further,  to  do  and 
execute  all  those  things  whereto  Steenwyck  himself,  in  aforesaid 
manner,  is  authorized  ;  all  those  things,  nevertheless,  without  ex- 
penses, charges,  or  any  kind  of  burdens  to  the  Company  ;  and  with 
the  invariable  condition  that  the  aforesaid  Steenwyck,  or  the  per- 
son whom  he  might  place  in  his  office,  will  be  obliged  to  execute 
the  present  Commission  and  authorization  within  the  next  eighteen 
months,  or  that  by  negligence  or  failure  thereof  it  will  be  in  our 
faculty  and  power  to  give  such  a  Commission  and  authorization  to 


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380 


Appendix. 


other  persons   than   Stef.nwyck,  or   his   Lieutenant,  without  any 
reference  to  this  present  one. 

Moreover,  that  the  aforesaid  Steenwyck,  or  whom  he  shall 
commission,  and  who  establish  himself  within  the  limits  of  that 
particular,  privileged,  and  conceded  district,  shall  have  freedom 
and  immunity  of  all  rights  and  recognizances  for  the  time  of  six 
years  successively. 

At  last,  and  to  conclude,  that  the  aforesaid  Steenwyck,  or  his 
Lieutenant,  within  the  limits  of  the  aforesaid  district,  will  have  the 
right  to  distribute  to  others  such  countries  and  places  for  Colonies 
and  farms  as  he  shall  think  best ;  and  that  the  managers  and  prin- 
cipals of  those  Colonies  and  farms,  for  the  time  of  six  years,  shall  be 
entirely  possessed  of  the  aforesaid  rights  and  recognizances. 

We  command  and  charge  all  our  Directors,  Managers,  Captains, 
Masters  of  ships,  and  all  our  other  officers  who  may  belong  to  them, 
that  they  will  have  to  acknowledge,  to  respect,  and  to  obey,  the 
aforesaid  Cornelis  Steenwyck,  or  his  Lieutenant,  as  Manager 
and  Captain,  within  the  limits  of  the  aforesaid  district  ;  and  to  pro- 
cure, to  give,  and  to  afford  him  every  help,  aid,  and  assistance  in  the 
execution  thereof,  —  seeing  that  we  find  it  useful  for  the  service  of 
the  Company. 

Given  in  Amsterdam,  October  27,  1676. 

Gasper  Pellicorne. 
For  Ordinance  of  the  aforesaid  Directors. 

C.   QUINA. 

Most  Honorable,  Valiant,  and  Honest  Beloved,  Faithful: 

In  answer  to  the  remonstrance  of  your  brother-in-law,  Nicolaas, 
the  Governor,  we  have  thought  convenient  to  send  your  Honor  the 
enclosed  Commission  and  authorization,  being  the  permission  to 
take  possession  of  the  coasts  and  countries  of  Nova  Scotia  and 
Acadie,  so  far  as  its  limits  are  extended  from  the  River  Pentegoiiet, 
to  the  east  and  north,  in  the  name  and  v.pon  the  authority  of  the 
High  and  Mighty  States-General  of  the  United  Netherlands  and  the 


Appendix. 


381 


Privileged  West  India  Company,  confirming  all  such  conditions  as 
your  Honor  will  see  himself,  by  reading  the  aforesaid  Commission. 

But  our  intention  is  not  to  prejudice  a  Commission  of  the  n"* 
Sept'r  last,  given  to  John  Rhoade,  a  native  of  England,  was  helping 
to  conquer  and  subdue  the  aforesaid  coasts  and  countries  in  the  year 
1674,  under  the  direction  of  Capt.  Jurriaen  Aernouts.  A  Copy 
of  that  aforesaid  Commission  is  herewith,  as  witness  for  you :  — 

We  have  commanded  the  aforesaid  Riioade  to  give  your  Honor, 
from  time  to  time,  his  advice  in  regard  to  the  state  of  affairs,  and  as 
to  what  could  be  done  for  them  by  virtue  of  our  aforesaid  Commis- 
sion, and  we  hope  that  it  will  be  observed  by  him. 

Moreover,  we  ask  and  desire  eagerly,  that  as  soon  as  your  Honor 
shall  have  taken  possession  of  the  aforesaid  lands,  or  may  have  sent 
somebody  there  in  his  name,  you  will  tell  us  the  state  of  affairs 
there,  and  also  what  kind  of  business  could  there  be  practised  with 
gain  and  advantage ;  also  to  let  us  know  all  those  things  which  you 
may  think  advantageous  for  us  to  know. 

If,  afterwards,  there  should  be  found  any  minerals  in  any  place 
there,  we  wish  that  your  Honor  would  send  us  some  samples,  with, 
and  besides,  your  opinion  and  advice  in  order  to  decide  upon  it. 
Finally,  we  command  your  Honor  to  do  all  that  which  may  increase 
the  wealth  of  our  Company. 

Wherewith  finishing,  we  commend  you  to  the  protection  of  God. 

Amsterdam,  October  27,  1676. 

Gasper  Pellicorne. 

For  Ordinance  of  the  aforesaid  Directors. 

C.    QUINA. 


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382  Appendix. 


No.  14.     Page  154. 

LETTER   FROM  THE   DUTCH  AMBASSADOR  TO   THE   KING   OF 

GREAT   BRITAIN. 

Ah  Roy  de  la  Grande  Brctagne. 

Le  soubsigne  Ambassadeur  Extraordinaire  de  Messeigi.furs  Ics 
Estats  des  Provinces  Unies  sc  trouvc  oblige  par  ordre  e.\pr6s  dc  ses 
Maistrcs  de  •.•ejiresenter  i  sa  Maj'"  qu'un  Capitaine  nomm(5  Juriacn 
Acrcnts  Commendant  le  vaisseau  Le  Chcval  dc  poste  dc  Curassao 
estant  party  du  dit  Curassao  avec  commission  du  GoClvcrneur  de 
cett'  isle,  et  s'estant  rendu  Maistre  des  Forts  Penatscop,  et  de  S' 
Jan  appartenants  au.\  Francois,  et  situez  sur  la  Riviere  Pontegouet 
qui  est  du  Nord  dc  rAmcrique  dans  I  "  PaTs  de  la  Nouvelle  France, 
et  y  aiant  laissc  unc  partic  de  ses  s  pour  la  garde  des  ditcs 

places  et  pour  trafifiquer  avec  hs  pe  ^  -  du  Pays  d'aientour.  II  a 
plu  au.x  Anglois  qui  sont  h.  Boston  d'attaquer  i  main  armee  les  gens 
y  laissez  en  garnison,  de  les  faire  prisonnicrs,  et  dc  raser  les  forti- 
fications y  faites  dans  la  seule  veue  de  n'y  pas  souffrir  d'Hollandois. 
Ce  qu'cstant  unc  violation  ouvcrte  du  Traietc  de  la  Paix  faite  avec  Sa 
Maj-'.  Elle  est  tr6s  humblement  price  du  faire  punir  excmplairemcnt 
les  coupables,  et  d'envoyer  les  ordres  necessaircs  pour  le  promt  re- 
lachemcnt  des  dits  prisonniers  ct  la  restitution  des  dits  Forts  avec 
enticr  dedommagcment.     A  Windsor  ce  ^^^^'Jj,  1675 

C.  Van  Beuningen.^ 

^  Copied  from  the  original  in  the  English  State-Paper  Office.  —  H. 


i|iiKi.  i  ■ 


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383 


No.  15.     Page  155. 


ORDERS    IN   COUNCIL. 

At  WiiiTEHALi,,  February  the  11"'  i675[-6]. 
Present  the  King's  Most  Excellent  Majesty. 


The  Bostoners  in 
New  England  to  An- 
swer THE  Complaint 
OF  THE  Dutch  Amhk. 


Upon  the  Mcmoriall  of  the  Ambassador  Ex- 
traordinary of  the  States  General  of  the  United 
Provinces  representing  that  Capt.  Jurian  Aren- 
sen,  Commander  of  the  Shipp  Flying  Horse  of 
Curasso,  having  received  a  Commission  from 
the  Governor  of  that  Island,  made  himself  Master  of  the  P'orts  of 
Penotscop  and  S'  John,  belonging  to  the  French,  situated  upon  the 
liver  of  Pentagolt  in  the  North  of  America  in  New  France,  and 
having  left  part  of  his  men  there,  for  the  defense  of  the  said  places, 
and  to  trade  virith  the  inhabitants  thereabouts,  the  English  of  Boston 
did  by  force  of  armes  attack  the  men  left  in  Garrison  in  the  said 
places,  made  them   Prisoners,  and  razed  the  Fortifications,  upon  no 
other  consideration  but  because  they  would  not  suffer  any  Hollander 
there  ;  Praying  his  Majestic  to  cause  exemplary  punishment  to  be 
inflicted  upon  the  Offenders,  and  to  send  requisite  Orders  xui  the 
speedy  setting  at  liberty  the  Prisoners,  and  restitucion  of  the  said 
I-'orts,  with  satisfaction  for  damages.     It  is  this  day  Ordered  that  a 
Copie  of  the  said  Memoriall  be  sent  unto  the  Magistrates  of  Boston 
in  New  England,  who  are  hc.eby  required  to  return  their  answer 
to  said  Complaint,  That  so  his  Majestic  understanding  the  nature 
of  the  Fact  may  give  such  order  as  is  agreeable  to  justice  therein. 
And  the  Right  Hon"''--  M'   Secretary  Williamson  is  to  prepare  a 
letter  for  his  Majesties  Signature  accordingly.      [Charles  II.,  vol. 
xii.  119.]^ 

1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  xxxii.  (4th  Series),  286,  287.  — H. 


•t^^J^^^^^^^^HHHHH 

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Appendix. 


Here  fellows  the  King's  letter :  — 

The  King's  Letter  to  the  Governor  and  Council  of  Massachusetts. 

Charles  R. 

Trusty  and  welbelovpd.  We  greet  you  well.  Whereas  the 
Amb.  Extraord':  of  the  States  Generalls  of  the  United  Provinces 
hath  complained  unto  Us,  that  Cap-  Juriaen  Arenson  CoiTiander 
of  the  ship  Flying  Posthorse  of  Curassao  having  received  a  Com- 
mission from  ihe  Goiivernor  of  that  Island,  and  made  himself  master 
of  the  Forts  Penatscop  and  S'  John  belonging  to  the  French  scitu- 
ated  upon  the  River  '^ountegoult  in  the  West  of  America  in  New 
France,  and  having  left  part  of  his  men  there  for  the  defence  of  the 
said  places,  and  to  trade  with  the  Inhabitants  thereabouts.  That 
some  English  belonging  to  Boston  did  by  force  of  armes  attack  the 
men  left  in  Garrison  in  the  said  places,  made  them  prisoners  and 
razed  the  fortifications  upon  noe  other  consideration,  as  is  pretended, 
but  because  they  would  not  suffer  any  Hollander  there.  We  having 
taken  the  same  into  Our  Royall  consideration,  have  thought  fit  by 
the  advice  of  our  Privy  Councill  to  send  a  Copy  of  the  said  Memoriall 
to  you,  and  to  require  you  to  returne  your  speedy  answer  to  the 
said  complaint,  that  soe  We  understanding  the  nature  of  the 
Fact  may  give  such  order  as  is  agreable  to  Justice  therein,  in  pur- 
suance of  the  good  correspondence  between  Us  and  the  said  States^ 
And  soe  We  bid  you  farewell.  Given  at  Our  Court  at  Whitehall 
the  18"'  day  of  February  i67f  in  the  eight  and  twentieth  yeare  of 
Our  Reign. 

By  His  Maj'>''^  Command. 

J.  Williamson. 

To  our  Trusty  and  welbeloved 

The  Gouvernor  and  Councill  of  the 

Massachussets  Colony  in  New  England.* 

'  Copied  from  the  original  in  English  State-Paper  Office.  —  H. 


.1     » 


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Appendix. 


385 


No.  16.     Page  156. 

ANSWER   OF  THE  GOVERNC?  AND   COUNCIL  OF  MASSACHU- 
SETTS  TO   THE    MEMORIAL   OF   THE   DUTCH 
AMBASSADOR.! 

To  THE  King's  most  Excellent  Majesty: 

The  answer  of  the  Gouerno'.  &  Councill  of  the  Mattachusetts 
Colony  to  the  complaint  exhibited  against  them  by  the  extraordi- 
nary Embassado'^  of  the  Lords  States  Generall  of  the  United  Prov- 
inces, January  22^  \(>j%,  which  came  to  o'  hands  Sept'  3'.'  1676. 

That  Capt:  Jurian  Aronson,  Coiuand'  of  the  Ship  Flying  Post 
horse  of  Curassoa,  haveing  received  CoiTiission  from  the  Gouernor  of 
that  Island,  made  himselfe  Master  of  the  Forts  Penatskop  and  S; 
John,  belonging  to  the  French  and  scituate  upon  the  River  Pente- 
goult  in  the  North  of  America  in  New  France,  and  having  left  part 
of  his  men  there  for  defence  of  the  s'.'  place  and  to  trade  with  the 
Inhabitants  thereabouts:  The  English  of  Boston  have  thought  fit 
by  force  of  armes  to  attack  the  men  left  in  garrison  —  in  the  s"  place 
making  them  prison!^'^  and  raceing  theire  Fortification  made  upon  no 
other  consideration  but  because  they  would  not  suffer  any  Holland" 
there ;  which  being  an  open  violation  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  &c. 

That  Capt"  Jurian  Aronson  Coinand'  of  the  Ship  Flying  Post 
horse  of  Curassoa  came  into  the  harbour,  in  the  Mattachusetts,  in 
the  yeare  1674,  and  applied  himselfe  to  the  Gouerno:  to  have  liberty 
to  come  up  to  Boston  to  repaire  &  revictuall  his  Ship,  hee  having 
been  at  the  River  of  Pentegoult  and  there  made  himselfe  Master  of 
the^Fort  &  brought  the  French  Gouerno^  his  prison'  Shewing  his 
Comission  for  what  hee  had  done;  which  CoiTiission  was  against 
English  as  well  as  French  ;  the  Gouerno!^  having  the  proclamation 
of  the  peace  agreed  between  his  Majesty  and  theire  Lordships, 
granted  him  the  s''  Capt?  Liberty  according  to  his  desire  to  come 
up  with  his  Ship ;  who  informed  the  Gouerno'  that  hee  had  not  left 
any  men  to  keepe  possession  of  his  conquest ;  but  had  dismantled 
*  Mass.  Archives,  Ixi,  134-136. —  H. 
49 


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Appendix. 


.     ^ 


the  Fort  and  brought  away  the  gunn's.  The  Capt"  having  fitted  his 
Ship  and  dispatched  his  buisness,  hee  came  to  the  Gouerno-  to  take 
his  Leave  and  have  a  permit  for  his  Sayling  ;  at  which  time  the 
Gouerno'  aslced  him  if  hee  had  given  Coinission  to  any  to  goe  and 
keepe  that  Country  or  any  part  of  it,  or  whither  hee  had  given  to 
any  a  coppie  of  his  Coinission  to  that  end  ;  hee  said  hee  had  given 
no  Coinission  nor  a  coppie  of  his,  nor  would  hee  give  any,  for  that 
hee  would  not  make  himselfe  liable  to  answer  for  others'  actions, 
this  was  in  October  1674,  at  his  departure  hee  left  in  Boston  sever- 
all  that  had  been  of  his  company  in  the  former  action  —  Viz!  John 
Rhodes,  a  Boston  man,  and  four  other  English — two  of  them  of 
Boston  — with  one  Cornelius  Andreson,  a  dutchman,  and  Peter  Rod- 
rigo,  a  Flanderkin  ;  The  Gouerno-  hearing  that  there  were  of  those 
men  going  forth  to  those  parts,  sent  for  John  Rhodes,  being  informed 
that  hee  was  the  principal!,  and  demanded  of  him  whither  hee  was 
goeing,  hee  saide  a  trading  to  the  Eastward,  being  asked  whither 
hee  nor  any  of  the  company  did  not  goe  to  take  vessells  that  were 
coasting  and  trading  there,  hee  answered  no,  nor  had  they  any 
Coinission  so  to  doe. 

In  december  following  William  Waldron  made  his  complaint  to 
the  Gou'.  &  Councill,  that  upon  the  Seas  coming  homeward,  hee 
was  met  with  by  Cornelius  Andreson,  John  Rhodes,  and  some 
others  in  a  Vessell,  out  of  which  they  fired  two  guns  at  him,  & 
coiiianded  him  to  anchor  ;  they  came  on  board  him,  and  forceably 
tooke  from  him  beaver,  with  other  peltry  &  small  Purr's  to  value  of 
about  ;£6o  Sterl.  &  carried  himselfe  &  goods  by  force  on  board 
theire  vessel',  and  there  forced  him  to  Set  his  hand  to  a  writing 
drawn  by  John  Rhodes  that  they  had  taken  from  him  nothing  but 
peltry,  and  had  taken  it  in  New  Holland.  After,  in  February  167^ 
John  Freake,  Merchant,  made  complaint  that  hee  had  a  small  vessell, 
under  the  coinand  of  George  Manning,  bound  homewards  on  a  Voy- 
age from  the  Eastward,  by  accident  was  met  withall  in  the  River  of 
S'  John  by  John  Rhodes  &  Some  Dutchmen  his  complices,  in  a 
small  Vessell  sometime  in  the  month  of  Deccmb-  last  past ;  who  over- 
powering them  with  men,  piratically  Seized  his  s'.'  Vessell  &  goods 


IsM 


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Appendix. 


387 


on  board  her,  had  wounded  the  Master  &  another  of  his  company, 
and  kept  both  Vessell,  goods,  &  men  ;    S'^v.ira!!  other  of  his  Ma''" 
Subjects  complained,  some  of  them  being  of  the  Jurisdiction  of  the 
Mattachusetts,  that  the  s""  persons  had  robbed  &  plundered  them ; 
who  prayed  that  some  course  might  bee  taken  for  theire  Security 
against  them.     Whereupon  the  Gou'.  &  Council  taking  the  same 
into  theire  consideration  what  might  bee  requisite  to  bee  done  for 
the  securing  of  the  Inhabitants  on  shore  &  the  navigation  by  Sea, 
concluded  it  necessary  to  send  forth,  that  they  might  bee  certainly 
informed  by  what  Comission  the  s'l  persons  and  theire  complices 
had  so  acted,  and  in  case  of  theire  resistance  to  bring  them  in  by 
force,  and  for  that  end  comissioned  Capt"  Sam"   Moseley ;  who  in 
pursuance  of  his  Coiiiission  Seized   &  tooke  John   Rhodes,   Peter 
Rodrigo,  Peter  Grant,  Thomas  Mitchel,  and  Edw''.  Youring  in  the 
vessell  that  was  Tho:  Mitchels,  whome  they  hired  for  a  trading  voy- 
age as  by  Charter  party  appeared ;  afterwards  hee  also  tooke  the 
other  vessell  wherein  Cornelius   Andreson,  John  Thomas,  &  John 
Williams  with  others  were,  and  returned  to  Boston  with  them  the 
2''  of  april  1675.     Capt"  Moseley  bringing  his  prisoners  before  the 
Gouerno'  and  Magistrates  at  Boston,  who  Examined  them,  whither 
they  had  done  according  to  the  complaints  exhibited  against  them 
in  Seizing  goods  &  Vessells  &c.,  they  owned  the  Fact,  but  denied 
that  they  lud  done  it  piratically  ;  then  it  was  demanded  of  Ihem  by 
what  coiiiission  they  had  done  what  was  done  in  taking  Vessells  & 
goods  from  his  Ma""  Subjects  in  a  hostile  way,  and  by  wh  authority 
they  had  robbed  &  plundered  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Colony,  all  which 
was  fully  proved  against  them  by  honest  men  upon  Oath;  where- 
upon Peter  Rodrigo  produced  a  paper  w'"  three  Scales  according  to 
the  inclosed  Coppie.     Cornelius  Andreson  produced  another  of  the 
like  tenor  without  any  Scale,  which  gave  them  no  power  to  Seize 
any  Vessell  or  goods,  onely  had  liberty  to  trade,  keepe  the  Country, 
&  Saile  upon  the  coast  ;  for  which  they  were  not  Seized  and  im- 
prisoned ;  but  for  piratycally  Seizing  the  Vessells  &  goods  that  be- 
longed to  his  Ma""  Subjects  and  so  were  coinitted  in  order  to  theire 
tryall.     Peter  Rodrigo,  John    Rhodes,  Richard    Fowler,    Randolph 


r^ 


':  \ 


I  J   i 


1      : 


r 


HI 


ill 


1'^ 


U  \ 


388 


Appendix. 


Judson,  Peter  Grant,  and  Cornelius  Andreson,  by  the  Grandjury 
were  indicted  severally  by  theire  severall  bills  for  such  theire 
pyraticall  practices,  and  after,  by  the  Jury  of  Tryalls  all  but  Cor- 
nelius Andreson  found  guilty  ;  for  which  they  were  Sentenced  to 
death  ;  but  after  repreived,  and  upon  theire  humble  petitions  to  the 
Generall  Court  wherein  they  acknowledge  the  justness  of  the 
Courts  proceedings,  the  s'!  Court  pardoned  them  for  theire  lives, 
but  banished  them  the  Colony  upon  pain  of  death  unless  they 
should  obtain  from  authority  leave  to  return.  So  that  what  was 
done  in  prosecution  of  that  matter  was  not  done  because  the  Eng- 
lish would  not  suffer  any  Hollanders  to  bee  nigh  them  ;  but  t  pre- 
vent &  suppress  the  pyraticall  practices  of  English,  Dutch,  or  other 
Nations.  Of  them  that  were  brought  to  tryall  there  was  but  one 
Dutchman,  Four  Englishmen,  &  one  Flanderkin.  Wee  did  not  nor 
do  judge  it  tolerable  for  any  Gouernment,  much  less  for  a  Gouer'mi 
deriving  theire  authority  from  his  Ma''.°  to  Suffer  any  under  pre- 
tence of  theire  useing  the  name  of  any  Prince  or  State  from  whome 
they  have  derived  no  power,  to  associate  themselves  and  by  Wayes 
of  hostility  molest  peaceable  and  quiet  minded  Subjects  in  thc're 
lawfull  occasions  ;  So  that  had  the  matter  been  truly  laide  before 
the  Lords  States  Generall,  wee  doubt  not  but  theire  Lordships 
would  have  seen  the  justice  of  o'  proceedings  at  Boston  —  both  by 
the  law's  of  God,  of  all  civill  Nations,  as  \vell  as  the  Law's  of  0'  Col- 
ony, &  no  cause  of  complaint  against  the  innocent  whose  principles, 
profession,  &  practices  are  against  such  proceeding  as  the  complaint 
imparts  :  and  wee  doubt  not  but  by  the  clemency  &  Justice  of  his 
Ma"'-  o'  Sovereign  to  bee  justified  in  these  o'.  just  proceedings  & 
have  not  been  any  violato'.''  of  the  treaty  of  peace  between  his  Ma"' 
and  theire  Lordships. 

This  letter '  or  narrative  is  past  by  y*"  Council  to  be  sent  to  one 
of  his  Maj'''"  Secretary'  of  state  to  be  presented  to  his  Maj'*'  as  an 
Answer  to  his  Maj'*"  Coinands.     5'''  of  October,  1676. 

Edw"  Rawson,  Sccr^^. 

'  The  draught  of  this  letter  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives  is  in  the  hand- 
writinn;  of  Isaac  Addington.  —  H. 


•.Ji«"B»«!liS«W!(^W.V» 


Appendix. 


389 


No.  17.     Page  159, 

CORRESPONDENCE   BETWEEN   THE   STATES-GENERAL  AND 

THE   ENGLISH    COURT   RESPECTING   THE   ARREST    AND 

TRIAL  OF  RHOADE  AND  OTHERS  AS  PIRATES,   etc. 

The  Dutch  Ambassador  to  the  Lords  of  the  States-General} 

Westminster,  August  ^^,  1679. 
Most  High  and  Honorable  Lords: 

My  Lords,  — The  King  returned  yesterday  to  Windsor  from  his 
trip  to  Duyns  and  Por[t]smouth,  having  spent  only  so  much  time  in 
these  places  as  was  allotted  for  that  purpose.  It  is  my  intention  to 
call  this  evening  on  His  Majesty  at  Windsor. 

You,  the  Most  High  and  Honorable,  having  ordered  me  to  con- 
tinue the  matter  commenced  by  Mr.  Beuningen,  and  which  he  did  not 
finish,  I  have,  therefore,  at  the  request  of  the  Directors  of  the  West 
India  Company,  insisted  upon  the  release  and  the  indemnification  of 
one  John  Rodes,^  who,  being  duly  provided  with  a  commission  from 
the  West  India  Company,  had  attempted  to  trade  in  New  Scotland 
and  Accadie  on  the  Coast  of  America,  and  was  prevented  to  do  so 
by  one  Capt.  Namton,3  who  took  away  from  him  his  ship  and  mer- 
chandise, and  besides  detained  him  as  prisoner.  In  consequence  of 
a  Memorial  preceding,  I  presented  myself  to  Mr.  Beuningen  on  the 
2V1  of  May  last,  and  requested  indemnification  for  damages  inflicted 
upon  the  citizens  (or  subjects)  of  the  State  by  those  of  Boston  in 
taking  and  destroying  the  two  forts  Penaskop*  and  St.  John,  which 
the  Capt.  Juriaan  Arentsz^  with  his  ship,  the  Flying  Horse,' in  the 

1  This  letter    and  all  the  letters  in        2  Rhoade  is  the  proper  spellin-.  -  H 
English  that  follow,  were  translated  for        «  Knapton  —  H     ^"^   "t'*''"""'      "• 

1    w"!r'  ^T-  ^\'  ?,"*  ■'^  ^y  '•'"  ^"^-  '  Penobscot.     This  name  is  variously 

/.;.    Hin'^H    p";  ^•^^;' J?'^  P/'^to'-  of  spelled  in  this  correspondence.  -  H    ^ 

the    Holland   Reformed  Church     New  «  Capt.  Jurriaen  Aernouts  is  the  per- 

York,   now    pastor    of    the    Reformed  son  referred  to.  —  H 
Church  at  Alton,  Iowa.  — H. 


.,k 


m 


' 


7 


6|r 

tMli 


390 


Appendix. 


year  1674  had  taken  from  the  French,  as  you,  the  Most  High  and 
Honorable,  will  please  learn  from  the  accompanying  Memorial,  and 
would  also  order  that  in  the  future  such  excesses  must  not  again 
take  place.  I  was  promised  that  in  the  near  future  an  answer  would 
be  given  me  with  reference  to  this  matter,  but  by  way  of  anticipa- 
tion, it  was  said  that  the  King's  orders  were  little  obeyed  by  those  of 
Boston  and  the  adjacent  colonies,  that  they  consequently  scarcely 
dare  send  goods  in  exchange  or  ships  to  England,  since  those  colo- 
nists lived  there  in  a  kind  of  independent  republics ;  however,  they 
would  carefully  consider  every  thing  pertaining  to  the  matter. 

It  appears,  etc.  — 

Since  the  King  is  away  and  the  members  of  the  Council,  nothing 
happens  here  worthy  the  knowledge  of  you,  the  High  and  Honorable  ; 
wherefore  for  the  present  I  will  close,  remaining, 

High  and  Honorable  Lords, 
Your  humble,  obedient,  and  faithful  servant, 

D.  V.  Leyden  van  Leeuwen. 


I: 


Here  follows  the  Memorial  mentioned  above :  — 

Au  Roy  de  la  Grande  Rretagne : 

Le  soubsign^  AmbassI  ExL?  de  Messeigneurs  les  Estats  Generaux 
des  P^*  Unies,  a  ordre  de  representer  A  Sa  Maj*^  que,  nonobstant 
qu'il  soit  sans  contredit,  qu'en  I'ann^e  1674  le  capitaine  Juriaen  Aer- 
nouts  avec  la  fregatte  le  cheval  volant,  par  ordre  et  commission  de 
L.  H.  P.  aye  pris  sur  les  franqois,  les  forteresses  de  Penatscop  et 
Si  Jean,  situees  sur  la  riviere  de  Pointegourt  dans  I'Amerique,  dans 
la  nouvelle  Escosse  et  Arcadie,  et  qu'aynsi  L.  H.  P.  s'estans  mis  en 
possession  par  le  droit  de  la  guerre  de  ces  terres  appartenantes  d  leur 
ennemis.  Les  sujets  de  Sa  Majl^  establis  i  Boston  o;..  entrepris  sans 
aucune  raison  de  chasser  ledl  cap=  Juriaen  Aernouts  de  ses  con- 
questes  et  de  demolir  les  di  forteresses,  en  un  temps,  que  L.  H.  P. 
avoient  I'honneur  d'estre  amis  et  allies  de  Sa  Ma'i,  et  que  depuis 
ceux  du  di  Baston  ayants  pretendu  la  possession  des  dites  terres  ap- 


k 


Appendix.  ogj 

pertenantes  k  la  compagnie  Belgique  des  Indes  Occidentales.  jusques 
Ja,  qu  un  certain  capitaine  Namton  se  soyt  saysi  de  la  personne,  du 
vaisseau  et  des  marchandises  de  Jean  Rodes,  quoy  qu'authoris^  des 
Directeurs  de  la  susd.  compagnie  Belgique,  par  commission  datce 
des  ^^  Septembre  1676,  pour  traflficquer  avec  les  peuples  de  la  sus- 
dite  Acadie  et  d'autant,  que  le  Sr  van  Beuningen  cy  devant  Amb' 
Ex2  i  cette  cour.  aye  au  nom  de  L.  H.  P.  demanded  par  une  me'- 
moire  present(^  le  \\  May  1679.  reparation  et  chastiment  exem- 
plaire  dud.  exces,  et  qu'il  plaise  k  Sa  Maj'^  donner  les  ordies 
necessaires  pour  rel^cher  et  dedommager  le  dit  Jean  Rodes  in- 
terdisant  a  mesme  temps  ses  sujets  de  ne  plus  troubler  ceui  de 
i^.  H  F.  dans  leur  commerce  et  autres  droits  dans  le  susd'  pais 
de  I  Acadie  et  que  jusqu'i  present  on  n'aye  eu  aucune  reponce 
sur  le  susdi   memoire. 

^    Le  soubsign^  Ambr  Ex- supplie  treshumblement  Sa  Maj'<>de  vou- 
.o.r  en  toute  equity  et  justice  terminer  sans  plus  long  delay,  cette 

Westminster,  ce  ^^  d'Aoust,  1679. 


Letter  from  the  West  India  Company  to  the  States-General. 

Aen  de  Hoogh  Mogende  Heeren  Staten  Generael 
DER  Vereenigde  Nederlanden. 
Hoogh  Mogende  Heeren.- Aengesien  de  Bewinthebberen  van 
de  Generale  Geoctr:  Westindische  Com^.agnie  deser  landen.  beright 
werden.  dat  seecker  capiteyn  off  c  ommissie  vaerder,  met  name  Jur- 
nan  Aernouts,  voerende  't  schip  genaemt  't  Curacaosche  vliegende 
postpaert,  eenigen  tydt  geleden  uyt  de  haven  van  Curacao,  met  be- 
hoorlycke  commissie  van  den  directeur  aldaer  is  uytgeseylt.  omme  de 
vyanden  van  desen  staet  affbreuck  te  doen,  ende  dat  uyt  kraghte  van 
dien,  den  voorn  :  capiteyn  vervolgens  van  de  Fransche  heeft  ingeno- 
men  ende  verovert  de  forten  Penatscop  en  St.  Jan.  gelegen  op  de 
nviere  I  ountegouet  alwaer  hy  eenige  van  syn  voick  hebbende  gelaten 


I 


■  It 


?!! 


392 


Appendix. 


soo  omme  de  possessie  van  de  voorgedaghte  plaetsen  te  behoudcn 
ende  te  maincteneren,  als  wcl,  omme  met  de  naturcllen  aldaer  te 
lande,  in  rust  en  vrede  te  trafficqueren  ende  te  handclen,  het  gebeurt 
is,  dat  die  van  Baston,  gehoorcnde  onder  sync  ConincklyclvC  Mayes- 
teyt  van  Groot  Brittannien,  hier  van  jalours  synde,  sigh  nict  ontsien 
hebb  ,ri    de   aldaer  geblcvene  personen,   waervan  U.  Ho.  Mog.  de 
namen  des  noots  gesuppeditecrt  connen  werden,  vyantlyck  aen  te 
tasten,  ende  gevanckelyck  na  Baston  voorsz.  wegh  te  voercn,  heb- 
bende  alvoorens  gedestrueert  ende  ter  neder  gesmetcn  de  logicn  ende 
seeckere  vastigheyt,  die  ue  voorn  :  personen  aldaer  by  provisic  opge- 
reght  ende  gemaeckt   ladden,  contrarie  den  iiytgedruckten  text  van 
het  jongste  vredens  '.ractaet  tusschen  hoogstgcdaghte  syne  Coninck- 
lycke  Mayesteyt,  ctide  desen  staet  gesloten,  dictercnde,  dat  naer 
expiratie  van  de  respective   termyncn    tusschen   de   wederzydsche 
volckeren  ende  onderdanen,  soo  buyten  als  binnen  Europa,  in  alle 
landen,  heerschappyen  ende  plaetsen,  van  derselver  gebiedt  aenstonts 
sullen  comen  op  te  houden,  ende  vcrboden  syn  alle  acten  van  hos- 
tiliteyt  ende  vyantschap  ende  dat  oversulcx  ongeoorloft  is  naer  het 
sluyten  van  soo  een  opreghte  vaste  en  onverbrckelycke  vrede  directe- 
lyck  ofte  indirectelyck,  onder  wat  praitext  het  oock  soudc  mogen 
wesen,  te  vernielen,  beschadigen,  aen  te  tasten,  te  bevegten  ofte  te 
spolieren  des  anders  goederen,  landen,  ofte  eenige  van  de  ingesetencn 
van  dien  soo  vinden  de  voorn  :     Bewinthebberen  sigh  ampts  ende 
pligts  halven  genootdruckt  U.  Ho.  Mo.  hiervan  by  desen  kennisse  te 
geven,  ende  in  aller  onderdanigheyt  te  versoecken,  dat  het  derselver 
goede  geliefte  sy,  den  heer  Ambassadeur  extraordinaris  van  desen 
staet  by  hoogstgedagte  syne  Conincklycke  Mayesteyt,  ende  aen  't 
Hoff  van  Groot  Brittannien  voorsz.  specialyck  aen  te  schryven  ende 
te  recommanderen,  aldaer  serieuse  instantien  ende  devoiren  aen  te 
wenden,  ten  eynde  de  personen,  die  in  maniere,  als  vooren  naer 
Baston  gevanckelyck  syn  weghgevoert,  ten  alderspoedigsten  op  vrye 
voeten  mogen  gestelt  werden,  ende  dat  voorts  meer  hoogstgemelte 
syne  Conincklycke  Mayesteyt,  die  voorsieninge  come  te  doen,  ende 
alsulcken  ordre  te  beraraen,  dat  van  de  voors :  plaetsen  met  al  den 


.    *  ' 


if« 


Appendix. 


393 


aencleven  van  dien,  sender  eenigh  verhinder  ofte  empeschemcnt, 
daer  ende  sulcx  behoorlyck  is,  costeloose  en  schadeloose  restitutic 
magh  gcschieden.     Twclck  docnde  etc. 

Uyt  den  name  van  de 

Bewinthebbcren  als  bovcn 

C.   QUINA. 

Letter  of  the  Dutch  Ambassador  to  the  Lords  of  the  States-General. 

Westminster,  August  \\,  1679. 
High  and  Honorable  Lords: 

My  Lords,  —  Since  my  last  letter  I  have  received  the  accompany- 
ing reply  to  my  memorial,  a  copy  of  which  was  sent  to  you,  the  Iligli 
and  Honorable,  on  the  -^jth  instant,  touching  the  releasing  and  the 
indemnification  of  John  Rodes,  and  also  the  repairing  of  the  excesses 
committed  by  those  of  the  colony  of  Boston,  in  taking  by  force  the 
forts  Penatskop  and  St.  John  in  New  Scotland  and  Acadie,  and  since 
I  have  been  informed  in  person  that  the  position  taken  in  my  me- 
morial will  need  to  be  proven,  as  the  King  has  returned  it  to  the 
Commissioners,  to  whom  it  was  referred,  for  the  purpose  of  inform- 
ing him,  and  believing  that  the  necessary  papers  for  that  purpose 
are  in  the  hands  of  the  authorized  West  India  Company,  I  have, 
therefore,  with  the  permission  of  you,  the  High  and  Honorable, 
written  to  them  about  the  matter. 

It  appears  that  His  Majesty,  etc. 

High  and  Honorable 

Your  humble,  obedient,  and  faithful  Servant, 

D.  V.  Leyden  van  Leeuwen. 


Here  follows  the  King's  reply  to  the  Memorial  of  the 
Dutch  Ambassador :  — 

Le  roy  ayant  vu  un  mdmoire  de  son  Ex'r  Monsieur  van  Leeuwen 
Ambassadeur  Extra';?  de  Messieurs  les  Estats  v  ^eraux  en  date  du 
4="  de  ce  mois  contenant  une  plainte  contre  la  colonic  de  Boston 

50 


mm 


A 


i 


394 


Appendix. 


dans  la  nouvelle  Anglcterre,  de  ce  qu'ils  ont  entrepris  de  chasser  le 
capitaine  Juriaen  Aernouts,  de  ses  conqucstes,  qu'il  avoit  fait  sur 
les  frangois  en  I'annce  1674  dans  la  nouvelle  Escosse  et  I'Accadie,  et 
de  demolir  les  forteresses  de  Penatscop  et  S.'  Jean  situdes  sur  la 
riviere  de  Pointegomt,  lesquels  ledit  capitaine  avoit  aussi  pris  des 
fran^ois  et  de  ce  que  depuis  ceux  de  Boston  sc  sont  saisis  de  la 
personne,  du  vaisseau  et  des  marchandises  de  Jean  Rodes,  quoy  qu' 
authorise  des  Directeurs  de  la  Compagnie  Belgique  des  Indes  Occi- 
dentales  pour  traffiquer  avec  les  pcuples  de  la  susdite  Accadie,  et 
suppliant  aussi  le  Roy  de  vouloir  donner  les  ordres  necessaircs  pour 
relicher  ledlt  Rodes,  et  intcrdire  i  ses  sujets  de  Baston  de  ne  plus 
molester  ceux  de  Messieurs  les  Estats  dans  leur  commerce.  Sa 
Maj'.*  a  ordonndde  faire  cette  reponse  audit  Sieur  Ambass'  extra"."  qu' 
elle  a  desjd  donne  ordres  aux  Seigneurs  de  son  conseil  ddputez  pour 
les  aflfaires  du  commerce  et  des  colonies,  de  s'informer  au  plutost 
de  cette  affaire,  et  d'en  faire  rapport  a  sa  Maj'l  afin  qu'elle  puisse 
estre  terminee  selon  ce  que  la  justice  et  la  bonne  correspondence, 
que   Sa  MajiS  veut  conserver  entre  les  deux  nations,  requereront. 


Fait  au  chasteau  Royal  de  Windsor,  ce  8™  jour  d'Aoust,  1679. 


Sunderland. 


Letter  of  the  Dutch  Ambassador  to  the  Lords  of  the  States- General. 

Westminster,  October  3,  1679,  S.  N. 
High  and  Honorable  Lords  : 

My  Lords,  —  In  the  prosecution  which  I  have  been  conducting 
here  with  reference  to  the  excesses  committed  against  the  person  of 
John  Rodes,  and  the  ship  under  his  command,  and  the  merchandise, 
who  was  provided  with  a  commission  from  the  authorized  West 
India  Company,  I  have  at  last  been  informed  that  as  regards  this 
matter  and  his  imprisonment  in  New  York,  representation  thereof 
must  be  made,  not  to  the  King,  but  to  His  Grace  the  Duke  of  York, 
to  whom,  in  sovereignty,  and  independent  from  the  crown  of  Eng- 
land, His  Majesty  had  ceded  that  country. 


4    f  ' 


f 

i 

'i 

! 

\ 

k 


Appendix. 


395 


I  have,  therefore,  on  the  occasion  when  His  Royal  Highness  was 
present  at  the  Court  here,  spoken  to  him  about  the  matter,  and  I 
found  him  favorable  disposed  to  make  repairs  of  excesses  committed, 
with  many  protestations  of  good  will  which  said  His  Royal  Hi^dincss 
bore  to  the  State  of  you,  the  High  and  Honorable  ;  and  although  said 
Duke  assured  me  that  he  was  entirely  ignorant  of  this  matter,  and 
that  never  any  complaint  had  been  made  to  him  about  it,  yet  he 
agreed  to  seek  all  possible  infoimation,  and  after  two  days  he  sent 
his  Secretary  to  me,  together  with  a  person  who  had  recently  come 
from  New  York  and  was  the  General  Steward  of  His  Highness  at  that 
place,  who  then  informed  mc,  and  showed  me  on  maps  that  seemed  to 
be  accurately  made,  that  the  river  St.  George  was  not  in  Nova  Scotia 
and  Accadie  but  in  New  England  ;  that  consequently  the  aforesaid 
John  Rodes,  nor  any  other  person,  could  be  qualified  by  the  West 
India  Company  to  trade  with  the  natives  on  that  river  ;  that,  there- 
fore, the  aforesaid  John  Rodes,  with  his  ship  and  goods,  although  seized 
upon  and  brought  to  New  York,  had,  nevertheless,  been  released 
after  having  been  detained  only  about  fourteen  days,  and  the  ship 
and  goods,  not  belonging  to  the  aforesaid  John  Rodes,  but  to  a  cer- 
tain merchant  of  New  London,  had  been  returned  without  cost,  and 
that  only  a  fine  of  ten  pounds  sterling  had  been  required  of  him, 
which  was  still  unpaid ;  and  that  with  regard  to  the  patents  of  Sir 
William  Temple,  that  in  these  not  only  the  river  of  St.  George  was 
included,  but  that  they  also  extended  to  seventy  miles  along  the 
coast,  in  which  would  be  included  the  greatest  part  of  Accadie  itself ; 
but  that  in  the  year  1670  an  agreement  had  been  made  with  the 
French,  that  the  river  Pontegourt  should  be  the  limits,  and  that  so 
much  as  lay  west  of  said  river  should  belong  to  the  Duke,  and  that 
which  is  on  the  East  side  to  the  French,  in  such  a  manner  that  the 
English  should  manage  the  said  west  side  of  the  same  river  with  the 
natives,  and  the  French  the  east  side,  to  that  extent  that  His  Royal 
Highnes,  as  far  as  it  concerned  him,  would  lay  no  claim  to  anything 
East  of  the  river  Pontegourt,  and  could  have  even  witnessed  with 
indifference  in  case  the  West  India  Company  had  taken  Nova  Scotia 


! 

I 

yi(! 


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I 


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"i 


396 


Appendix. 


and  Accadic  from  the  French,  and  thereby  obtaining  certain  rights, 
should  have  exercised  and  maintained  the  same,  giving  me,  further- 
more, to  understand,  that  the  aforesaid  John  Rodes  did  not  have  the 
best  reputation  of  being  an  honest  man,  but  should  have  committed 
many  dishonest  deeds.  I  have  taken  a  great  deal  of  trouble  to  get  a 
written  statement  of  what  was  said,  but  have  been  put  off  until  cer- 
tain papers  that  were  on  ship-board  at  Dover  should  have  been  sent 
hither,  and  I  fear  that  His  Royal  Highness  shall  have  left  for  Rrussel 
before  I  shall  have  obtained  it  [the  written  statement].  I  shall  in 
the  meantime  not  cease  to  prosecute  the  claims  of  repairing  the  ex- 
cesses committed  by  those  of  Boston  in  the  year  1674,  with  reference 
to  which  the  King  has  appointed  commissioners  ;  but  these  delay  the 
matter,  saying  that  they,  by  the  first  chance,  will  write  to  Boston  for 
information,  and  as  soon  as  that  arrives  they  will  make  report  thereof 
to  the  King. 

I  have  the  treaty,  etc. 

With  which  I  remain, 

High  and  Honorable  Lords. 

P.  S.     I  have  also  sent  a  copy  of  this  missive  to  the  Directors  of 
the  West  India  Company. 
High  and  Honorable 

Your  humble,  obedient,  and  faithful  servant, 

D.  V.  Leyden  van  Leeuwen. 


y\ 

V 

1 

1 

■    ^ 

»  ■• 

.1 

! 

I 

11 

i 

HlOII   AND   HONORART.E    LoRDS : 


Westminster,  October  6,  1679,  S.  N. 


Mv  Lords,  —  His  Excellency,  the  Ambassador  Jenkins,  return- 
ing, etc.  — 

His  Royal  Highness,  the  Duke  of  York,  sent  to  me  the  day  before 
his  departure  from  here  the  accompanving  answer  (see  enclosed 
copy  No.  4),  in  the  matter  of  John  Rodes  and  his  ketch,  of  which 
matter  I  gave  you,  the  High  and  Honorable,  an  extended  account  in 
my  last  letter  of  the  third  instant.     I  should  have  been  very  much 


appendix.  307 

pleased  if  I  had  seen  in  the  answer  the  proof  that  the  river  Pontegourt 
was  the  acknowledged  boundary  line  between  what  the  English  and 
formerly  the  French  had  possessed  in  that  quarter  of  America  ,  but 
His  Royal  Highness  has  declined  to  do  so,  saying  that  it  could  not 
be  required  of  him  to  make  a  declaration  about  the  boundary  lines, 
without  obtaining  further  knowledge  thereto.  I  also  send  copy  of 
this  answer  to  the  Directors  of  the  West  India  Company. 

With  which  I  remain, 

High  and  Honorable  Lords, 

Your,  high  and  honorable,  humble,  obedient,  and  faithful  servant, 

D.  V.  Leyden  van  Leeuwen. 

Copy  N^  4. 

His  Roy'i  High««  haveing  perused  a  Memoriall  from  the  Ex- 
traordinary Ambassadour  of  the  States  Gen'i  of  the  United  Prov- 
inces dated  the  191^  instant,  is  pleased  to  returne  this  answer  there- 
unto. 

That  His  RE  High«i?is  informed  that  St.  Georges  River,  there  in 
mentioned,  is  unquestionably  within  the  limits  of  His  R"  High»S' 
territoryes,  belonging  to  Pemaquid  in  America,  and  is  not  in  Nova 
Scotia,  and  hath  allvvayes  beene  in  the  possession  of  the  English. 

That  ensigne  Knapton  was  commands  of  the  fort  at  Pemaquid, 
and  Its  dependancyes,  and  that  he  did  seise  on  the  person  (and  ketch) 
of  Jean  Rodes,  in  the  si  river  of  St.  George,  for  presur  Ing  to  trade 
there,  contrary  to  act  of  Parliament,  and  the  lawes  of  that  govern- 
ment, haveing  neither  passports,  cleerings,  nor  certificates  from  any 
English  place  or  port. 

That  the  s^  ketch  and  part  of  the  cargo,  being  brought  to  New 
Yorke,  were  condemned  by  due  course  of  law,  and  in  open  court, 
wherein  most  of  the  magistrates  were  Dutchmen  originally,  though 
now  inhabitants  of  new  Yorke. 

^  Notwithstanding  which  soe  reasonable  sentence  (the  s^  Jean  Rodes 
after  a  very  short  confinement  having  allready  gotten  his  liberty)  such 
kindness  was   used  herein,  that  the  si  ketch  was  restored  to  the 


„^„I 


! 


;    '      II; 


398 


Appendix. 


owner  and  master  (John  Alden  an  inhabitant  of  Boston,  from  whom 
the  si  Rodes  had  hired  her,  in  partnership  for  a  tradeing  voyage) 
and  that  only  ten  pounds  worth  of  the  cargo  was  distributed  among 
the  souldiers  that  fetched  her  from  SJ  Georges  to  Pemaquid,  the  rest 
being  all  returned  by  inventory,  without  payment  of  any  Fees  or 
court  chardges. 

That  the  truth  of  this  information  can  plainely  be  made  out,  by 
authenticke  papers  from  New  Yorke,  for  which  His  R'i  High^i^  (if  it 
be  desired)  wil  give  immediate  orders,  that  they  may  be  sent  hither 
by  the  first  opportunity,  and  if  anything  farther  be  necessary  for 
the  reasonable  satisfaction  of  the  States  Generall  of  the  Uni.ed 
Provinces  or  theire  extraordinary  AmbassadL  touching  this  matter, 
Kis  RL'  High'i^  will  att  all  times  hereafter  readily  grant  such 
orders  as  may  most  effectually  conduce  thereunto. 

Whitehall,  23'J  September,  1679. 


Letter  from  ine  directors  of  the  West  India  Company  to  tlie  Lords 

of  the  States-General. 

To  THE  High  and  Honorable  Lords  States-General  of  the 
United  Netherlands. 

High  and  Honorable  Lords,  —  The  Directors  of  the  general 
authorized  West  India  Company  of  these  lands  did  on  the  >'  I'J}  of 
September,  1676,  grant  to  John  Rhodes,  an  ILnglishman,  a  commis- 
sion that  he  might  sail  to  the  coasts  and  lands  of  Nova  Scotia  and 
Acadia,  and  furinermore  that  he  might  trade  with  the  natives  of  that 
country  in  quietness  and  peace  ;  yet  the  Directors  aforesaid  have 
learnt  by  the  advises,  at  least  of  the  aforesaid  John  Rhodes,  that  a 
certain  Cant  Napton,  being  commander  of  a  certain  adjacent  Eng- 
lish fort,  had  hostilely  prevented  him  from  doing  so,  and  had  taken 
him,  John  Rhodes,  prisoner,  besides  seized  his  ship  and  its  cargo 
under  pretence  that  by  virtue  of  the  aforesaid  commission  he  had 
no  right  to  come  there,  nor  to  trade,  notwithstanding  the  aforesaid 
coasts  and  lands  of  Nova  Scotia  and  Acadie  in  the  year  1674,  by  the 


KitwtFarw  jiw'iiifct.'M^M 


Appendix. 


399 


Capt.  Jurriaan  Aernoutsz,  com»:ianding  the  frigate  called  the  Flynig 
Horse  of  Curasao,  and  was  provided  with  a  Commission  from  His 
Highness,  the  Prince  of  Orange,  in  name  of  the  aforesaid  Company, 
were  taken  from  the  French,  and  consequently,  by  the  right  of  war,' 
became  the  property  of  that  Company  ;  therefore,  the  aforesaid  Direc- 
tors have  felt  compelled  to  inform  by  these  presents  you,  the  High 
and  Honorable,  thereof,  which  we  do  in  all  obedience,  and  humbly 
pray  that  His  Excellency,  the  Ambassador  Extraordinary,  in  behalf 
of  this  State  at  the  Court  of  England,  may  be  informed  and  advised 
to  use  all  diligence  and  every  obligation  with  the  King,  to  the  end 
that  not  only  the  aforesaid  John  Rhodes  may  again  be  set  at  liberty, 
and  his  ship  and  goods  be  released  without  cost  and  without  dam- 
age ;  but  that  also  His  Royal  Highness  will  please  provide  and  enact 
such  an  order,  that  the  aforesaid  West  India  Company  may  hold 
quietly  and  peacefully  possession  of  the  aforesaid  coasts  and  lands, 
so  that  this  Company,  or  any  one  who  may  have  been  sent  there  by 
them,  or  may  be  sent,  shall  not  again  be  troubled  or  hindered  in  any 
manner  whatsoever  in  maintaining  the  aforesaid  possession. 

The  doing  of  which,  etc. 

In  behalf  of  the  Directors  as  above. 

C.  QuiNA. 


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INDEX. 


The  names  of  authors,  publications,  and  other  authorities,  cited  in  this  volume  are 
placed  alphabetically  in  the  Index  under  the  words  Authoriiies  Cited;  names  of  nlaces 
towns,  and  cities,  under  the  word  Placa ;  Kings  and  Queens,  under  the  word  sJer^iJs 
Academic  degrees  are  omitted.  "* 


Abercrombie,  Gen.  James,  236. 

Acadie,  its  extent  and  boundaries, 
early  settlement  and  occupation  by 
the  French.  129  ;  long  contended  for 
by  France  and  Great  Britain,  130; 
again  seized  by  the  English  in  1654, 
130,  132;  in  1670,  restored  to  France, 
132  ;  contention  between  Massachu- 
setts and  the  French  as  to  its  west- 
ern boundary,  133,  134;  in  1674, 
conquered  by  a  Dutch  naval  force, 
135-140;  the  Dutch  proceed  to 
Boston  and  dispose  of  their  plunder, 
142,  143;  a  portion  of  the  force  re- 
turns to  Acadie  and  captures  trad- 
ing   vessels    from     New    Entrlnnd, 

144,  14s;  Massachusetts  sends  ships 
and  men  to  capture  the  Dutch  force, 

145,  146  ;  the  capture  made  and  the 
prisoners  brought  to  Boston,  147; 
the  prisoners  indicted  and  tried  for 
piracy,  and  certain  of  them  sen- 
tenced 10  suffer  death,  148-152  ;  ac- 
tion   of     the     Dutch    West    India 


Company  in  respect  to  the  conquest, 
'52,  153;  the   States-General   com- 
plain, and  demand  the  release  of  the 
prisoners,  154;  the  King  addresses 
a  letter  to  Massachusetts  in  regard 
to  the  same,  154;  the  reply  of  Massa- 
chusetts,   154-156;  Cornells  Steen- 
wyck   commissioned   by  the  Dutch 
West    India   Company  to   be  gov- 
ernor of  Acadie  and  Nova  Scotia, 
John  Rhoade  to  be  his  lieutenant^ 
156;  Rhoade  taken  prisoner  by  the 
English,    157;    i)roceedings    of   the 
Dutch    West   India    Company  and 
t!ie  States-General  thereupon.  157; 
the  King's  letter  to  Massachusett.s' 
in  1672,    announcing  war  with   the 
Dutch,   341-343;   action  of  Massa- 
chusetts  thereupon,  343;  letters  of 
Count     Frontenac     respecting     the 
Dutch  conquest  of  Acadie,  345-349; 
complaint  of  John   Freake   respect- 
ing the  seizure  of  his  vessel  by  the 
Dutch,  349,  350  ;  order  of  the  Gov- 


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In 


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404 


Index. 


ernor  and  Council  of  Massachusetts, 
to  stop  all  vessels  going  eastward 
350-352 ;  deposition  of  Manning, 
captain  of  Freake's  vessel,  352-355; 
examination  of  the  prisoners  charged 
with  piracy,  355-357 ;  indictments 
of  Peter  Roderigo  and  John  Rhoade, 
3S'^>  359)  the  defence  of  Roderigo 
and  the  other  prisoners  charged 
with  piracy,  360-376;  the  commis- 
sions of  Rhoade  and  Steenwyck, 
376-381 ;  letter  of  the  Dutch  ambas- 
sador to  thj  King  of  Great  Britain 
in  regard  to  the  treatment  received 
by  Rhoade  and  others,  382  ;  orders 
in  Council  thereupon,  letter  from 
the  King  to  Massachusetts,  and  the 
reply,  383-388. 

Achim,  Mary  Fulford,  89. 

Achim,  Thomas,  89. 

Acton,  Catharine,  287. 

Adams,  Hon.  John  Quincy,  41. 

Addington,  Isaac,  304,  357. 

Aernouts,  Capt.  Jurriaen,  of  the 
Dutch  frigate  Flying  Horse,  com- 
missioned to  capture  British  and 
French  possessions  in  North  Amer- 
ica, 137,  138  ;  makes  a  conquest  of 
Acadie,  139-141  ;  proceeds  to  Bos- 
ton and  sells  his  plunder,  142 ; 
his  conversation  with  Governor 
Leverett,  142,  143,  commissions 
John  Rhoade  to  hold  and  occupy 
Acadie,  143  ;  mentioned,  151,  156, 
•59.  354,  355.  357,  361,  363,  364, 
366,  367,  371,  376,  381-3S6,  389-394- 

Albee,  John,  123;  his  sonnet  on 
"The  Grave  of  Capt.  Francis 
Champernowne,"  124. 

Allen,  Bozoan,  307. 


Allen,  Samuel,  212. 

Amherst,  Gen.  Jeffrey,  242. 

Andreson,  Cornells,  engaged  under 
Aernouts  in  the  conquest  of  Acadie, 
127-142;  assists  Rhoade  in  holding 
possession  of  the  same,  143-146; 
taken  prisoner  by  Captain  Mosley, 
tried  for  piracy,  and  acquitted,  147- 
150;  his  services  in  King  Philip's 
War,  150;  his  defence  against  the 
charge  of  piracy,  360-376;  men- 
tioned, 386-388. 

Andrew,  Hon.  John  A.,  39. 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  Governor  of 
New  England,  120;  receives  the 
surrender  of  New  Netherlands,  137 ; 
mentioned,  197-200,  202,  212,  219, 
318,  319;  his  government  of  New 
England  overthrown,  319;  the  order 
from  the  King  that  he  be  sent  to 
England,  319. 

Archdale,  John,  r  15. 

Argyle,  Duke  of  (John  Douglas  Ed- 
ward Henry  Campbell),  225,  235. 

Arlington,     Lord    (Henry    Bennett), 

343- 
Ashurst,  Sir  Henry,  158. 
Athole,  Duke  of  (John  Murray),  265. 
Auchmuty,  Robert,  229. 
Authorities  cited :  — 

Almon's     Parliamentary     Register, 
264. 

Andros  Tracts,  322. 

Annals  01  Astronomical  Observatory, 
Cambridge,  Mass.,  9,   10,  11,  14, 

15.  17- 

Allen's  Surrey  and  Sussex,  232. 

American  Antiquarian  Society's  Pro- 
ceedings, 75. 

Archreologia  Americana,  142,  148. 


Index. 


405 


Arnold's  Rhode  Island,  205,  229. 
Athenceum  Library  Catalogue,  129. 
Bancroft's  United  States,  237. 
Banks's   Memoir   of  Edward   God- 
frey,   106,    121. 
Beauties  of  England  and  Wales,  78, 

79- 
Bell's    History  of  Exeter,  N.    H., 

332. 
Bell's  Memorials  of  the  Civil  Wars, 

97- 
Belknap's    New    Hampshire   (Far- 
mer's edition),  102,  104,  118,  166, 
178,  189,  193,  197,  199,  200,  204, 
207,  211,  212,  217,  323,  330. 
Berry's  Hampshire  Pedigrees,  91. 
Boston  Post  Boy,  232. 
Boston  Weekly  News  Letter,  233. 
Brewster's    Rambles   about    Ports- 
mouth, N.  H.,  120. 
Brodhead's    New    York,    137,    139, 

199,  200,  207. 
Browning's  Huguenots,  74. 
Burke's  Extinct  Peerage,  80. 
Burke's  Commoners,  69. 
Burke's  Landed  Gentry,  66,  67,  72, 

78. 
Burke's  Visitation  of  Seats  and  Arms, 

n,  78. 

Burt's  Among  the  Clouds,  106. 

Burton's  Diary,  106. 

Calendar  of  State  Papers,  69,  74,  75, 

92-98. 
Camden's  Britannia,  67. 
Camden  Miscellany,  92. 
Carew's  Cornwall,  66. 
Charlevoix's  New  France,  132,  139. 
Church's  Philip's  War,  205. 
CoUins's  Peerage,  91. 
Collinson's  Somersetshire,  90,  91. 


Connecticut  Archives,  203. 
Connecticut  Colonial  Records,  205. 
Davys's  Works,  87. 
Deane's  Indenture  of  David  Thom- 
son and  others,  178,  i8r. 
Deane's  Records  of  President  and 
Council  of  New  Hampshire,  193. 
De  Peyster's  Dutch  in  Maine,  etc, 

376. 
Douglas's  Peerage  of  Scotland,  282, 

295. 
Dover  (N.  H.)  Records,  208,  209. 
Edwards's  Ralegh,  67,  72,  74. 
Ellis's   Puritan   Age  and    Pule   in 

Massachusetts,  315. 
Farmer's    and    Moore's    Historical 

Collections,  311. 
Folsom's    Documents    relating    to 
Maine,  95,  97,  105,  11 2-1 14,  116, 
117. 
Folsom's   Saco  and   Biddeford,  65, 

114. 
Franklin's  Works,  257. 
Froude's  England,  69. 
Fuller's  Worthies,  66. 
Gentleman's    Magazine,    264,    266, 

267,  287,  290. 
Gibbon's  Life  of  Dr.  Watts,  295. 
Gorges's    Brief    Narration,  89,  96, 

97- 
Gorges's  Narrative,  94. 
Harleian  Miscellany,  106. 
Plazard's  Collections,  105,  115. 
Hoare's  Wiltshire,  90. 
Horace's  Odes,  285. 
Hoyt's  Notes,  Historical  and  Biblio- 
graphical,  on  the   Laws  of  New 
Hampshire,  193. 
Hubbard's  New  England,  166,  178, 
329- 


»■  i 


I    i|) 


406 


Index. 


!'     I 


Hul)bard's   Troubles   with   the    In- 
dians, 217. 
Hume's  England,  80,  91,  94,  95,  127, 

I  28. 

Hutchins's  Dorset,  90,  96. 
Hutchinson  Colli  ction,  117,  133, 142, 

295,  322. 
Hutchinson's    Massachusetts,    115, 

133.  136,  158.  227,  229. 
Independent  Chronicle,  263. 
Jenness's  Isles  of  Shoals,  ir'5. 
Jenness's    First    Planting  of    New 

HampshiiC,   lii,   178.  332. 
Jenness's  Original  Documents,  117, 

119,  183,  193,  291,  292. 
Jewitt's  Plymouth  (Eng.),  92. 
Jordan  Memorial,  112. 
Josselyn's  Voyages,  97. 
Lansdowne  MSS.,  106. 
London  Morning  Chronicle,  235. 
Longfellow's     Poems     of     Places, 

,23. 
Lower's  Family  Names,  67,  76. 
Lyson's  Devon,  70,  93. 
Lyson's  Magna  Britannia,  78,  80,  81, 

90. 
Markham's  Voyages,  87. 
Massachusetts  Archives,   116,   134, 

150,   164,  167,  200,  203-206,  211, 

229,  230,  308,  318,  341,  343,  345, 

347-352,  355.  385- 
Massachusetts    Historical     Socitt" 

Collections,    120,    130,     166,    199, 

201,  203,  204,  286,  310  312,  383. 
Massachusetts     Historical     Societ)- 

Proceedings,    r;,    35,   46,  50,   52, 

163,  170,  178,   181,  197,  200,  217, 

256,  271,  277.  288,  290,  29t. 
Massachusetts     Records,    102,    133, 

136,  150,  152,  197,  200,  201.  2JI. 


Mather's  Magnalia,  164,  171,  204, 
218,  219. 

Mather's  Parentator,  310,  320. 

Maine  Historical  Society  Collec- 
tions, 82,  96,  102,  117,  118. 

Memorials  English  and  French  Com- 
missaries, 129,  132. 

Moore's  Devonshire,  70. 

Murdoch's  Nova  Scotia,  130,  139, 
200. 

Narrative  and  Critical  History  of 
America,  129. 

New  England  Historical  and  Genea- 
lOj^ical  Register,  30,  31,  35,  89,  106, 
no,  118,  130,  148,  219,  236,  288, 
292,  296,  322. 

New  Hampshire  Historical  Society 
Collections,  118,  175,  189,  202, 
203.  205,  210-212. 

New  Hampshire  Provincial  Papers, 
104,  105,  120,  178,  205,  206,  208, 
211,  212,  218,  330. 

New  Hampshire  Town  Papers,  102. 

Newport  Gazette,  263. 

New  York  Colonial  Documents,  132, 
141,  21S,  312,  324,  325. 

New  York,  Documentary  History 
of,  170,  200,  206,  231. 

Nouvelle  Biographic  Gdndrale,  74. 

Palfrey's  New  England,  102,  105, 
lis,  117-   120,  198,  291,  296,309, 

324- 
Parsons's  Pepperrell,  229. 
Perry's  Papers  relating  to  the  Church 

in  Massachusetts,  322. 
Pole's  Devon,  70. 
PoKvhele's  Devonshire,  70. 
Popham  Memorial,  83,  89. 
Portsmouth  (N.  H.)  Records,  iii. 
Prince  Collection,  296,  304. 


:-.^mmm«fS»- 


Index. 


407 


Prince  Society  Publications,  90,  iir,, 
179. 

Prince's   Wortliies,   67,  69,  70,  76, 

78,  81,  92. 
Rhode  Island  Records,  120,  324,325. 
Rockingham  County  (N.  H.)  Deeds, 

m,  22  r. 
Rushworth's  Collections,  95. 
Savage's  Gen.  Dictionary,  120. 
Sewall  Papers,  211. 
Sibley's  Harvard  Graduates,  148. 
Smith's  General  History,  86,  88. 
Smith's  New  England,  83,  86. 
Stephen's    Dictionary    of    National 

Biography,  87. 
Sullivan's  Maine,  105. 
Trelawny  Papers,  no,  112. 
Tuckett's  Devonshire  Pedigrees,  67, 

70,  72,  74,  86,  89,  93. 
Tuttle's  Historical  Papers,  36,  3:^3, 

325. 
Tuttle's  Mason,  104,  119,  178,  179. 
Vivian's  Visitation  of  Devon,  86. 
Walford's  County  Families,  76,  78. 
Washburn's  Judicial  History  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, 271,  273. 
Wentworth  Genealogy,  34,  120. 
Westcote's   Devonshire,  66-69,   72, 

76,  78,  79- 
Williamson's    Maine,   (>i,   105,   112, 

lis,  "7,  118,  121,   139,  218. 
Willis's  Portland,  Me.,  112. 
Wilson's  Dissenting  Churches,  295. 
Winthrop's  New  England,  102,  106, 

329,  331- 
York  County  (Me.)  Deeds,  roo. 
Avery,  Dr.  Benjamin,  236,  237. 

Bache,  Prof.  Alexander  Dallas,  15. 
Backhouse,  Sir  John,  2S9. 


227-230, 


Backhouse,  Samuel,  289. 
Bale,  Benjamin,  358,  359. 
Ballard,  (iervaise,  307. 
Bampfylde,  Sir  Richard,  ^^. 
Bampfylde,  Ursula,  96. 
Bancroft,  Hon.  George,  158. 
Banks,  Charles  E.,  106,  121. 
Barlow,  George,  333. 
Bastide,  Capt.  John  Henry,  235. 
Bateman,  John,  358. 
Bath,  Earl  of,  76. 
Bawden,  Wiili.im,  334. 
Baxter,  James  Phinney,  90. 
Baxter,  Rev.  Richard,  303. 
Beck,  Henry,  334. 
Belcher,     Gov.     Jonathan, 

236,  237. 
Belknap,  Rev.  Jeremy,  169,  197,  208, 

333- 
Bell,  Ann,  96. 
Bell,  Edward,  96. 
Bell,  Hon.  Samuel  D.,  104. 
Best,  Elizabeth,  283,  288. 
Best  Family,  287,  288. 
B-uningen,    C.   Van,    Dutch    Ambas- 
sador, his  letter  to  the  King,  382 ; 
mentioned,  383-3''^S.  3«9,  39^ 
Beverly,  Earl  of  (Algernon  Percy),  267. 
Bird,  John,  358,  359. 
Bladen,  Catharine,  281. 
Bladen,  Nathaniel,  281. 
Blathwayt,  William,  324. 
Blaxton,  Rev.  William,  33. 
Blome,  John,  2S3. 
Bodge,  Rev.  George  M.,  118. 
Bollan,  William,  229. 
Bolston,  Jonathan,  358. 
Bond,  Prof.  George  P.,  r3,  14,  15. 
Bond,  Hannah  Cranch,  4. 
Bond,  Richard  F.,  15. 


4o8 


Index. 


\\ 


I 

f 

Bond,  Prof.  William  Crancli,  4,  8,  10. 
Bon vi  lie,  Lord,  76. 
Boscawen,  Admiral  Edward,  242. 
Bourchier,  Lord,  76. 
Bradstreet,  Gov.  Simon,  149,  164,  169, 
201,  203,  204,  205,  306,  323,  324,  358, 

359- 
Brenton,  James,  274. 

Brenton,  Mr.,  326. 

Brewer,  Daniel,  358. 

Bridge,  Rev.  Ebenezer,  261. 

Bridge,  Edvk-ard,  358,  359. 

Brockholls,  ti8,  325. 

Bromfield,  Edward,  227. 

Brown,  David  Paul,  38. 

Brown,  Rev.  Frederick,  xv,  89,  96,  108. 

Brown,  Gen.  John  Marshall,  31. 

Briinnow,  F"     Friedrich,  34, 

Bridges,  S.       gerton,  287. 

Brydges,  John,  287. 

Budokeside,  Roger,  93. 

Budokeside,  Winifred,  93. 

Bulkley,  Peter,  156. 

Bullgar,  Richard,  333. 

Bullivant,  Benjamin,  293. 

Burke,  Rt.  Hon.  Edmund,  41,  255. 

Burns,  Robert,  234. 

Burrell,  Peter,  265. 

Burritt,  Elijah  H.,  4. 

Bute,  Earl  of  (John  Stuart),  249,  255. 

Cammond,  Abel,  334. 
Campbell,  Duncan,  307. 
Campbell,  Elizabeth,  235. 
Campbell,  Martha,  235. 
Campbell,  William,  235. 
Canning,  Thomas,  335. 
Carew,  Sir  Edmund,  68,  74. 
Carew,  Sir  Gawen,  74. 
Carew,  Sir  George,  71. 


Carew,  Katharine,  68. 

Carew,  Sir  Peter,  68. 

Caril  (Caryl),  Rev.  Joseph,  297,  300. 

Carr,  Sir  Robert,  1 15. 

Cartwright,  George,  115. 

Castillion,  Douglas,  289. 

Castillion  Family,  283. 

Castillion,  Dr.  John,  283. 

Castillion,  Mary,  289. 

Castine,  Baron  de,  129. 

Cater,  Beckford,  293. 

Cater,  Cirace,  293. 

Chamberlain,  Richard,  212. 

Chambiy,  M.  de,  1 39-141,  345-349. 

Champernowne,  Arthur,  xiv,  xv,  70, 
74-76,  86,  loi,  102. 

Champernowne,  Sir  Arthur,  68,  70,  71. 

Champernowne,  Bridget,  76,  86. 

Champernowne,  Elizabeth,  71,  81. 

Champernowne,  Frances,  93. 

Champernowne,  Capt.  Francis,  31,  33, 
45,  58 ;  his  ancestry  and  kindred, 
60-124;  baptism,  86;  education 
and  early  associations,  86-88  ;  his 
life  in  New  England,  100-124; 
arrival  in  New  England,  102;  pur- 
chases land  in  what  is  now  Green- 
land, N.  H.,  and  erects  a  dwelling, 
103,  104;  a  councillor  in  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges's  Province  of  Me, 
106-107  ;  a  signer  of  the  Hilton 
Patent  Combination,  108 ;  probable 
return  to  England,  and  service  with 
the  royalists  in  the  Civil  War,  108; 
sells  a  portion  of  his  lands  in  Kit- 
tery.  Me.,  109;  goes  to  Barbados 
on  trading  voyages,  109;  receives 
grants  of  land  in  Greenland,  N.  H., 
from  the  town  of  Portsmouth,  no; 
description  of  his  farm  in  Greenland, 


sUd 


Index. 


409 


no,  III;  sells  the  same,  and  re- 
moves to  Kittery,  Me.,  Ill;  ap- 
pointed one  of  the  agents  of  Gorges 
for  his  Province  of  Maine,  and  his 
proceedings  as  such,  112,  113;  his 
authority  opposed  by  Massaciuisetts, 
1 14  ;  with  liis  associate  agents  issues 
a  proclamation  in  the  interest  of 
Gorges,  114;  welcomes  and  aids  the 
Royal  Commissioners  (1664),  115; 
appointed  a  civil  magistrate  by  the 
Royal  Commissioners,  115,  116; 
again  opposed  and  frustrated  by 
Massachusetts,  116,  117;  in  1672, 
again  unsuccessfully  endeavored  to 
re-establish  the  royal  government  in 
Maine,  117;  in  1678,  as  one  of  the 
commissioners  appointed  by  Massa- 
chusetts, made  a  treaty  of  peace 
with  Indian  chiefs  in  Maine,  118; 
in  1684,  nominated  councillor  of 
New  Hampshire  by  Gov.  Cranfield, 
1 19  ;  appointed  by  Massachusetts 
one  of  the  trustees  of  lands  in  Kit- 
tery, Me.,  granted  by  Gorges  and 
others  for  the  benefit  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, 119;  a  councillor  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  President  Dudley, 
and  in  that  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros, 
120;  his  character  and  standing, 
1 18-120;  his  marriage,  120  ;  receives 
a  grant  of  land  from  the  town  of 
Kittery,  121;  his  later  life,  121; 
makes  his  Will,  I2r,  122  ;  his  death, 
burial,  and  poetic  tributes  to  his 
memory,  122-124;  mentioned,  333, 
334;  his  Will,  335-338. 

Champcrnowne,  Gawen,  ix,  72-74. 

Champernowne,  John,  70. 

Champernowne,  Kathcrine,  68,  70. 


Champernowne,  Mary  (Cutt),  wife  of 
Capt.  Francis  Champernowne,  120- 

«22,  335.  336. 
Champernowne,  Mary  (Norreys),  71. 
Champernowne,  Sir  Philip,  68. 
Champernowne,    Rev.     Richard,    xiv, 

76. 
Champernowne,  Sir  William,  93. 
Champlain,  Samuel  de,  129. 
Charlevoix,    Pierre   Franijois   Xavier, 

158. 
Chatham,  Earl  of  (William  Pitt),  273. 
Checklcy,  Anthony,  149,  293,  307. 
Checklcy,  John,  149,  358,  359. 
Chester,  Col.  Joseph  L.,  xv,  321. 
Clarendon,  Earl  of  (Edward  Hyde), 

323- 
Clark  (or  Clarke),  Benjamin,  226. 
Clark,  Dr.  John,  226. 
Clark,  John,  226. 
Clark,  Jonas,  358. 
Clark,  Martha,  226. 
Clark,  Rebecca,  226. 
Clark,  Sarah,  226,  232,  233. 
Clarke,  Major  Thomas,  ill,  133,  149, 

359- 
Clarke,  Rev.  Dorus,  49. 
Clarke,  Gov.  Walter,  205. 
Clifford,  Hon.  Nathan,  37. 
Clinton,  Sir  Henry,  262,  263. 
Cobbett,  Thomas,  214. 
Cobbett,  Rev.  Thomas,  308. 
Coffin,  Peter,  218-221. 
Colbert,  Jean  Paptiste,  345,  347. 
Colburn,  Jeremiah,  49. 
Coligny,  Admiral  Gnspard  de,  ly 
Collins,  John,  117,  142. 
Combinations    for   local   government. 

See  New  Hampshire. 
Conant,  I'lev.  John,  303. 


52 


li 


t««l 


Jtll 

fjli 

If. 


h 


M 


i 

I 


410 


Index. 


Cooke,  Elisha,  325. 

Coolc,  Thomas,  369. 

Coole,  William,  333. 

Coolidgc,  Major  Sidney,  16,  18. 

Cornwallia,  Earl  Charles,  248,  263. 

Courtenay,  Edward,  96. 

Courtenay  Family,  76. 

Courtenay,  Philip,  77. 

Courtenay,  Sir  I'lulip,  77. 

Court  of  Vice-Admiralty  over  Amer- 
ica, 269-274. 

Coventry,  Rt.  Hon.  Henry,  322. 

Crame,  John,  333. 

Cranfield,  Edward,  Governor  of  New 
Hampshire,  119,208,218,290,292, 

334,  335- 
Crawley,  Thomas,  333. 
Cromwell,  Oliver,  130,  131,  162. 
Cross,  John,  335. 

Cunningham,  Capt.  Nathaniel,  228. 
Cunningham,  Nathaniel,  jr.,  228,  233, 

234- 

Cunningham,  Ruth,  228. 

Cunningham,  Sarah,  228,  234,  235. 

Cunningham,  Susanna,  228. 

Cunningham,  Susannah,  234. 

Cunningham,  Thomas,  235. 

Cunningham,  Timothy,  228. 

Cunningham,  William,  23^1. 

Currier,  Hon.  John  J.,  xvi. 

Cushing,  Hon.  Caleb,  28,  33,  35,  39, 
41,  51. 

Cushing,  Thomas,  Jr.,  227. 

Cutt,  Bridget,  339. 

Cutt,  Elizabeth,  339. 

Cutt  Family,  338-340. 

Cutt,  John,  President  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, 188-T94,  208,  338,  339. 

Cutt,  Mary,  339. 

Cutt,  Richard,  338,  339. 


Cutt,  Robert,  336,  338,  339,  340. 
Cutt,  Sarah,  339. 

Dalrymple,  Charles,  234. 

Dalrymple,  James,  234. 

Dam,  John,  334. 

D'Andigny,  Hubert,  135. 

Danforth,  Thomas,  114,  119,  149,  158, 

358.  359- 

Daniell,  Thomas,  188,  194. 

Partington  House,  description  of,  69. 

Darlington  House,  view  of,  vi. 

Davenport,  John,  359. 

Davies,  Major  John,  337. 

Davys,  Capt.  John,  navigator,  82,  87. 

Dean,  John  Ward,  author  of  the  Me- 
moir of  Charles  Wesley  Tuttle,  i- 
54 ;  mentioned,  xli,  xv,  32,  36,  58, 
119,  179. 

Deane,  Rev.  Samuel,  258. 

Debeck,  James,  353,  356. 

D'Estrades,  Count  Godfrey,  128. 

De  Monts,  I^ierre  de  Guast,  129. 

Denew,  Mary,  284,  286. 

Denew,  Nathaniel,  284. 

Denison,  Gen.  Daniel,  149,  359. 

De  Peyster,  Gen.  John  Watts,  159,  376. 

De  Ruyter,  Admiral  Michael  Adriaan- 
zoon,  135. 

Devonshire,  Earl  of  (Edward  Cour- 
tenay), 76. 

Dick,  Dr.  Thomas,  7. 

Dorkins,  Capt.,  260. 

Dow,  Henry,  206,  210,  214. 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  66,  74,  82,  87,  99. 

Draper,  Sir  William,  249,  250. 

Dudley,  President  Joseph,  120,  212, 
294,  296,  303-309,  319.  323- 

Dunstar,  Thomac-,  335. 

Dyer  (or  Dyre),  William,  312. 


-WSI&.- 


Index. 


411 


Edgeley,  Thomas,  214. 

Egerton,  Jemima,  287. 

Eliot,  Rev.  Andrew,  261. 

Elkins,  Henry,  333. 

Elliot,  Champernowne,  t22,  336,  337, 
340. 

Elliot,  Elizabeth,  122,  336,  339, 

Elliot  Family,  338-340. 

Elliot,  Humphrey,  122,  336,  339,  340. 

Elliot,  Robert,  210,  214,  337,  338,  340. 

Elliott  Family,  340. 

Ellis,  Rev.  George  E-,  315. 

Elwyn,  Elizabeth  (Langdon),  123. 

Elwyn,  John,  45  ;  his  verses  on  "  The 
Grave  of  Capt.  Francis  Champer- 
nowne," 122 ;  biographical  notice  of, 
122,  123. 

Elwyn,  Thomas,  122,  123. 

Essex,  Earl  of  (Walter  Devereux), 
92,  94.  297,  300. 

Evans,  Mrs.  Carrie  E.,  58. 

Evens,  John,  221. 

Exeter,  Duke  of  (Thomas  Holland),  80. 

Fairfax,  Lord,  97. 

Fairfax,  Sir  Thomas,  78. 

Faneuil,  Peter,  233. 

Fanig  (Fanning),  Thomas,  358. 

Farewell,  George,  293,  307. 

Farmer,  John,  166. 

Felld,  Darby,  333. 

Ferguson,  Robert,  296,  302. 

Finch,  Jane,  288. 

Finch,  Thomas,  288. 

Finch,  Ursula  (Best),  288. 

Fog,  Mrs.  Mary,  281. 

Fogg,  Dr.  John  S.  H.,  xv,  335. 

Follett,  John,  334. 

Follett,  Nicholas,  210,  214. 

Formont,  Sleur,  346. 


Fowler  {alias  Fulford),  Richard,  149, 

'52.  356,  357.  388- 
Fox,  John,  63. 

Fox   Point,    Newington,    N.    H.,   Re- 
port of  an  Indian  massacre  at,  161- 
165  ;  the  report  shown  to  have  been 
false,  165-17 1. 
Freake,  John,  145,  147,  14S,  349,  350, 

351,352,358,359.364,370,386. 
Frontenac,  Count  de  (Louis  de  IJuode), 
Governor  of  Canada,  134,  139,  141, 
207,  211  ;  his  letter  to  M.  Colbert 
announcing  the  conquest  of  Acadie 
by  the  Dutch,  345-347;  his  letter  of 
safe-conduct  to  i\L  Normanville,  who 
was  sent  to  Boston  in  behalf  of 
French  prisoners  taken  thither  by 
the  Dutch,  347,  348;  his  letter  to 
the  magistrates  of  Boston,  348-349. 

Froude,  James  Anthony,  76. 

Froude,  Archdeacon  R.  IL,  ^(). 

Fryer,  Nathaniel,  in,  nS,  119,  211, 
214. 

Fulford,    ancient    and    distinguished 
family  of,  76-78. 

Fulford,  Sir  Amias,  ^^. 

Fulford,  Sir  Baldwin,  76,  Tj. 

Fulford,  Bridget,  87. 

Fulford,  Rt.  Rev.  Francis,  Metropoli- 
tan of  Canada,  77. 

Fulford,  Sir  Francis,  78,  89. 

Fulford  House,  description  of,  78. 

Fulford  House,  view  of,  vi. 

Fulford,  Mary,  89. 

Fulford,  Richard.     See  Fowler. 

Fulford,  Sir  Richard,  149,  151,  152. 

Fulford,  Sir  Thomas,  76,  ^^. 

Fulford,  Ursula,  tj. 

Fuller,  Rev.  Thomas,  65,  66. 

Furbur,  William,  334. 


r 


412 


Index. 


Gage  (also  Gaege,  Geach),  Edmund, 

337,  338. 
Gage,  Gen.  Thomas,  256,  257. 
Gaines,  Mrs.  Myra  Clarke,  41. 
Garland,  Peter,  334. 
Garner  (Gardner),  Capt.  Andrew,  204. 
Gedney,  Col.  Bart.iolomew,  326. 
Gerrish,  Capt.  John.  164,  209,  214. 
Gerrish,  Sarah,  loi. 
Gerrish,  f  ol.  Timothy,  loi. 
Gihbins  (or  Gibbons),   Ambrose,  31, 

330. 
Gibbon,  Alice  (Taylor),  287. 
Gibbon,  Anne  (Tufton),  279,  287. 
Gibbon,  Catharine  (Acton),  287. 
Gibbon,  Dorothy  (Best),  286-288. 
Gibbon,  Edward,  287. 
Gibbon,  Jane,  279,  285,  2S7,  288. 
G'bbon,  Jemima  (Egerton),  287. 
Gibbon,  Martl)a,  287. 
Giiibon,  Richard,  279,  287. 
Gibbon,  Thomas,  285,  287,  288. 
Gibson,  William,  307. 
Gilbert,  Adrian,  70. 
Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey,  66-68,  70,  82, 

87,  88,  93,  103. 
Gilbert,   Katheiine   (Champernown''), 

70. 
Gilbert,  Sir  John,  88. 
Gilbert,  Otho,  70. 
Gilbert,  Capt.  Ralegh,  88. 
Gillam,  Benjamin,  149,  358,  359. 
Gilman,  John,  i88,  191,  192. 
Glouer  (Glove"),  Habbaccuk,  358. 
Godfrey,  Mrs.  Ann,  112. 
Godfrey,  Edward,  121. 
Goffe,  Samuel,  358,  359. 
Goffe,  William.  299,  302. 
Gocdell,  Abner  C,  Jr.,  xvi. 
Goodwin,  William  H.,  101. 


Gookin,  Gen.  Daniel,  117,  149,  359. 

Gorges,  Ann  (Bell),  96. 

Gorges,  .Ann  Howard,  91. 

Gorges,  Sir  Arthur,  93,  94. 

Gorges,  Barbara,  106. 

Gorges,  Sir  Edmund,  91. 

Gorges,  Sir  Edward,  91,  93. 

Gorges,  Elizabeth,  94. 

Gorges,  Ellen,  96. 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  32, 66,  75, 85, 
88 ;  his  ancestry  and  birth,  89-91  ; 
his  military  services,  91,  92  ;  in  com- 
mand of  the  castle  and  defences  of 
Plymouth,  92,  93  ;  serves  under  the 
Earl  of  Essex  against  the  Spaniards, 
and  is  concerned  in  the  insurrection 
raised  by  the  Earl,  94 ;  opposes  send- 
ing English  forces  to  fight  against 
the  Protestants  of  France,  95  ;  re- 
tires from  tlie  command  at  Plymouth, 
and  devotes  him.self  to  furthering 
his  long-cherished  projects  for  colo- 
nizing New  England,  95  ;  his  writ- 
ings in  that  interest,  95  ;  his  ileath, 
95,  96 ;  his  three  marriages,  96 ;  his 
character,  and  his  share  in  coloniz- 
ing New  England,  96-100;  by  royal 
grant  becomes  proprietor  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  Maine,  and  establishes  a  lo- 
cal government  there,  105-107. 

Gorges,  Frances,  94. 

Gorges,  Henry,  106. 

Gorges,  Honora,  96. 

Gorges,  John,  96. 

("rorgos,  Sir  Ralph  de,  90. 

Gorges,  Capt.  Robert,  96,  177,  184, 
185. 

Gorge,  Robert,  93. 

Gorges,  Rose  (Alexander-Mallach), 
106. 


.«iiMiMp»iip«iWte' 


Index. 


413 


Gorges,   Thomas,    Deputy    Governor 
of  Maine,    106  ;    his   ancestry  and 
family,  106. 
Gorges,  Tristram,  93, 96. 
Gorges,  Sir  William,  93. 
Gouge,  Rev.  Robert,  295. 
Gouge,  Rev.  Thomas,  sketch  of  his 
life,  295  ;  forged  letter,  signed  "  I. 
M.,"  addressed  to,  296-300;  men- 
tioned   in    Dr.    Increase    Mather's 
I  -tter  to  President  Dudley,  300. 
Gouid,  Dr.  Benjamin  Apthorp,  17,  34. 
Gove,  Edward,  214. 
Granby,  Lord  (John  Manners),  249. 
Grant,  Peter,  one  of  the  prisoners  cap- 
tured by  Capt.  Mosely,  and  charged 
with  piracy,  149,  151,  152,  356,  357, 
376,  387,  388- 
Green,  Henry,  210,  214. 
Greenland,   N.    H,,  incorporation    of, 

105  ;  origin  of  the  name,  105. 
Green,  Nicholas  St.  John,  39. 
Grenville,  George,  255. 
Grenville,  Grace,  286. 
Gwydyr,  Lord  (Peter  Burrell),  265. 

Hackett,  Frank  W.,his  communication 
respecting  the  character  of  Mr.  Tut- 
tle,  .^-46- 

Haines,  Hon.  Andrew  M.,  xv,  1 10. 

Haines,  Deacon  Samuel,  1 10,  334. 

Haines,  Hon.  William  P.,  no. 

Haldimand,  Gen.  Sir  Frederick,  259. 

Hale,  Jolin,  307. 

Hall,  Prof.  Asaph,  16. 

Hall,  Rev.  Edward  H.,  49. 

Hall,  Ralph,  333. 

Hammond,  Joseph,  338. 

Hammond,  Capt.  Lawrence,  170. 

Hancock,  Charle.i  L.,  235. 


Hancock,  Thomas,  235,  238. 

Hartnup,  John,  48. 

Hastings,  Thomas,  358, 

Hathaway,  Anne,  26. 

Hathorne,  114,  149,  359. 

Haven,  Samuel  F.,  his  lecture  before 
the  Lowell  Institute,  71. 

Hawkins,  Sir  John,  66,  82. 

Heard,  Capt.,  164. 

Heard,  John,  334. 

Heime,  Christopher,  333. 

Herd,  Benjamin,  221. 

Higginson,  Rev.  John,  308. 

Hill,  Valentine,  \\\. 

Hi  Hard,  Hon.  George  S.,  33. 
ffilliard,  Edward,  356,  363. 
Hilton,  Edward,  103,  ro4,  333,  334. 
Hilton  Patent,  103,  104,  332-334.    See 

Squamscott  Patent. 
Hilton,  William,  214. 
Hincks,  John,  337. 
Hinman,  Mrs.  H.  S.,  xvi. 
Hirst,  Mr.,  326. 
Hobby,  Morris,  214. 
Hobby,  William,  307. 
Hoel,  Mary,  339. 

Hogkins,  John  (Kankamagus),  218. 
Holbrook,  John,  359. 
Holland,  Sir  Thomas,  80. 
Holland,  Thomas,  80. 
Hope-Hood,  or  Hope-Whood  (Way- 

hamoo),  217  ;    leads    an   attack   by 

Indians  at  Berwick  and  Casco,  Me., 

and  at  Salmon  Falls,  N.  H.,  217, 

218  ;  signs  a  treaty  of  peace  (16.S5), 

and  letters  to  Gov.  Cranfiekl,  218  ; 

conveys  his  rights  in  lands  in  New 

Hampshire    to    Peter    Coffin,    220, 

221. 

Hooke,  Ca,3t.  Francis,  338. 


».^«l 


i  I 

'I 


■ 


^i 


is 


414 


Index. 


Howard,  Lady  Anne,  91. 
Howard,  Charles,  272. 
Howard,  John,  281. 
Howard,  Robert,  307. 
Howard,  Sarah,  281. 
Howard,    Lord    (Thomas    Howard), 
94. 
.  jwe,  Gen.  Sir  William,  260-263. 
Hoyt,  Albert  Harrison,  35,  36. 
Hubbard,  Rev.  William,  217,333. 
Huckins,  Lieut,  204. 
Huggins,  Robert,  334. 
Hunking,  Mark,  183. 
Hunt,  Bartholomew,  334. 
Huntington,  Earl  of  (John  Holland),  80. 
Hurd,  Eben,  4. 

Hussey,  Christopher,  188,  191. 
Hutchings,  Mrs.  Hannah  Drew,  4. 
Hutchinson,  .Mrs.  Anne,  331. 
Hutchinsoi:,  Thomas,  225. 
Hyde,  I'.dward,  289. 
Hyde,  Lawrence,  289. 

Illustrations,  list  of,  ix. 

Indian  Massacre.     See  Fox  Point. 

Jeffries,  Walter  Lloyd,  325. 

Jenkins,  Sir  Leoline,  290,  299,  302, 306. 

Jcnness,  John  Scribner,  45  ;  his  views 
respecting  the  Hilton  (or  "  Squam- 
scott  ")  Patent  stated,  104;  the  same 
reviewed,  332. 

Jewell,  Hon.  Harvey,  27. 

Jocelyn,  Henry,  112,  115,  117. 

Jones,  William,  334. 

Jordan,  Rev.  Robert,  H2,  115. 

Josselyn,  John,  106,  112. 

Josselyn,  Sir  Thomas,  105,  112. 

Jutlson,  Randall  (or  Randolph),  ar- 
rested by  Capt.   Mosley,  tried  and 


convicted  on  the  charge  of  piracy, 
147,  151,  354,  356,  376,  388. 
Junius,  249,  250. 

Kean,  Charles,  24. 

Kean,  Ellen  Tree,  24. 

Ken.,  tbe  Fair  Maid  of,  80. 

Kick,  Mr.,  299,  300. 

Kilby,  Catharine,  233. 

Kilby,  Christopher,  his  ancestry,  birth, 
and  early  business  connections,  226; 
an  active  and  prominent  member  of 
the  General  Court,  227 ;  drew  the  in- 
structions for  Mr.  Cush'ng,  special 
agent  of  Massachusetts  to  the  Brit- 
ish Court,  227  ;  chosen  agent  in 
place  of  Mr.  Cushing,  227 ;  pre- 
sented the  claims  of  Massachusetts 
to  the  King  in  Council,  228  ;  chosen 
general  r.gent  of  Massachusetts  to 
the  British  Court  in  place  of  Francis 
Wilks,  228 ;  appointed  joint  agent 
with  Robert  Auchmuiv  to  prosecute 
the  appeal  in  the  disputed  boundary 
question  between  Massachusetts  and 
Rhode  Island,  229;  secured  the  re- 
mov  '1  of  Gov.  Belcher  from  office, 
229  ;  'oint  agent  with  William  Bollan 
to  obt.  in  reimbursement  to  Massa- 
chusetts for  expenses  incurred  in 
the  reduction  of  Louisburg,  229,  230 ; 
disappointed  in  not  being  made  the 
governor  of  New  Jersey,  230 ;  en- 
gaged in  business  enterprises  while 
acting  as  agent,  230  ;  agent  for  Bos- 
ton, in  175s,  at  the  Court  of  Great 
Britain,  230  ;  in  1756,  appointed 
agent-victualler  of  the  army  serving 
in  North  America  under  the  Earl  of 
Loudoun,  231  ;  in  1757,  visits  Boston 


t    \ 


Index. 


415 


with  the  Earl,  231,  232;  in  1760, 
makes  a  large  contribution  of  money 
in  behalf  of  the  sufferers  by  the  fire 
in  Boston,  232;  "  Mackerill  Lane  " 
is  named  Kilby  Street  in  his  honor, 
232 ;  returns  to  England  and  pur- 
chases an  estate,  232  ;  his  death  and 
his  estate,  232 ;  his  two  marriages 
and  his  descendants,  232-235 ;  his 
letter  to  Thomas  Hancock,  235-23S. 

Kilby,  John,  226. 

Kilby,  Martha,  233. 

Kilby,  Rebecca,  226. 

Kilby,  Sarah,  228,  232,  233. 

King,  John,  354. 

King  Philip,  65. 

Kirke,  Col.  Percy,  253. 

Kittery,  Maine,  origin  of  the  name, 
loi ;  description,  109,  no. 

Knapton,  Capt.  Caesar,  157,  389,  391, 

397,  398- 
Knight,  Richard,  359. 
Knowles,  Admiral  Sir  Charles,  229. 
Knollys,  Hanserd,  330,  334. 

Lahorn,  Henry,  334. 

Lane,  Ebenezer  J.,  7. 

Langdon,  Elizabeth,  123. 

Langdon,  Hon.  John,  123. 

Langhorne,  Thomas,  35S,  359. 

Langstaff,  Henry,  iii,  204. 

Larkham,  Thomas,  330,  334. 

Lawton,  Christopher.  333. 

Layton,  Thomas,  334. 

Leavitt,  Samuel,  214. 

Leeuwen,  D.  v.  Leyden  van,  ambas- 
sador from  the  States-General  to  the 
Court  of  Great  Britain,  his  letters 
to  the  States-General  respecting 
Acadie,  John  Rhoade,  tic,  and  liis 


memorial  on  that  subject  to  the  King, 

389-398. 
Leonard,  Rev.  Abiel,  216. 
Leisler,  Jacob,  170. 
Leverett,  Gov.  John,  mentioned,  117, 

130-132,134,  13s,  141-143,  >4S,  «48, 

155,  322,  323,  357, 358,  359,  384, 385. 
Levitt,  Thomas,  333. 
Lewis,  Philip,  11 1. 
Ley,  Lord  (James  Ley),  102. 
Lidstone,  T.,  loi,  102. 
Litdefield,  Edmond,  333. 
Lloyd,  William,  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph, 

322,  324. 
Long,  John,  359. 
Loudoun,   Earl  of  (John   Campbell), 

231,  234,  236. 
Lusher,  Eleazer,  114. 
Lynde,  Simon,  358. 

Mallach,  Rawlin,  106,  107. 

Mallach,  Rose,  106,  107. 

Manning,  George,  146,  350-359,  364- 

366,  370. 
Margaret  of  Savoy,  72. 
Marlborough,  Earl  of  (James  Ley),  102, 

io8. 
Marson,  M.  dti,  140, 141,  346,  348. 
Martyn,  Richard,  188,  191,  192,204, 

211. 
Ma.son,  Capt.  John,  31,  3-,  35,  45.  5°, 

102-104,  114,  176-182,  191,219,278, 

^87,  329.  330. 
Mason,  Joseph,  1S4. 
Mason,  Robert,  117,  181-185,  187-193, 

2f9,  278,  279,  2S7,  337 
Master,  Deborah,  284. 
Master,  Elizabeth,  283. 
Master,  Gyles,  279,  283,  284,  293,  294, 

307- 


A'^iam^K'. 


4i6 


Index. 


n 


Masters,  William,  344. 

Mather,  Rev.  Cotton,   163-165,    167- 

169,  171,  309,  310,  320. 
Mather,  Rev.  Increase,  148,  290;  de- 
fendant in  a  suit  for  defamation 
brought  by  Edward  Randolph,  295  ; 
a  forged  letter  attributed  to  him  by 
Randolph,  296-300  ;  his  denial  in  a 
letter  to  Joseph  Dudley,  300-303  ; 
trial  01  the  suit  for  defamation,  304- 
308,  309. 

Mathews,  Francis,  333. 

Mavericke,  Samuel,  115. 

McAdam,  Capt.  Gilbert,  234. 

McAdam,  John  Loudoun,  234. 

McKenzie,  Andrew,  228. 

McVicar,  Charles,  235. 

Mears,  Susanna  Young,  235. 

Meserve,  Col.  Nathaniel,  33. 

Mills,  Henry,  234. 

Mills,  John,  234. 

Mills,  Mary,  234 

Milton,  John,  23,  24,  41. 

Mitchell,  Thomas,  354.  356,  357,  387. 

Monmouth,    Duke   of  (Charles    Fitz- 
Roy),  245. 

Montagu,  Lady  Mary  Woi  ley,  249. 

Montgomery,  Count,  72,  74,  79. 

Montgomery,  Gabrielle,  73,  74,  79. 

Moody,  Rev.  Joshua,  191. 

Moore,  Col.  Abraham,  234. 

Moore,  Benjamin,  358. 

Moore,  Fearing,  358. 

Moore,  Mary  Frances,  234. 

Moore,  Susanna  Varnum,  234. 

Morrice,  Capt.,  357. 

Moris,  Richard,  333. 

Morris,  Lewis,  230,  237. 

Morrow,  Lieut.  Joseph,  3. 

Morrow,  Mary,  3. 


Morrow,  Samuel,  3. 
Mosley,  Capt.   Samuel,  145-147,  149, 
150,  154,  351,  352,  355.356,365,366, 

370,  371,  387- 
Mountjoy,  Mr.,  356,  357. 
Murray,  Lord  James,  265. 

Nanny,  Robert,  334. 

Neal,  Capt.  John,  330, 

Needham,  Nicholas,  333. 

Nelson,  Hon.  Gilbert,  280. 

Newcastle,  Duke  of  (ThomaE  Pelham), 
237- 

New  Castle,  N.  H.,  date  of  its  incor- 
poration, and  the  origin  of  the  name, 
103. 

New  Hampshire,  granted  to  Capt. 
John  Mason,  177;  Mason's  designs 
respecting,  178;  jurisdiction  as- 
sumed by  Massachusetts,  179-180; 
Robeit  Mason's  efforts  to  recover 
possession,  180-184;  a  royal  gov- 
ernment established,  185-187;  John 
Cutt  commissioned  President,  188; 
outline  of  the  form  and  powers  of 
government  instituted,  188,  189; 
the  first  magistrates  under  the  com- 
mission, 1^9-191;  organization  of 
the  government,  192-194;  is  brought 
under  the  government  of  Sir  Ed- 
mund Andros,  197 ;  on  the  over- 
throw of  Andros  is  left  without 
government,  197-199;  suffers  from 
Indian  warfare,  199-206;  the  in- 
habitants make  efforts  to  estab- 
lish a  government,  206-209 ;  they 
invite  Massachusetts  to  reassume 
government;  210;  Massachv.  ^tts 
consent.-.,  and  appoints  magistrates, 
211,  212;  form  of  government  insti- 


4    ► 


If 


■-W«<«1>«««.  -- 


Index. 


417 


tuted  by  the  inhabitants  in  16S9, 
213,214;  combinations  among  the 
iii!ial)itants  for  local  government  on 
the  lower  Pascataqua,  at  Exeter, 
and  within  the  territory  granted  to 
Edward  Hilton,  329-335. 

Newton,  Thomas,  293,  326. 

Normanville,  M.  de,  347,  349. 

Norreys,  Baron  (Henry  Norreys),  71, 

Norreys,  Sir  Henry,  71. 

Northumberland,  Duke  of,  241,  244, 
247. 

Northumberland,  Earl  of,  246,  265, 
267.       , 

Nute,  James,  334. 

Gates,  Titus,  299,  302. 

O'Brien,  Viscount  of  Clare,  244. 

Oliver,  Capt.  Peter,  344. 

Orange,  Prince  of,  128,  136,  137,  139, 

140. 
Ossory,  Earl  of  (Thomas  Butler),  245. 
Otis,  James,  228,  233. 
Otway,  Deborah  (Smith),  286. 
Ould  Robbin,  220. 
Owen,  Rev.  John,    j7,  300. 

Packe,  Dr.  Christopher,  283. 

Packer,  Thoma.s,  iii. 

Paddy,  William,  iii. 

Palfrey,  Hon.  John  Gorham,  158,  278, 

Park,  Hon.  John  Cochran,  xiii,  48,  57, 

235- 
Park,    Mary    Louisa,    her    marriage, 

48,    See  Tuttle. 

Parker,  Sir  Peter,  262. 

Parsons,  Humplirey,  307. 

Partridge,  William,  in. 

Pascataqua.     See  Places. 

Paulet,  Lord,  76. 


53 


Paxton,  Charles,  228. 

Peabody,    Rev.   Andrew  Preston,  36. 
57- 

Pellicorne,  Gasper,  361,  363,  364. 

Pepperrell,  Lieut.-Gen.   Sir   William, 
Bart.,  229. 

Percival,  Hon.  Spencer,  272. 

Percy,  Hugh,  Duke  of  Northumber- 
land, Lieut.-Gen.,  his  ancestry,^24i- 
248  ;  his  education,  248 ;  early  mili- 
tary services,  249;  his  first  marriage, 
249;  elected  to  Parliament,  249; 
made  Colonel  of  the  Fifth  Regiment 
of  Foot,  249;  his  appointment  criti- 
cised by  Junius,  and  defended  by 
Gen.  Sir  William  Draper,  249,  250  ; 
separates  from  his  wife,  250 ;  anec- 
dotes of  his  military  life  in  Ireland, 
250,  251  ;  embarks  with  his  regi- 
ment for  Boston,  252;  character 
and  services  of  his  regiment,  244, 
245,  252,  253 ;  arrives  in  Boston, 
252,  253 ;  his  residence,  254 ;  a 
township  in  New  Hampshire  named 
for  him,  254 ;  Boston  at  that  period, 
-S4>  -55 )  is  made  commander  of 
the  royal  troops  in  Boston  by  Gen. 
Gage,  25s;  appointed  Brigadier- 
General  by  Gen.  Gage,  256 ;  re- 
elected to  I'arliament,  256;  parti- 
cipates in  military  expeditions  to 
Jamaica  Plain,  Cambridge,  and 
Charlestown,  256-258  ;  his  regiment 
at  Breed's  Hill  and  Bunker  Hill, 
259;  commissioned  Major  General 
359;  his  letter  to  Gen.  Haldi- 
mand,  259,  260;  appointed  by  Gen. 
Howe  to  command  the  troops 
designated  to  drive  the  American 
forces    from    Dorchester    Heights, 


^w 


i  5 


wfflif  M 


Mti| 


iirt 


I 


418 


Index. 


261  ;  proceeds  to  Halifax  with  the 
royal  forces,  261  ;  commissioned 
LieuteiKint-General,  262 ;  displays 
valor  at  the  capture  of  Fort  Wash- 
ington, 262  ;  becomes  Haron  Percy, 
263;  takes  part  in  the  capture  of 
Newport,  R.  I.,  2(53;  having  been 
accused  by  Gen.  Howe  of  dis- 
obeying orders,  he  obtains  leave  of 
absence  and  returns  to  England, 
263 ;  tributes  to  his  character  and 
conduct  in  America,  263 ;  his  gen- 
erosity, 263,  264 :  moves  tlie  address 
in  the  House  of  Lords  to  the  King, 
and  defends  the  officers  of  the  army 
in  America,  264;  his  speech  in  mov- 
ing the  address,  264  ;  his  second  mar- 
riage, 265;  his  letter  to  the  Rt.  Hon. 
George  Ross,  complaining  of  neg- 
lect by  the  ministry,  265;  resigns 
the  colonelcy  )f  his  regiment,  and 
becomes  commander  of  the  Grena- 
dier Guards,  265;  succeeds  his 
father  as  Duke  of  Northumberland, 
266 ;  made  General  in  the  army, 
and  Knight  of  the  Garter,  266;  on 
account  of  illness  withdraws  from 
public  view,  266 ;  his  last  years,  266 ; 
organizes  and  supports  a  large  body 
of  yeomanry  as  a  military  force,  2fi6 ; 
his  annual  income,  266:  his  death 
and  ])urial,  267  ;  his  children,  267. 

Pettit,  Thomas,  333. 

Philip's  War,  150,  152. 

Phillips.  John,  335. 

Phillipps,  Sir  Thomas.  321. 

Pickering,  Charles  W..  xvi. 

Pickering.  Capt.  John,  183,  20S,  211, 
212,  214,  330. 

Pigot,  Col.  Sir  .Robes  t,  Hart.,  256. 


Pike,  Rev.  John,  170,  171. 
Pike,  Major  Robert,  200,  201,  204. 
Pim  (or  Pym),  Charles,  28 1. 
Pim  (or  Pym),  Mrs.  Elizabeth  (Ran- 
dolph), 281,  290. 
Pinckiiame,  Richard,  334. 
Places :  — 

Albany,  N.  Y.,  170,  236. 

Amsterdam,  Neth.,  295,  296,  300, 
301,  377,  380,  381. 

Annapolis,  Md.,  320. 

Ashton  Court,  Eng.,  96. 

Ashtop  Phillips,  Eng.,  95. 

Athlone,  Ire.,  245. 

Bangor,  Eng.,  283. 

Barbados,  107,  109,  273,  299,  302, 

325.  339.  340. 

Battcombe,  Eng.,  106,  107 

Beckenham,  Eng.,  265. 

Bermuda,  49,  280. 

Berwick,  Me.,  109,  217. 

Betchworth,  Eng.,  232. 

Beverly,  Mass.,  307. 

Biddeford,  Me.,  no. 

Biddenden,  Eng.,  285. 

Boston,  Mass.,  12,  16.  27,  34,  39, 
45.  54.  57.  loi,  102,  III,  131,  133, 
135.  136,  138.  141-148.  152,  164, 
169,  170,  184,  186,  201,  204,211, 
21S,  226,  227-234,  237,  238,  241- 
244,  252-262,  27  f,  286,  288,  291- 
293,  296.  300-304,  311,  312,  31 S- 
320,  326,  331,  343-358,  363,  364, 
370,  382,  386-38S. 

Bosworth  Field,  Eng.,  91. 

Breda,  Neth.,  128,  129. 

Brigliton,  Mass.,  233. 

Bristol,  Eng.,  283. 

Bristol,  Me.,  I  ro. 

Brookline,  Mass.,  54. 


>    \ 


'I 


Index. 


Buckland,  Eng.,  232. 
Budockshecl,  Eng.,  96. 
Cambridge,  Mass.,  4,  8,  17,36,39, 
44,47,  St.  147,  233,  256,  259,261. 
Canterbury,  Eng.,  122,  279,  2S3-285, 

290,  293. 
Casco    (Portland),    Me.,    nS,    134, 

167,  218,  356,  357. 
Charlestown,  Mass.,  130,  170,  256. 
Cheddar,  Eng.,  106. 
Chelmsford,  Mass.,  261. 
Chickamauga,  Tenn.,  16. 
Cocheco   (in  Dover),  N.  H.,    164, 

167. 
Cockington,  Eng.,  106,  107. 
Concord,  Mass.,  258. 
Concord,  N.  H  ,31. 
Curagoa,  W.  I.,  ,28,  ,37,  357,361, 

376,  382-3S5,  39 f,  399. 
Dartington,  Eng.,  69,  71,  74,  76,  79, 

Pi,  86,  87,  loi,  102. 
Dartmouth,    Eng.,   64,  68,  69,   75, 

lOI,    110,    112. 

Deal,  Eng.,  284. 
Domfront,  France,  73. 
Dorking,  Eng.,  232. 
Dover,  N.  H.,  3,  5,  7, ,,.  ,2,30,  no, 
166,  170,   178,   179,  ,85,  186,  188, 
198,  205-210,   219,  220,  329,  330, 
333- 
Dover  Neck,  N.  H.,  166. 
Eliot,  Me.,  109. 
Exeter,  Eng.,  70,  71,  106. 
Exeter,  N.  H.,  104,   m,  112,    180. 
185,  186,  188,  192,   198,  207,  209, 
210,  221,  329,  330,  33r,  332. 
Falmouth,  Me.,  64. 
Fern  Bank,  Eng.,  89. 
Fox  Point  (Newington),  N.  H.,  2,1^ 
t66,  168,  170.  171,  219. 


419 


Galena,  111.,  no. 

Gemesic    (or   Gemisic)    Fort,    132, 

'40,  345.  362,  365,  368. 
Geneva,  Svvitz.,  292. 
Glasgow,  Scot.,  259. 
Gomerock  (or   Godmorock),  Eng., 

lOI. 

Gorgeana  (York),  Me.,  97,  121. 
Great  Fulford,  Eng.,  76. 
Greenland  Dock,  Eng.,  105. 
Greenland,  N.  H.,  68,  103-105,  108, 

"o.  i"..333- 
Halifax,  N.  S.,  21,  272,  273,  274. 
Hammes,  Eng.,  293. 
Hampton,  N.  H.,  in,  178-1S0,  186, 

188,  198,  206-210. 
Heavitree,  Eng.,  106-108. 
Ipswich,  Eng.,  295. 
Ipswich,  Mass.,  no. 
Isles  of  Slioals,  N.  H.,  64,  85. 
Jamaica,  W.  I.,  130,  325. 
Jamaica  Plain,  Mass.,  6,  357. 
Kinsale,  Ire.,  252. 
Kittery,  Eng.,  loi,  iio. 
Kittery,  Me.,  4,  loi,  io9-n2,  119- 

121,  170.  339. 
Kittery  Court,  Eng,  no. 
Leamington,  Eng.,  26. 
Lexington,  Mass.,  257,  258,  271. 
Limerick,  Ire.,  245. 
Liverpool,  Eng.,  18,  26. 
London,  Eng.,  22,  23,  24,  27,  96,  117, 
121,  130,  22S,  230,  234,  256,  259, 
262,  267,  281,  283,  28S.  289,  291, 
29s.  320,  343,  383,  3S4,  389.  393, 
394-  396,  398- 
Marlinico,  W.  I.,  136. 
Modliury,  Eng.,  67,  70,  92,  93,  122. 
Monhegan  Island,  Me.,  83. 
Montreal,  Can.,  236. 


■ay 


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11 


f    ! 


iff 


i  V 


420 


Index. 


Muscongus  Island,  Me.,  152. 

Nantasket,  Mass.,  369. 

New  Albion,  86. 

Newburyport,  Mass.,  28,  34,  36,  39, 

235- 
Newcastle,  Eng  ,  103, 

New  Castle,   N.  H.,   100,  123,   194, 

329-  337,  339 
Newfickl,  .Me.,  3,  4,  37. 
New  Haven,  Conn.,  130. 
Newichawanneck    (Berwick),    Me., 

164. 
Newington,  N.  H.,  161,  163, 166,  333. 
New  Loudon,  Conn.,  262. 
Newport,  R.  I.,  262,  263. 
Newton  Centre,  Mass.,  226. 
New  York,   136-139,  157,  170,  192, 

231-234,  262,  294,  312,  320,  362, 

376,  395- 
Noyon,  France,  92. 
Nynehead  Court,  Eng.,  106. 
Oy.ster  River,  166. 
Pascataqua,  64,  75,  82,  84,  88,  100, 

102,  103,  104,  167,  2or,  210,  330, 

331.  333.  334- 
Pascataqua  River,  loS,  163,  166,  178, 

181,  329.  332,  338. 
Pemaquid,  Me.,  397,  398. 
Pentagotit,  Me.,  13S-140. 
Philadelphia,  Pa  ,  12,  13,  123,  320. 
Plymouth,  Eng.,  64,  68,  75,  92,  93, 

99. 
Portland,  Me.,  112,  133,  258. 
Portland,  Ore.,  41. 
Port  Royal,  365,  368. 
Portsmouth,  Eng.,  231,  389. 
Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  44.  45,  103,  no, 

11S-123,    164-166,   175,  180,  183- 

193,   198,  205,  207-210,  213,  329, 

338.  339- 


Potuxent,  Md.,  281. 

(2uebec,  Can.,  345. 

Rochelle,  France,  346,  348. 

Rochester,  Eng.,  283. 

Rome,  Italy,  14,  47,  301. 

Roxbury,  Mass.,  305. 

Salem,  Mass.,  144,  255,  257,  326. 

Salisbury,  Eng.,  2S4. 

Salisbury,  Mass.,  2C0. 

Salmon  Falls,  N.  II  ,218. 

Sandridge,  Eng.,  87. 

Saugus  (Lynn),  Mass.,  130. 

Schenectady,  N.  Y.,  209. 

Sevenoaks,  Eng.,  283. 

Somcrville,  Mass.,  234. 

Soutli  Berwick,  Me.,  109. 

Squamscolt  (Exeter)  River,  N.  H., 

104,  332. 
Stratford-on-Avon,  Eng.,  22,  24-27. 
Stratham,  N.  II.,  333, 
Strawberry   Bank    (Portsmouth    N. 

H.),  166,  329. 
Surinam,  South  America,  128. 
Swallowfield,  Eng.,  289. 
St.  Budeaux,  Eng.,  94. 
St.  Domingo,  W.  I.,  345. 
St.  John,  N.  B.,  362,  368,  383,  38s, 

390-394. 
St.  Louis,  Mo.,  48. 
Taunton,  Eng.,  106. 
Tawton,  Eng.,  76. 
Totnes,  Eng.,  69,  79. 
Underleigh,  Eng.,  76. 
Washington,  D.  C,  248. 
Wells,  Me.,  170,  338. 
Westbury,  Eng.,  no. 
West  Cliffe.  Eng.,  iio. 
Windsor,  Eng.,  3S2. 
Wohurn,  Eng,,  130. 
Wraxall,  Eng.,  96. 


Il 


Index. 


421 


Writtle,  Eng.,  96. 

York,  Me,,  106. 
Plater,  George,  28 1. 
Piatt,  Peter,  289. 
Piatt,  Sarah,  288. 
Pomfret,  William,  335. 
Poor,  Hon.  John  Alfred,  33. 
Pormort,  Phiiumon,  333. 
Porter,  Judith,  287. 
Povey,  John,  294,  324. 
Po'.vnall,  Gov.  Thomas,  231, 
Pryor,  Martha,  286. 

Quina,  C,  361,  363,  364. 

Quint,  Rev.  Alonzo  H.,  5,  30,  34. 

Ralegh,  Sir  Carew,  70. 

Ralegh,  Sir  Walter,  2',,  66,  67,  70,  72, 
8^.  87,  93,9^-100,  III,  123. 

Ralegh,  Walter,  70. 

Randolph,  Dr.  Avery,  282, 

Randolph,  Bernard,  279,  283-285,  290- 
292,  323.  325- 

Randolph,  Catiiarine  (Wake),  284,  286. 

Randolph,  Charles,  2S3. 

Randolph,  Deborah,  280,  284,  2S6,  290. 

Randolph,  Dr.  Edmund,  279,  284,  285. 

Randolph,  Edmund,  283,  284,  289. 

Randolph,  Edward,  mentioned,  33.  118, 
133,  184,  192;  Mr.  Tuttle's  commu- 
nication concerning  his  character 
and  public  life  to  the  Mass.  Hist. 
Society,  277-279  ;  his  Will,  280, 281  ; 
his  ancestry,  2S2-287  ;  his  three 
marriages  and  his  children,  285-290 ; 
his  brothers  Gyles  (or  Giles)  and 
Bernard,  290-292  ;  his  supposed  re- 
lationship to  Gyles  Master,  some- 
time a  lawyer  in  Boston,  293  ; 
charges   Dr.  Increase  Mather  with 


being  the  author  of  a  letter  signed 
"  I.  M.,"  addre.ssed  to  the  Rev. 
'i'iinmas  Gouge,  295  ;  the  forged 
letter,  296-300 ;  Dr.  Mather's  let- 
ter to  Dudley  denying  the  author- 
ship of  the  letter,  and  charging 
Randolph  with  the  forgery,  300- 
303;  Randolph's  suit  for  defamation 
against  Mather,  and  the  trial  of  the 
same,  304-308 ;  the  question  as  to 
the  authorship  of  the  forced  letter 
considered,  291  «.,  298,  308,  308  «., 
309;  a  list  of  epithets  applied  by 
historical  writers  to  Edward  Ran- 
dolph, 309-311  ;  verses  concerning 
him,  311-314;  his  character  and  ca- 
reer in  America  considered,  314-318 ; 
involved  in  the  overthrow  of  the 
government  of  Andros,  sent  to  Eng. 
land  with  Andros  and  others  for 
trial  by  the  King's  order,  and  re- 
le.ised  without  trial,  318-319;  ap- 
l)ointed  surveyor- general  of  the 
King's  customs  in  North  America 
and  the  British  West  India  Islands 
319;  his  subsequent  movements  in 
America,  and  his  death,  320-321  ; 
his  letters  and  papers,  321  ;  a  list 
of  his  letters  and  papers  in  print, 
322-325  ;  his  letters  to  Gyles  Ran- 
dolph and  John  Usher,  325,  326. 

Randolph,   Elizabeth,   280,    2S1,   286, 
290. 

Randolph,   Elizabeth    (Adcock),  284, 
286. 

Randolph,  Elizabeth  (Best),  283,  286, 
288. 

Randolph,  Frances,  293. 

Randolph,  Dr.  Francis,  283. 

Randolph,  Francis,  284. 

Randolph,  Dr.  George,  283. 


IH 


.  i 


Mi  I  ill 


i 


422 


Index. 


Randolph,  Georgiana  H.  (Sherlock), 

2S4,  286. 
Randolph,  Grace  (Blome),  283,  286. 
Randolph,  Grace  (Grenville),  286,  288. 
Randolph,   Gyles,  279,    285,    290-292, 

323.  325- 

Randolph,  Rev.  Henry  J.,  293. 

Randolph,  Herbert,  283,  2S4,  286,  289. 

Randolph,  Rev.  Herbert,  284. 

Randolph,  Jane,  285,  286,  290. 

Randolph,  Jane  (Gibbon),  279,  285, 
2S6. 

Randolph,  Jane  (Hodden),  283,  286. 

Randolph,  Jane  (Wilson),  284,  286. 

Randolph,  John,  282,  283,  292. 

Randolph,  Dr.  John,  Bishop,  282-284. 

Randolph,  Sir  John,  Knt.,  282. 

Randolph.  Martha  (Pryor),  286. 

Randolph,  Mary,  283,  285,  286,  290. 

Randolph,  Mary  (Caslillion),  283,  284, 
286,  289. 

Randolph,  Mary  (Denew),  284,  286. 

Randolph,  M.ary  (Packe),  2S3. 

Randolph,  Rosabella  Stanhope  (Wil- 
son), 286. 

Randolph,  Sarah,  2S0,  281,  290. 

Randolph,  Sarah  (Piatt),  286,  288,  2S9. 

Randolph,  Dr.  Thomas,  283,  284. 

Randolph,  Sir  Thomas,  282. 

Randolph,  Sir  Thomas  (Earl  of  Mur- 
ray), 282. 

Randolph,  Thomas,  2S2. 

Randolph,  William,  292. 

Randolph,  Rev.  William  Cater,  293. 

Rawbone,  George,  333. 

Rawdon,  Lord  Francis,  253. 

Rawlins,  James,  335. 

Rawson,  Edward,  Secretary  of  Mas- 
s.achusetts,  343.  .344,  345.  35'-  35^, 
3SS-3S7.  388. 


Raynes,  Francis,  115. 

Read,  Robert,  333. 

Rhoade,  Capt.  John,  138,  143,  145, 151, 
152,  156,  159,  3SO-3S-.  354-356; 
his  indictment  and  sentence  on  the 
charge  of  piracy,  359  ;  his  defence 
before  the  Court  of  Admiralty,  360- 
;;76  ;  his  commission  from  the  Dutch 
West  India  Company,  377,  37S  ;  men- 
tioned, 381,  386-388,  391,  393;  cor- 
respondence relating  to  him  between 
the  States-General  and  the  English 
Court,  389-399- 

Richmond,  Earl  of  (Henry  Tudor),  91. 

Rishworth,  Edward,  115,  333. 

Robbins,  Rev.  Chandler,  his  note  on 
the  forged  letter  signed  "  I.M.."  309. 

Roberts,  Joiin,  210. 

Roberts,  Thomas,  334. 

Robin-Hood  (or  Whood),  217,  218. 

Roderigo,  Peter,  charged  with  piracy, 

143,  149-151,  '55.  352-357;  his  in- 
dictment and  sentence,  358,  359  ;  his 
defence  before  the  Court  of  Admi- 
ralty, 360-376  ;  mentioned,  386-3S8. 

Rooke,  Ann,  288. 

Rookc,  Sir  George,  288. 

Ross,  Rt.  Hon.  George,  265. 

Posse,  George.  295. 

Russell,  Richard,  149,  358,  359. 

Russell,  Lord  William,  297.  300. 

Safford,  Edward  F.,  xvi. 

Safford,  Prof.  Truman  Henry,  men- 
tioned, 8,  17  ;  his  reminiscences  of 
Charles  Wesley  Tuttle,  47,  48. 

St.  Clair,  Lieut.-Gen.  James,  229,  236. 

Srltonstall,  Robert,  103 

Bancroft,  Archbishop  William,  321- 
324- 


V  { 


«t 


Index. 


423 


Saunders,  Edward,  108. 

Sava-^e,  Ricliard,  280. 

Scarlett,  Capt.  Samuel,  148. 

Scottow,  Joshua,  338. 

Scottow,  Thomas,  338. 

Screven,  Bridj^et,  336,  339. 

Screven,  Elizabeth,  340. 

Screven,  Rev.  \Vm.,  Baptist  minister, 
c.\i)elled  from  Kittery,  Me.,  339,  340. 

Secchi,  I'rof.  Angelo,  14,  47. 

Sedgwick,  Elizabeth  (Howe),  130. 

Sedgwick,  Gen.  Robert,  130,  373,  374. 

Sedgwick,  William,  130. 

Seymour,  Algernon,  246,  247. 

Seymour,  Ch.irles,  246. 

Seymour,  Sir  Edward,  71,  8r,  89. 

Seymour,  Elizabeth,  247. 

Shafts  bury.  Earl  of  (Anthony  Ashley 
Cooper),  29^),  300. 

Shakspeare,  William,  mentioned,  24, 
25,  26,  27. 

Shapleigh,  Alexander,  75,  no. 

Shapleigh,  Nicholas,  112,  »i8. 

Shapley.  J.  Hamilton,  xvi,  i  [2. 

Sherhorn,  Capt.,  164. 

Sherborn,  Samuel,  206,  214. 

Sherlock,  Col.  Francis,  284. 

Sherlock,  Georgiana  H.,  284. 

Sherlock,  James,  119,  304. 

Sherman,  John,  358. 

Shirley,  Gov.  William,  229. 

Shrimpton,  Samuel,  145,  291,  323,325. 

Shute,  James  G.,  6,  7. 

Slafter,  Rev.  Edmund  F.,  17;  extract 
from  his  Memoir  of  Charles  Wes- 
ley Tuttle,  4('>,  47. 

Small.  I^lizabeth,  336. 

Small  Lines,  220. 

Smitli,  Bartholomew.  334. 

Smith,  Deborah  (Randolph),  286,  290. 


Smith,  Capt.  John,  83,  85,  86. 

Smith,  Roi)ert,  333. 

Smith,  Dr.  Thomas,  286-290. 

Smithson,  Sir  Hugh,  247,  248. 

Smyth,  Elizabeth,  96. 

Smytli,  Sir  Hugh,  96. 

Somerset,  Duke  of  (Edward  Seymour), 

7'- 
Somerset,  IJuke  of  (Charles  Seymour), 

246. 
Southwell,  Sir  Robert,  288,  290. 
Sovereigns :  — 

Charles  I.,  64,  67,  95,  105,  109,  332. 

Charles  H.,  ir2  117,  132,  135-137, 
154-156,  1S1-193,  244,  245,  29S, 
317.  341,  3S2-394- 

Cromwell,  130,  131. 

Edward  I.,  80,  90,  91. 

i:d ward  II.,  282. 

Edward  III.,  <So,  2j6. 

Edward  VI.,  Si. 

Elizabeth,  fi6,  70,  74,  78,  81,  90,  94, 
95,  98,  280. 

Francis  E,  95. 

Geojge  II,,  247. 

George  III.,  227,  228,  246,  249,  251, 
252,  264,  271,  273,  274. 

Henry  II.,  67,  72,  76. 

Henry  IV  of  France,  92. 

Henry  VII.,  68. 

Henry  VIII.,  67,  69,  71. 

James  I.,  70,  79,  82,  87,  90,  98,  176. 

James  II.,  245,  246,  317,  337. 

Mary  (I.),  69. 

Mary  (II.),  2S0. 

Prince  ol  Orange,  r28,  136-140,  245, 

3'''r-38i.  399- 
Richard  II.,  80. 

William  and  Mary,  207,  245,317,  319. 
Soward,  Robert,  333. 


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Index. 


Spenser,  Capt.,  368. 

Spofford,  Harriet  Prescoct,  her  recol- 
J'ictions  of  Charles  Wesley  Tuttle,  42- 
44  ;  her  biographical  sketch  of  Mrs. 
Mary  Louisa  Park  Tuttle,  55-59. 

Spofford,  Dr.  Richard  S.,  235. 

Spofford,  Richard  S.,  28  ;  his  tribute 
to  Mr.  Tuttle,  39-42. 

Spofford,  Frances  Maria,  235. 

Spofforth,  Samuel,  280. 

Spry,  Rt.  Worshipful  William,  Judge 
of  -he  Court  of  Vice-Admiralty 
over  America,  273  ;  his  death,  273  ; 
his  proclamation  respecting  the 
Court,  273,  274. 

Squamscott  Patent,  103  «.,  104  «. 

Squando,  Indian  chief,  118. 

Stanbury,  Thomas,  307. 

Stark,  G'-n.  John,  254. 

Starr,  Edward,  334. 

Steenwyck,  Cornells,  mentioned,  153, 
156,  159;  his  commission  from  the 
Dutch  West  India  Company  as  Gov- 
ernor of  Acadie,  378-380. 

Stoddard,  Simeon,  307. 

Stone,  John,  358. 

Storer,  William,  334. 

Storre,  Augustine,  333. 

Stoughton,   Judge   William,  149,   156, 

35«.  359- 
Stuart,  Lady  Anne,  249. 
Suiet,  Richard,  36S. 
Swadden,  Philip,  334, 
Svveetzer,  Thomas  H.,  39. 
Swett,  John,  359. 
Symonds,   Samuel,    Deputy-Governor 

of  Mass.,   149,  358,  359. 

Taylor,  Alice,  287. 
Teddar,  Steven,  335. 


Temple,  Sir  Thomas,  131,  132. 
Thaxter,  Mrs.  Celia,  loi. 
Tnaxter,  John,  101. 
Thing,  Jonathan,  214. 
Thomas,  Hon.  Benjamin  F.,  33. 
Thomas,  John,    149,    152,    357,    376, 

387- 
Thompson,  Dr.  Robert,  7. 
Thomson,  David,  82,  178,  181. 
Toby,  Henry,  333. 
Treat,  Gov.,  203,  324. 
Tufton,  Anne,  279. 
Tufton,  Robert,  279. 
Turfrey,  George,  307. 
Tuttle,    Charles    Wesley,   mentioned, 

xi,  xii,  xiii,  xiv,  xv ;  memoir  of,  by 

John  Ward  Dean,  1-54. 
Tuttle  Family,  30. 
Tuttle,  Lieut.  Francis,  5. 
Tuttle,  Freeman,  4. 
Tuttle,  Prof.  Horace  Parnell,  4,  13,40. 
Tuttle,  John,  3,  205,  208,  210,  214. 
Tuttle,  John  W.,  5,30. 
Tuttle,  Mary,  3,  4. 
Tuttle,  Mrs.  Mary  Louisa  (Park),  48, 

54;   memoir  of,  55-59;  mentioned, 

xiii.  xvi,  235. 
Tuttle,  Moses,  3. 
Tyng,  Edward,  357-359. 

Underhill,  Capt.  John,  102. 
Ungroufe,  John,  335. 
Urin,  Edward,  356,  387. 
Usher,  John,  1 17,  325,  326. 

Van  Beuningen,  C,  ambassador  from 
the  States-General  to  the  Court  of 
Great  Britain,  his  letter  to  the  King 
complaining  of  the  interference  of 
the  English  of  Massachusetts  with 


Index. 


425 


the  Dutch  in  Acadie,  382  ;  men- 
tioned, 383,  384,  385,  389. 

Van  Tromp,  Admiral  Count  Cornelis, 
135- 

Vaughan,  William,  164-166,  i63,  170, 
188,  191,  20/t,  205,  211,  214,  221. 

Vetch,  Col.,  254. 

Wadleigh,  Robert,  214. 

Wake,  Catharine,  284. 

Wake,  Dr.  Edward,  284. 

Walcott,  Humphrey,  281. 

Waldron  (or  Waldern),  Richard,  188, 
191,  200,  204,  211,  214,  334. 

Waldron,  Richard,  Jr.,  200. 

Waldron,  William,  334,  350,  356,  ^64, 
387. 

Walker,  Nathaniel,  344. 

Walker,  Samuel,  333. 

Walles,  James,  333. 

Walpole,  Sir  Horace,  247,  250. 

Walton,  George,  333,  356,  zn. 

Warden,  Thomas,  333. 

Warden,  William,  333. 

Warren,     Admiral    Sir    Peter,    229, 
236. 

Warren,  Winslow,  52. 

Washington,      Gen.      George,     259, 
261. 

V/astill,  John,  334. 

Waterhouse,  Prof.  Sylvester,  his  trib- 
ute to  Charles  Wesley  Tuttle 
48. 

Weare,  Nathaniel,  202,  204,  206,  208- 
211,  214. 

Webb,  Christopher,  293. 

Webb,  George,  335. 

Webster,  Sydney,  28. 

Weeks,  T.  Clement,  ;cvi. 

Weld,  Thomas,  358. 


Wenbourne,  William,  333. 
Wentworth,  Gov.  Benning,  247 
Wentworth,  Hon.  John,  3,  49. 
Weniworth,  Sir  John,  194. 
Wentworth,  William,  333. 
West.  John,  294. 
Weston,  Thomas,  Jr.,  58. 
Whalley,    Major-Gen.    Edward,    299, 

302. 
Wharton,  Richard,  324,  325. 
Wheelwright,   Rev.    John,    178  ;    ex- 
pelled from  Massachusetts,  founds 
a  church  at   Exeter,  N.  H.,  and  a 
local  government,  330,  331. 
White,  Capt.  Paul,  109,  iii. 
Whitwell,  William,  359. 
Wight,  Thomas,  333. 
Wilder,    Hon.     Marshall     Pinckney, 

49. 
Wilkinson,  Thomas,  326. 
Wilks,  Francis,  228. 
Willard,  Simon,  230,  358,  359. 
Williams,  Gov.  Francis,  330. 
Williams,  John,  143,  149,  152,  253,357, 

387- 
Williamson,  Sir  Joseph,  Secretary  of 

State,  155,  383,  384. 
Willington,  Richard,  358. 
Wilson,  Gen.  Sir  Robert,  286. 
Wilson,  Rosabella  Stanhope,  286. 
Wilson,  Samuel,  281. 
Wilson,  Thomas,  333. 
Winslow,  Gov.  Josiah,  311. 
Winthrop,  Adam,  307. 
Winthrop,   Hon.   Robert  Charles,  his 
remarks  on  the  death  of  Charles  W. 
Tuttle,  50,  51. 
Wiswell,  Capt.,  165. 
Witherick,  Mrs.  Elizabeth (Cutt-ElIiotV 
loi,  340. 


54 


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426 


Index. 


Witherick,  Robert,  340. 
Withers,  Thomas,  109,  no,  115. 
Wolfe,  Major-Gen.  James,  242. 
Woodbury,    Hon.   Charles   Levi,  xvi, 

37 ;  his  tribute  to  Charles  W.  Tuttle, 

49. 


Woodman,  Capt.  John,  164,  209. 
Woodmansey,  John,  358. 
Woolsey,  Cardinal,  24.       . 

York,  Duke  of  (Thomas  Stuart),  177. 
Young,  Rev.  Edward,  43. 


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